Finance (No. 2) Bill Considered in Committee [Mr Lindsay
Hoyle in the Chair] Clause 1 Income tax charge for tax year 2017-18
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill. The
Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle) With this it
will be convenient to discuss the following: Clauses 2 to 6,
16 to 47, and 52 to 56 stand part....Request free trial
Finance (No. 2) Bill
Considered in Committee
[Mr in the Chair]
Clause 1
Income tax charge for tax year 2017-18
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Clauses 2 to 6, 16 to 47, and 52 to 56 stand part.
Government amendments 13 to 29.
That schedule 3 be the Third schedule to the Bill.
Government amendments 30 to 56.
That schedules 4 to 15 be schedules to the Bill.
1.03 pm
-
The Financial Secretary to the Treasury (Jane
Ellison)
I will speak briefly, as we have a fair amount to get
through this afternoon. Obviously, I shall attempt to
address any points that are made during the debate.
The Bill is progressing on the basis of consensus and
therefore, at the request of the Opposition, we are not
proceeding with a number of clauses. However, there has
been no policy change. These provisions will make a
significant contribution to the public finances, and the
Government will legislate for the remaining provisions at
the earliest opportunity, at the start of the new
Parliament. The Government remain committed to the digital
future of the tax system, a principle widely accepted on
both sides of the House. We recognise the need for the
House to consider such measures properly, as called for by
my right hon. Friend the Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie)
and his Treasury Committee. That is why we have decided to
pursue those measures in a Finance Bill in the next
Parliament, in the light of the pressures on time that
currently apply.
Clauses 1 and 3 provide for the annual charging of income
tax in the current financial year and maintain the basic,
higher and additional rates at the current level. The
annual charge legislated for in the Finance Bill is
essential for its continued collection, and it will enable
the funding of vital public services during the coming
year. Maintaining these rates, while increasing the
tax-free personal allowance and the point at which people
pay the higher rate of tax, means that we are delivering on
important manifesto commitments. On top of that, as of
April this year, increases in the personal allowance since
2010 will have cut a typical basic-rate taxpayer’s income
tax bill by more than £1,000, taking 1.3 million people out
of income tax in this Parliament alone.
Clause 4 will maintain the starting-rate limit for savings
income—applied to the savings of those with low earnings—at
its current level of £5,000 for the 2017-18 tax year;
clause 6 will charge corporation tax for the forthcoming
financial year; and clauses 17 and 18 will make changes in
the taxation of pensions. Clause 18 legislates for a
significant anti-avoidance measure announced at the spring
Budget. It will make changes to ensure that pension
transfers to qualifying recognised overseas pension schemes
requested on or after 9 March 2017 will be taxable. The
charge will not apply if the individual and the pension
savings are in the same country, if both are within the
European economic area or if the pension scheme is provided
by the individual’s employer.
Before the changes were announced in the spring Budget, an
individual retiring abroad could transfer up to £1 million
in pension savings, without facing a charge, to a pension
scheme anywhere in the world provided that it met certain
requirements. Overseas pension transfers had become
increasingly marketed and used as a way to gain an unfair
tax advantage on pension savings that had had UK tax
relief. That was obviously contrary to the policy rationale
for allowing transfers of UK tax-relieved pension savings
to be made free of UK tax for overseas schemes. This charge
will deter those who seek to gain an unfair tax advantage
by transferring their pensions abroad. Exemptions allow
those with a genuine need to transfer their pensions abroad
to do so tax-free.
Clause 17 will make various changes in the tax treatment of
specialist foreign pension schemes to make it more
consistent with the taxation of domestic pensions.
Clause 21 will simplify the payment of distributions by
some types of investment fund. Following the Government’s
introduction of the personal savings allowance, 98% of
adults have no tax to pay on savings income. In line with
that, the clause will remove the requirement to deduct at
source tax that must subsequently be reclaimed by the
saver.
Clauses 45 to 47 provide for the removal of the tax
advantages of employee shareholder status for arrangements
entered into on or after 1 December 2016, in response to
evidence suggesting that companies were not using the
status for its intended purpose and that it therefore was
not delivering value for money. The status was introduced
to increase workforce flexibility by creating a new class
of employee, but it became apparent that it was being
widely used as a tax planning device, rather than for its
intended purpose of helping businesses to recruit.
Evidence suggests that companies, particularly those owned
by private equity funds, were using employee shareholder
status as a tax-efficient way to reward senior staff. In
many cases, contract provisions were used to replace the
statutory rights that had been given up, which was
undermining the purpose of the status. That continued to be
the case despite the introduction of the £100,000 lifetime
limit on capital gains tax-exempt gains in the 2016 Budget.
The Government therefore announced in the 2016 autumn
statement that they would remove the tax reliefs associated
with the status and close the status itself to new
arrangements at the next legislative opportunity. The
action that we are taking tackles abuse and increases the
fairness of the tax system.
-
(Bootle) (Lab)
I thank the Minister for her opening remarks about
consensus, with which I fully concur. We are here today to
debate what is effectively a condensed version of the Bill
for which my colleagues and, indeed, everyone else had been
preparing, with a view to taking part in a number of Public
Bill Committee sittings over a number of weeks to
scrutinise properly the longest Finance Bill that has ever
been produced. That is the context in which I shall make my
comments.
The Prime Minister’s announcement outside No. 10 and the
subsequent vote mean we do not have sufficient time in this
Parliament to give the full Bill the proper parliamentary
oversight it requires and deserves, as I am sure Members
will understand. It is clear that the Treasury was unaware
of the Prime Minister’s plans for a snap
election—otherwise, it would not have introduced the
longest ever Finance Bill—but the Opposition recognise the
unique scenario we are in and the Government’s
responsibility to levy taxes, and I am sure the Minister
recognises our responsibility to scrutinise the Bill in as
open and transparent a manner as we possibly can. That is
why we have acted in good faith to ensure that a version of
the Bill can pass before Parliament is dissolved.
Our approach to the pre-election process and the
presentation of the condensed version of the Bill has been
underlined by two concerns: fiscal responsibility balanced
against parliamentary scrutiny. The Opposition have a
responsibility to taxpayers to ensure as little economic
disruption as possible; we will therefore not attempt to
block any measure in the Bill that has to be levied to
ensure business as usual for our public services, such as
income tax, and nor will we obstruct tax that is already in
the process of collection. But of course we cannot give the
Government carte blanche, as we have made clear.
There are many clauses in the Bill that we can and should
wait to deal with until after the general election, as that
would provide the opportunity for them to be properly
scrutinised. The one exception is the soft drinks levy,
which I will speak about later.
In relation to alcohol duty, the Bill includes measures
that have already been implemented but that we opposed in
the Budget resolutions. They include the Government’s
decision to raise alcohol duty in line with inflation,
raising the price of a pint of beer by 2p, a pint of cider
by 1p and a bottle of Scotch whisky by 36p. As I said on
Second Reading, rising business rates and rising inflation
are creating a perfect storm for many small businesses.
Therefore, the decision to raise this duty is a risk.
Another measure that we would have liked to avoid but that
is included as a result of the necessity of the compressed
process that this Bill is going through is the rise in
insurance premium tax. It has already been doubled and this
raises it further. Had there been a longer process, we
would have sought to challenge that, as we did at the
Budget resolution stage, so there is no surprise in this,
but the reality is that the measure is already in effect
due to the resolutions.
On tax avoidance, it is time for a wholesale shift in how
we approach taxation and the treatment of self-employment
given the rise of the Gig economy in recent years. The
Bill originally contained a number of initiatives, and no
doubt we will come back to them in due course.
I welcome the Minister’s statement on the digitalisation of
tax. It will be a great relief to many small businesses
given the onerous requirements for quarterly reporting. No
one is against a move to a digital tax system, but we do
not agree with the rush to implement it.
A large portion of the Bill relates to the introduction of
the soft drinks industry levy, which the Government have
consulted on heavily and on which they have cross-party
support in this House. The levy has popular public support,
too, as a poll has indicated. I want to take this
opportunity to pay particular tribute to Jamie Oliver and
the Obesity Health Alliance, who have campaigned tirelessly
on this issue and on the need for a joined-up Government
obesity strategy, and I must compliment the Minister, who
in her current and previous roles has been a strong
advocate for the levy. We would like to see a review of the
sugar tax levy in due course, if possible. The Minister
might well wish to comment on that. I am sure that a range
of issues, such as in relation to multi-buy discounts, that
could form part of this.
In conclusion, as a responsible Opposition, we will not
stand in the way of passing a Finance Bill before the
election, as that is a necessity. There are some measures
that a Labour Government would bring back, and we will have
an opportunity to scrutinise them in due course, but we
need to get this through and we need to be responsible, and
we will support the Government where required.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
Order. I am about to call the hon. Member for Copeland
(Trudy Harrison), but first I remind the House of the
courtesy that we do not intervene on a maiden speech.
1.15 pm
-
(Copeland)
(Con)
I am grateful for this opportunity to deliver my maiden
speech as the newly elected Member of Parliament for
Copeland, in what is one of the last debates of this
Parliament.
First, I would like to pay tribute to my predecessor,
, who was the Member for
Copeland from 2005 until he stood down in January this
year. It is, in fact, Jamie whom I have to thank for
inspiring my introduction to politics. The very first
parliamentary debate I ever watched was a Westminster Hall
debate called by Jamie and also attended by other Cumbrian
Members—my hon. Friend the Member for Penrith and The
Border (Rory Stewart) and the hon. Member for Westmorland
and Lonsdale (Tim Farron)—to discuss the future of my
children’s school, Captain Shaw’s in Bootle. I saw the
positive impact that MPs in Westminster could have on their
local communities and the powerful influence of their
support, even in remote areas, which I had previously felt
would never be anyone’s political priority.
Like me, Jamie was born, raised and educated in Copeland,
in the fine Georgian harbour town of Whitehaven. He has
served the people of Copeland with great talent and
dedication. As the elected Member, he worked hard for the
rural communities he represented and placed a strong
emphasis on improving health and education. In announcing
his decision to stand down last December, he said he could
achieve more for our community by returning to work in the
nuclear industry at Sellafield than by remaining a Labour
Member of Parliament.
Jamie was a relentless, proud supporter of our local
industry; he championed the world-class specialist skills
that make up our towns and villages. He worked hard to make
the case for Copeland to host the new nuclear power
station, Moorside, adjacent to Sellafield, based on the
strong belief that our workforce are best placed to power
the northern powerhouse; after all, Copeland welcomed the
world’s first nuclear reactor at Sellafield back in 1950.
Our local knowledge, experience and skills in the nuclear
and other highly regulated industries are internationally
recognised and respected.
Sellafield’s safety record is exceptional, and it is seen
as an example of outstanding performance across the globe.
Jamie said that Copeland’s “best days are ahead”, a
statement I agree with and will quote many times. I would
like to take this opportunity to thank Jamie for his
commitment to Copeland and wish him all the very best in
his new role in community development at Sellafield.
Copeland has for centuries pioneered a modern industrial
strategy. Our largest town, Whitehaven, was once Britain’s
third largest trading port, with an extraordinary
shipbuilding reputation thanks to the locally grown,
hard-as-nails oak trees used to build the boats. Our
ancestors sailed the world, securing deals, and returning
with goods which created a crucial global trading centre.
Perhaps that is why the Copeland constituency voted to
leave the EU with such a high majority: because history
provides confidence in our ability to export our knowledge
and products across the globe.
Like true pioneers we do not stand still; innovation is in
our veins. As shipbuilding and rum sales declined, we dug
deep for prosperity. Mining transformed the towns of
Egremont, Cleator Moor and Millom; indeed, Millom was
widely regarded as an exporter of the world’s highest
quality iron ore.
But we are perhaps best known in Cumbria for a delightful
little rabbit, Peter Rabbit, and his friends Mrs
Tiggywinkle and Squirrel Nutkin, to name just three of
Beatrix Potter’s adorable characters. Writers, artists and
poets have found inspiration in the beautiful Cumbrian
countryside. Wordsworth was sent, under doctors’ orders, to
my home village of Bootle, to aid his recovery from a chest
infection. With 32 miles of coastline in the Copeland
constituency, our air and our landscape are good for the
soul.
Three quarters of the Copeland constituency is situated
within the Lake District national park boundary, which I
hope will become the second world heritage site for the
Copeland constituency, complementing that of Hadrian’s Wall
in Ravenglass. We eagerly await a decision in July to
confirm another world first—the first UNESCO world heritage
site to include an entire national park—thanks to a 20-year
project by the Lake District National Park Authority and
local communities to put Cumbria on the same international
must-visit platform as the Taj Mahal and the great barrier
reef.
I was brought up in Seascale, then I moved to Wasdale,
where I would open my curtains every morning to reveal
Britain’s best view: England’s highest mountain, Scafell.
Well before wild swimming was trendy, my childhood weekends
would be spent paddling in Wastwater, England’s deepest
lake. It is easy to see why Wasdale was the birthplace of
mountaineering, and why the beautiful market town of
Keswick enjoys such popularity with its annual mountain
festival. That is one of the many festivals enjoyed in the
Keswick community calendar.
Although the Lakeland topography is the result of glacial
formations, our landscape and cultural heritage, for which
we are internationally celebrated, are of course man-made.
It is vital to support and protect our farming industry,
both upland and lowland, to ensure that we can all benefit
from quality food production, the highest standards of
animal welfare, conservation and our enormously successful
tourism industry, on which Copeland is so dependent.
I could not give my maiden speech without acknowledging
that I would not be standing in this House today if it were
not for the fantastic and unwavering support of my family,
friends, community and local association. My husband Keith,
my parents, my brother and my daughters—Gabrielle,
Savannah, Francesca and Rosemary—have been incredible
towers of strength. From the moment I decided to stand,
they were with me, campaigning, delivering leaflets and
knocking on doors. My girls have become quite the
persuasive activists, and it has been wonderful to see
their interest in politics grow.
Having four teenage daughters aged 14, 15, 17 and 18, I was
delighted to tip the balance between all history’s women
Members and the current number of male Members, equalling
it at 456. There was a change of reference in my Mother’s
day cards this year, however. Gone were the thanks for the
practical tasks of washing, cooking, cleaning and generally
being there. Instead, each one referred to a theoretical
role, referencing inspiration and pride. That is what a
by-election does to family life, and you can only imagine
their comments about another round of doorstep challenges!
It is, after all, our children and young people who
motivate us to secure a bright future for Britain and
inspire the next generation of leaders.
I watched my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister’s speech
at the Conservative party conference last year and I was so
impressed by her strength and commitment to deliver for
Great Britain. Her ambitions for our country resonated with
my own. As she spoke, I said to myself, “That’s me, that’s
who I am, that’s what I want for my community and for my
country.” I stood for Parliament because I want to get on
and make things happen. I want to be part of a proactive,
positive team that makes a tremendous difference to my
community: the land of Copeland glory.
My husband and I moved from Whitehaven in the north of the
constituency to Bootle, a small village in the south of
Copeland, to raise our young family. Our move was motivated
by a desire for our girls to attend a village primary
school, and in Captain Shaw’s we found our perfect,
quintessential Lakeland school. In 2006, I discovered that
the school was really struggling to make ends meet. It
desperately needed extra funding so I joined the parent
teacher association. I soon realised that the problem was a
decline in pupil numbers, so I joined the governors. Then I
learned that the whole village was declining: we had lost
20 businesses in 20 years. I then applied for the position
of regeneration officer at my local borough council, where
I realised that the challenge was far more extensive.
Copeland desperately requires investment in infrastructure
to be able to thrive. Both professionally, working for the
council, and personally, working with the can-do people in
my community, I worked to shape policy giving our planning
authority the option to be either the nail in our coffin or
the key to our future. We trailed the streets and lanes,
collecting and providing the necessary evidence to shape
the strategic vision for Bootle, which would become a
beacon of hope to other rural communities. We worked hard
to secure the Lake District national park’s biggest ever
mixed-use planning application for Wellbank, a former 12.5
acre Ministry of Defence base. Wellbank will bring 50
homes, a hotel and enterprise areas, and will attract
public and private investment. For Bootle, that will mean
an extra 64 homes, new businesses and, when complete, £20
million of inward investment.
I stood in the Copeland by-election to really make a
success of the modern industrial strategy, to be an asset
to the northern powerhouse and to realise our full
potential as a centre of nuclear excellence and global
exporter of knowledge and products. Copeland needs
investment. I know that as a pioneering, hard-working and
innovative community, we can succeed with the Government’s
support. We have the people with the skills, the potential,
the essential natural resources and a landscape where
people love to live, work, learn and invest. We have every
reason to be optimistic and to become an asset to the
country’s economic performance and world-leading
reputation. Copeland is on the brink of the most exciting,
game-changing transition, but we need investment to
kick-start that transition.
Throughout the election, I campaigned on six vital points.
First, I campaigned to make a success of Brexit, as 62% of
my constituents voted to leave. Secondly, I campaigned to
secure nuclear new build at Moorside benefitting both
Copeland and the country. Our Government must commit
seriously to new nuclear, now more than ever, if we are to
attract the international investment. Thirdly, I campaigned
to bring our road and rail networks up to modern standards,
as they are simply not fit for the modern industrial
strategy. Our infrastructure is holding back our ability to
diversify and thrive. Fourthly, building resilience against
flooding, which wrecks lives and livelihoods, is also
essential.
Fifthly, access and connectivity will be key enablers,
particularly in our rural area, if we are really going to
trade and compete in a global marketplace. Improving mobile
and internet connectivity will make a huge difference to
our quality of life and our ability to do business in a
global market. It will ensure a bright future for our
children and young people, and the announcement in the
spring Budget supporting an enormous increase in technical
apprenticeships is wonderful news for a practical, skilled
community such as mine.
Sixthly, I campaigned to secure services. Ensuring that we
keep our 24-hour, seven-day-a-week, consultant-led
maternity department at West Cumberland hospital in
Whitehaven has been one of my key aims throughout my
election campaign and as a Member of Parliament. I was born
at that hospital and all four of my daughters were born
there too. My community has clearly demonstrated the
importance of retaining such an essential service. In my
first weeks as an MP, I have been able to meet my right
hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Health and I have
visited the hospital to see the new wards for myself and to
meet the staff. I have talked to clinicians and management
in order to understand the barriers to having fully
operational departments in the future. We now have a fully
staffed maternity department, the trust has been removed
from special measures and, in addition to the £90 million
already invested by this Government, we have secured the
funding for the final phase of the hospital’s construction.
Supporting a further recruitment drive with Choose Cumbria
is also my priority. Positive action, listening to
concerns, tackling problems head on and working with the
can-do people in our community who really care—all these
have been my mantra for many years. I will continue to
strive enthusiastically, because I believe passionately in
Copeland, its people and its potential.
Turning to today’s debate on the Finance Bill, I have seen
that this Government are the only Government who can
deliver a stronger, more secure economy. The economy is
getting stronger and growing, the employment rate is at a
record high and the deficit has been reduced enormously
since its pre-financial crisis peak. We are in a much
stronger position than in 2010, but I recognise that we
must not be complacent. We must continue to reduce the
country’s debt and the deficit even further. We cannot, as
previous Labour Governments did, borrow endlessly to plug
holes. We need to get the public finances in good order to
safeguard for the future—for the future I want for my
daughters and their generation.
Finally, Copeland has been my home since I was born. It is
an area I know and love. The opportunity to represent the
communities I grew up in as their Member of Parliament is
truly a great honour, and I will ensure that the voice of
our towns and rural communities is heard loud and clear. I
am utterly committed to Copeland, and I will fight hard to
deliver on promises made to my constituents during the
election.
I am extremely grateful for the time I have been allowed
and for the opportunity to deliver my maiden speech in this
debate.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
I invite the hon. Lady to join the all-party parliamentary
group on rugby league, as Whitehaven have a great
reputation.
1.30 pm
-
(Aberdeen North)
(SNP)
I warmly welcome the new hon. Member for Copeland (Trudy
Harrison) to what is left of this short Parliament. I am
particularly pleased that we have finally broken the
barrier of the number of women who have been elected— I am
really delighted that that has happened. As a child I
holidayed in her constituency, and I fondly remember
visiting where Beatrix Potter created her animals and
visiting the Beatrix Potter museum. I can see the passion
with which the hon. Lady speaks about her constituency and
the amount she obviously cares about the area in which she
was born and bred. She is a truly local MP, so I offer her
a huge welcome to the House. Who knows whether she, or any
of us, will be coming back in June? But welcome, anyway.
This first group of amendments addresses income tax, but I
will also comment on the way that the Bill is progressing
through Parliament. With the surprise announcement of a
general election, the Bill looks rather different from when
it was first introduced. I am sure the Minister is in a
similar position, but we received provisional notification
of the amount of withdrawals and changes only last night,
so there will not be the normal level of scrutiny of some
things in the Bill. There will possibly also be slight
confusion in today’s proceedings, given that so many things
are being withdrawn.
I welcome the Government’s withdrawal of the dividend tax
threshold changes, which we argued against on Second
Reading. I am pleased that they have chosen to do that
because it was a particularly contentious part of the Bill.
More generally on the income tax changes, I have said
previously and am happy to state again that I appreciate
the Government’s increases to the personal allowance and
the minimum wage. But I have said previously and say again
that the Government have not gone far enough. We have a
national living wage, but there has been no calculation of
whether people can live on it.
-
(Glasgow Central)
(SNP)
Does my hon. Friend agree that the national living wage is
not actually a real living wage but a pretend living wage
and that it does not go far enough in that it is available
only to people over the age of 25?
-
I agree that it is a real problem that this increased
minimum wage does not apply to people under 25. Just
because a person is under 25 does not mean they are doing
any less of a job than a person over 25, and the minimum
wage should apply to them just as much as to those who are
older.
The other issue is that the tax credit changes more than
balance out the extra money people are getting from the
increased minimum wage and personal allowance. People at
the bottom of the pile are worse off as a result of the
Government’s decisions. Despite the Government’s talk about
how great the new personal allowance and the new minimum
wage are, they have to be considered in context. People who
work are worse off as a result of the tax credit changes.
More generally, the Government have made a few suggestions
on the taxation of self-employment, some of which have been
withdrawn and some of which have not. They intend to try to
equalise the taxation of employment and self-employment.
However, what is missing is that people in self-employment
do not receive the same benefits as people in employment,
such as maternity leave and holiday entitlement. I have
argued before and will argue again that if the Government
are making changes to self-employment, they need to do so
in the round. The need to stop this piecemeal tinkering and
consider the whole situation. They need to do a proper
review and come back with the results, and then consult on
any changes. Rather than pulling rabbits out of
hats—changing national insurance contributions with very
little consultation, for example—they need to consult
properly on how taxation should look for individuals,
whether they are employed or self-employed.
I appreciate that the Government are undertaking the Taylor
review, but I am not sure it goes far enough. I would like
to see the Taylor review, or a future Government review,
take self-employment into account in the round by
considering all the factors that face the self-employed. We
need to remember the changes in the self-employment
landscape in recent years. We have seen a massive increase
in the number of women and older people in self-employment,
and the Government’s changes do not take into account the
changes in that landscape. I would like to see a holistic
approach, rather than a tinkering approach.
That is all I have to say on this group but, again, I
welcome the Government’s withdrawal of the dividend tax
threshold changes.
-
Mr (Oxford East)
(Lab)
I also congratulate the hon. Member for Copeland (Trudy
Harrison) on a fine maiden speech and thank her for her
well-deserved compliment to her predecessor on his service.
She spoke with passion, wit and understanding of her
beautiful constituency, as well as of Peter Rabbit. None of
us envies her speedy transition from by-election to general
election, but I do congratulate her.
I made my maiden speech to this House on the remaining
stages of the 1987 Finance Bill, so there is a certain
symmetry in my making my last remarks on this one. On the
substance of the Bill, it is too often overlooked—the hon.
Lady talked about balancing public spending—that, although
the Conservative party often talks about balancing the
budget, the last Government to do so were Labour in
2001-02. Right now, it makes sense to invest more in
productive infrastructure, training and public services,
with action to combat poverty and to secure Brexit terms
that enable our country to grow and flourish. I wish we had
a Finance Bill for social justice that stands up for the
many, not the few. That is what we need a Labour Government
for.
It has been a privilege to be an MP, in and out of
government, and I thank the staff of the House, the
Library, those who keep us safe and you, Mr Hoyle, and your
colleagues. I am grateful to all colleagues and wish them
well for the future.
I would like to say a huge thank you to all those who have
helped me serve the wonderful constituency of Oxford East
for 30 years; my family and friends; my neighbours in
Blackbird Leys; our party members and supporters; my trade
union, the Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers;
my office staff and party organisers across the years; and,
most of all, my constituents. Thank you.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
I wish you well in your retirement.
-
(East Lothian)
(SNP)
May I, too, thank the new hon. Member for Copeland (Trudy
Harrison) for such a passionate and entertaining speech? It
is good to have a representative of the land of Beatrix
Potter here in this Chamber. I listened to her last points
about the deficit and her encomium that this Government are
bringing it down. I will be slightly wicked in saying that
I am sure she knows that the Office for Budget
Responsibility is forecasting a rise in Government
borrowing this financial year, and she might care to ask
why that is the case.
I have one specific question for the Minister on this
group, as her introduction notably failed to explain why
clause 5 has been withdrawn. That clause deals with the
proposed reduction in the dividend income that investors in
small companies can take. Are the Government embarrassed by
the clause and is that why it is being withdrawn?
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 1 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 2 to 4 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 5 disagreed to.
Clause 6 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 7
Workers’ services provided to public sector through
intermediaries
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Clauses 8 to 15 stand part.
Government amendment 4.
Clauses 48 to 51 and 124 to 127 stand part.
Government motion to transfer clause 127.
Clauses 128 and 129 stand part.
Government amendment 10.
That schedule 1 be the First schedule to the Bill.
Government amendments 11 and 12.
That schedule 2 be the Second schedule to the Bill.
Government amendment 57.
That schedules 16 to 18 and 27 to 29 be schedules to the
Bill.
New clause 1—Review of international best practice in
relation to tax avoidance and tax evasion—
‘(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within two
months of the passing of this Act, commission a review of
international best practice by Governments and tax
collection authorities in relation to—
(a) the prevention and reduction of tax avoidance
arrangements, and
(b) combatting tax evasion.
(2) A report of the review under subsection (1) must be
laid before the House of Commons within six months of the
passing of this Act.
(3) In this section, “tax avoidance arrangements” mean
arrangements broadly comparable in their effect to
arrangements in the United Kingdom which have the obtaining
of a tax advantage as the main purpose, or one of the main
purposes, of the arrangements.”
-
Before I say something about this group, I wish to comment
on the maiden speech and on the retirement speech that we
just heard. It was a real honour to be here in the Chamber
for the maiden speech by my hon. Friend the Member for
Copeland (Trudy Harrison). She told us what inspired her,
but she also reminded many Conservative Members of how she
inspired us to make the journey up to her beautiful
constituency in the knowledge that we were supporting an
outstanding woman who is rooted in and passionate about her
community. She was generous about her predecessor, which
was nice to hear. I had many friendly dealings with
when he was a Labour
shadow Health Minister and I was in the Department of
Health, so I welcome her comments. It was a wonderful
maiden speech and I look forward to many more speeches from
her in the future, and I wish her and her long-suffering
family well for the weeks ahead. She spoke with conviction
about the contribution of nuclear power, but I think that
in the forthcoming campaign it will be girl power to the
fore.
It is always nice to hear Members reflect on their time in
this House and the way they have served. As the right hon.
Member for Oxford East (Mr Smith) noted, he has had a nice
bookending, with a Finance Bill debate at the start and a
final contribution on Treasury matters. Of course, he also
paid tribute to his constituents. I am sure that in these
circumstances one has a bit less time than one thought to
do a round of goodbyes, but I am sure he will continue to
be active in his community. I congratulate him on his
speech and thank him, on behalf of the whole House, for his
service to it.
This group deals with the taxation of employment income,
and contains some clauses addressing tax avoidance and
evasion. There are a number of clauses and schedules in
this group, including a new clause from the hon. Member for
Aberdeen North (Kirsty Blackman), but I am going to focus
my remarks on clause 7 and schedule 1, which refer to
workers’ services provided to the public sector through
intermediaries and which might be of interest to Members. I
will, of course, address any other areas in the course of
the debate.
Clause 7 and schedule 1 reform the off-payroll working
rules—also known as the intermediaries legislation, or
IR35—for individuals working in the public sector. The tax
system needs to keep pace with the different ways in which
people are working. As the Chancellor set out at both the
autumn statement and the spring Budget, the public finances
face a growing risk from the cost of incorporations.
Indeed, the Government estimate that by 2021-22 the cost to
the Exchequer from people choosing to work through a
company will be more than £6 billion. A not insignificant
part of that cost comes from people who are working through
their own personal service company but who would be classed
as employees if it were not for that company. The
off-payroll working rules are designed to ensure that where
individuals work in a similar way to employees, they pay
broadly the same taxes as employees. However,
non-compliance with these rules is widespread, and Her
Majesty’s Revenue and Customs estimates that less than 10%
of those who should operate these rules actually do so. As
a result, more than £700 million is lost each year across
the economy, of which about 20% relates to non-compliance
in the public sector. This is neither sustainable nor fair,
and we believe that public authorities, in particular, have
a responsibility to taxpayers to ensure that the people
working for them are paying the right amount of tax.
1.45 pm
It is right that individuals doing the same job should be taxed
in a similar way, regardless of whether or not they are working
through a company. The changes being made by clause 7 and
schedule 1 address this non-compliance in the public sector. They
move responsibility for determining whether or not the
off-payroll working rules apply, shifting it to the public
authority that the individual is working for, from 6 April 2017.
They also make the public authority, agency or other third party
that pays the individual’s company responsible for operating PAYE
on those payments. This will improve compliance with the rules,
raising £190 million a year by 2021-22. It is important to note
that the reform does not introduce a new tax liability, nor does
it affect the genuinely self-employed; the change will simply
ensure that the current rules are applied as intended.
To provide certainty and clarity where it is needed, HMRC has
worked extensively with stakeholders to develop the new digital
“Check employment status for tax service”, which public
authorities can use to help implement the changes. That service
has been live since last month, and it has now been used many
thousands of times—more than 273,000 times—to assist people in
applying the off-payroll rules.
-
People have told me that no matter what information they
have put in, they have always been told that they have to
pay more tax than they were expecting. Concerns have been
raised with me about that online tool and its shortcomings,
and about the fact that HMRC is always asking people to pay
a level of tax that they think is wrong or too high.
-
Given where we are in this Parliament, the best thing the
hon. Lady can do is to send details on that, immediately
and before Dissolution, so that HMRC can look at the
factual issues. I am surprised by what she says, but let us
ask HMRC to look at the practical issues she raises—while
we are off doing other things, it can perhaps look at those
if she supplies the information in the next few days. HMRC
has worked with the Cabinet Office Crown Commercial Service
to produce guidance for public authorities and has
supported them to implement the changes.
Government amendment 10 is a technical one to ensure that
the reform only applies to the public sector, as set out in
the Government’s original announcement.
In conclusion, the Government believe it is essential to
ensure that public funds are used correctly and that those
in receipt of them are paying the correct amount of tax.
The changes being made by clause 7 and schedule 1 will
improve compliance with the tax rules, raising a
substantial amount of revenue by 2021-22. I therefore ask
Members to support this clause and schedule, along with
clause 8, schedule 2, clauses 11 and 48, schedule 16 and
clause 127.
-
I wish to discuss the issues raised in this group,
including by my new clause 1. The Minister has covered the
IR35 issues in some detail, but the Scottish National party
still has real concerns about these changes. Just the other
day somebody told me that they are no longer bidding for
public sector contracts as a result of the tax changes made
on IR35. That is a real concern, which we have raised
before, particularly in the context of rural communities.
In some of our most rural communities, people such as
teachers, doctors and nurses are employed through
intermediaries, and for very good reasons; it is sometimes
difficult to get people to come to some of the most rural
parts of Scotland. We are concerned that this move is going
to have a real disadvantageous effect, particularly for
rural communities that rely on teachers, doctors and other
individuals working in the public sector who are employed
through intermediaries. I understand that it is already
having an effect, but it would be interesting, and I would
very much appreciate it, if the Government let us know what
difference it has made, not only to the tax take, but to
our communities. Having read through the Government’s
document on the impact of the tax changes, called
OOTLAR—the overview of tax legislation and rates—I do not
think they have recognised the impact the changes could
have on communities, so it would be interesting to see what
that impact is. The change has already been made and people
are now working under it, so I imagine that within six
months or so we will be able to see the outcomes and
whether or not there is a disadvantage.
New clause 1 is on tax avoidance, which the Scottish
National party has spoken about at length in this
Parliament, and about which we will continue to speak at
length. Tax avoidance is a real concern and contributes to
the UK tax gap, which is £36 billion. Back in 2014, Credit
Suisse published a report suggesting that larger countries
such as the United Kingdom struggle to get people not to
avoid tax. Smaller countries are much better at it—I am
just pointing that out. The new clause would require the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to review within two months
international best practice in relation to the prevention
and reduction of tax avoidance arrangements and combating
tax evasion, and to publish a report of the review. We are
asking for that because we do not think that the United
Kingdom is the best place in the world at tackling tax
avoidance. It is certainly not the best place in the world
at all the different ways of tackling tax avoidance; we
could learn a huge amount from what different countries are
doing. The new clause would be a sensible way forward, so I
hope the Government are keen to accept it.
Something else we have mentioned in relation to tax
avoidance is the protection of whistleblowers. Some
whistleblowers tend towards having poor health as result of
their whistleblowing. It is really important that people
are encouraged to come forward if they see problems, and
that we are making it as easy as possible for them to do
so, because we need people to be whistleblowers. We need
them to tell us where practice is going wrong and where tax
dodging is happening. We would support the Government in
any action they take to encourage whistleblowers and to
create a better environment in which they can come forward.
Lastly, there has been talk of the possibility of the
United Kingdom becoming a tax haven after Brexit. We
absolutely reject the notion that after Brexit the United
Kingdom should reduce all taxes to nearly nothing. For a
start, that just does not work if we want to have public
services such as the NHS—
-
(Glasgow North)
(SNP)
Some of them do not, though.
-
I hope everybody present is supportive of the NHS, but I
get why my hon. Friend has the impression that some people
are not. We need our NHS to continue to be supported, and
for that we need taxes to continue to come in.
-
(Mid Worcestershire)
(Con)
Does the hon. Lady agree that the focus should be on
maximising the tax take? A reduction in tax rates can
actually lead to an increase in the tax take.
-
I agree that the focus should be on maximising the tax
take, but I would go about it in a slightly different way
by trying to encourage companies and individuals and by
encouraging the economy to grow. I would try to get people
back into more productive jobs in order to increase
productivity. The Government have mentioned increasing
productivity, which is something we have been pretty good
at doing in Scotland in recent times; our productivity
increase has been significant and much higher than the
productivity increase south of the border. Those are the
measures I would start with to grow the economy.
-
Mr (Bury North)
(Con)
Will the hon. Lady give way on that point?
-
I was just about to finish.
-
Mr Nuttall
We have hours.
-
(Ealing North)
(Lab)
That’s not a challenge.
-
Mr Nuttall
Well, we have plenty of time. I am grateful to the hon.
Lady for giving way. Does she not agree that by reducing
taxes, particularly corporation tax, in this country, we
are more likely to attract inward investment and new
companies from around the globe to this country, thereby
producing the taxes to pay for our public services?
-
I do not believe that there is a huge amount of evidence
for that. When companies are looking at where to base their
headquarters and their staff, corporation tax does not
feature all that high up the list. They are looking for
good infrastructure, schools and support for individuals in
the community. Corporation tax is not at the top of the
list, so I would do other things first to try to encourage
inward investment, if it were me who was in government and
making those decisions.
-
It will be someday.
-
Mr Hoyle, that is the end of my comments on this group.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 7 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 8 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 9 and 10 disagreed to.
Clause 11 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 12 to 16 disagreed to.
Clauses 17 and 18 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 19 and 20 disagreed to.
Clause 21 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 22 to 44 disagreed to.
Clauses 45 to 47 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 48
Employment Income Provided through Third Parties
Amendment made: 4,
page 49, line 26, leave out
“Schedules 16 and 17 make”
and insert “Schedule 16 makes”.—(Jane Ellison.)
Clause 48, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 49 to 56 disagreed to.
Clause 57
VAT: Zero-rating of Adapted Motor Vehicles Etc
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
That schedule 19 be the Nineteenth schedule to the Bill.
New clause 2—Review of VAT treatment of the Scottish Police
Authority and the Scottish Fire and Rescue Service—
“(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within two
months of the passing of this Act, commission a review of
the VAT treatment of the Scottish Police Authority and the
Scottish Fire and Rescue Service, including but not limited
to—
(a) an analysis of the impact on the financial position of
Police Scotland and the Scottish Fire and Rescue Service
arising from their VAT treatment, and
(b) an estimate of the change to their financial position
were they eligible for a refund of VAT under section 33 of
the VAT Act 1994.
(2) A report of the review under subsection (1) must be
laid before the House of Commons within six months of the
passing of this Act.”
-
No VAT is charged for the buying of an adapted vehicle by
or on behalf of a disabled wheelchair user. Unfortunately,
this scheme, which supports disabled wheelchair users to
live independently, has been fraudulently abused by
unscrupulous individuals who make purchases under this
relief and then sell the vehicles on for additional profit.
For example, HMRC discovered that one person purchased 30
BMWs under the scheme in one day, while another individual
bought 100 vehicles that I would describe as
high-performance sports cars and the like in under two
years. This is clear abuse of the scheme, and its integrity
is being brought into question by such behaviour.
Clause 57 will tackle abuse of the relief, while ensuring
that it remains available for those with disabilities. The
changes made by clause 57 will restrict the number of
vehicles that an individual, or someone on behalf of that
individual, may purchase under the scheme to one every
three years. That will stop fraudsters from purchasing
multiple vehicles in one day, or over a prolonged period.
The legislation recognises that, in some circumstances, a
replacement vehicle may genuinely need to be purchased
within the three-year period. In addition, the clause makes
it mandatory for vehicle dealers to submit a declaration of
eligibility for each car purchased under the scheme to HMRC
and applies penalties to those found to abuse the scheme.
2.00 pm
We expect that these changes will continue to support those whom
it is intended to support, at a cost of about £40 million a year,
while reducing fraud and saving up to £80 million of taxpayers’
money over the next five years. The Chancellor announced these
changes at the autumn statement, and they were welcomed by key
stakeholders. Disabled Motoring UK stated:
“Disabled Motoring UK is supporting the efforts of the Government
to safeguard the scheme and make sure it is only accessed by
eligible disabled motorists.”
The significant fraudulent abuse of the current scheme means that
it must be changed. It is our intention to tackle this fraud, but
continue to offer the financial support to disabled wheelchair
users to lead independent lives. I therefore move that clause 57
stand part of the Bill.
Let me turn now to new clause 2, which was tabled by the hon.
Member for Aberdeen North (Kirsty Blackman). We return to a
subject that has had the odd outing in this Chamber before—I am
talking about the issue of VAT on the Scottish Fire and Rescue
Service. The new clause requests that the Treasury commissions a
review of the VAT treatment of the Scottish Police Authority and
the Scottish Fire and Rescue Service, reporting the cost of VAT
to them at present and how this would change if they were
eligible for refunds.
Let me recap some of the comments that have already been made
from this Dispatch Box. To receive section 33 VAT refunds, a body
must receive funding through local taxation and perform a
function of a local authority. In 2012, the Scottish Government
restructured their regional police and fire services into two
national bodies, Police Scotland and the Scottish Fire and Rescue
Service. Both are funded centrally, rather than through local
taxation, and therefore do not—
-
rose—
-
Let me just complete the exposition of why these bodies do
not qualify.
Both of those new bodies are funded centrally rather than
through local taxation and therefore do not meet the
eligibility criteria for section 33 VAT refunds. The
Treasury warned the Scottish Government in advance that
making these changes would result in the loss of VAT
refunds. In deciding to go ahead, the Scottish Government
fully considered the costs and benefits of doing so,
including the loss of VAT refunds. Therefore, there is no
additional benefit to be had from the Government committing
resource and time to produce a report on this issue. I
therefore urge the Committee to reject new clause 2.
-
Just on that, can the Financial Secretary tell us how
London Legacy and Highways England are funded?
-
Again, those are matters that have been covered before. I
refer the hon. Lady to comments that I have made previously
in response to very similar interventions. These measures
have been discussed not just in Finance Bills, but during
the passage of the Scotland Bill. Again, the message was
the same that this was a decision taken in the full
knowledge of the VAT consequences. Once again, I urge the
House to reject the new clause that calls for a review.
-
If the Minister changes the VAT treatment of the Scottish
police and the fire and rescue service, I promise not to
raise the matter again in the House. I can see that she is
fed up with discussing it, but, frankly, so am I. If the
Government were to move on this, we would not have to raise
it again.
-
The other option open to the Government is to devolve power
over VAT to the Scottish Parliament, so that it could make
all of these decisions. We were promised the most powerful
legislature in the world, so why do the Government not live
up to that commitment and give us the powers that we need?
-
I agree with my colleague. We have a portion of VAT
devolved to the Scottish Parliament, which does not make a
huge amount of sense. Although we obviously welcome any new
powers coming to the Scottish Parliament, it would be much
better if we had control over all of VAT, rather than have
a portion of the income from VAT coming to us.
The Scottish police and the fire and rescue service are
charged VAT unlike Highways England, which is a national
English body, and unlike London Legacy, which is a national
UK-wide body. The UK Government have created exemptions for
both of those organisations, but not for Scottish police
and Scottish fire. This costs the Scottish people, because
Scottish police and Scottish fire are having to pay this
VAT bill to the UK Government rather than having this money
to spend.
-
(Edinburgh South West)
(SNP)
This VAT charge is costing Scotland’s emergency services
tens of millions of pounds a year. Does my hon. Friend
agree that our constituents would rather that this money
was spent on fighting crime and funding emergency services
in Scotland than on plugging the holes in the Tory
Government’s budget because of their poor financial
planning and budgeting?
-
I absolutely agree with my colleague.
In June 2016, it was reported that, since it was formed
three years previously, Scotland’s single police force has
paid £76.5 million in VAT, and it remains unable to claim
that tax. The UK Government have created exemptions for
other bodies that they see as important. Why do they see
London Legacy and Highways England as more important than
Scottish police and Scottish fire? We again ask the UK
Government to change that.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 57 accordingly ordered to stand part of the
Bill.
Clause 58
IPT: Standard Rate
Question proposed, That clause 58 stand part of the Bill.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
With this it will be convenient to consider clause 59 stand
part.
-
Clause 58 legislates for the increase in the standard rate
of insurance premium tax from 10% to 12% as the Chancellor
announced in the autumn statement 2016. This change will be
effective from 1 June this year. Clause 59 will make minor
changes to anti-forestalling provisions, so that insurers
cannot artificially avoid paying the new rate of insurance
premium tax by adjusting contract dates.
The Government remain committed to our fiscal mandate of
eliminating the deficit. Much has already been achieved.
The Government are forecast to reduce the deficit by more
than two thirds by the end of this year, and in 2018-19,
debt will fall for the first time in 16 years. However, we
cannot be complacent. The Office for Budget
Responsibility’s recent fiscal sustainability report
highlights the challenges posed by an ageing population,
projecting debt almost trebling to 234% over the next 50
years, if no further action is taken.
-
I am so sorry to interrupt the hon. Lady, but I speak on
behalf of the 4th Perivale scout group, which is most
concerned about the impact that insurance premium tax
increases are having on not just scout groups but other
charities. Has she considered this matter since my hon.
Friend the Member for Bootle (Peter Dowd) raised it, and
does she have any good news if not for the whole charity
sector, at least for the 4th Perivale scout group?
-
I am delighted that the hon. Gentleman has had the
opportunity to put his local scout group on the record.
These issues have been discussed in general terms. In
particular, I spoke at the Charity Tax Group conference
recently. The point that I made there was that although we
are not making exceptions for a number of reasons—some of
them logistical—there are many different ways in which the
Government exempt tax for charities and try to support them
in other ways. The existing tax reliefs that go to
charities and community groups in this country are worth
many billions, and many are not taken up as much as they
should be. In particular, the issue of scout groups got a
very thorough airing during the passage of the gift aid
small donation scheme measures that we took through the
House last autumn. Those measures are designed to help such
groups that do a lot of their fundraising outside their
headquarters. Although I cannot give him comfort on this
issue, I draw his attention to the fact that there are many
other ways in which we help to relieve worthy groups. In
particular, I refer to that recent change, which I
encourage him to discuss with the Perivale scout group,
because, as I have said, that was made very much with it in
mind, especially with regard to how it collects donations.
-
Essentially, this is one of the taxes that the Government
are keeping in. It is the third insurance premium tax rise
in 18 months. Will the Minister justify why the Government
are proposing this third increase, which actually increases
the rate by 20%—well above the rate of inflation?
-
I am coming to that, but the Chancellor was admirably clear
when he laid the change out for the House when it was
announced.
The Government have worked to eliminate the deficit and to
invest in Britain’s future. We want to ensure that the
public finances remain sustainable and to build resilience
to future shocks. We have prioritised tax changes to help
ordinary working families, and encouraged businesses to
invest in the UK. We are supporting jobs and helping
people’s money go further through increases to the personal
allowance and the national living wage. We have committed
to investing £23 billion for infrastructure in the national
productivity investment fund and an extra £2 billion for
social care, which will ease pressures on the national
health service.
By increasing insurance premium tax, we will ensure that we
can maintain the balance between that investment and
controlling the deficit. The additional revenue gives the
Government the flexibility to invest. IPT is a tax on
insurers. They are not in any way obliged to pass on the
tax through higher premiums. However, if insurers do choose
to pass on the increase, it will be spread thinly across a
wide range of people and businesses. In line with the
informal agreement between the Government and the
Association of British Insurers, firms have been given more
than six months’ notice, which gives time to implement the
change. The agreement aims to give insurers proper warning
of a rate change and to ensure that the correct rate of tax
on a policy is known when the policy is arranged.
The changes made by clause 58 will raise approximately £840
million each year to reduce the deficit, while ensuring
that we can fund spending commitments. That really is the
answer to the intervention by the hon. Member for East
Lothian (George Kerevan). Insurance premium tax is a tax on
insurers, not consumers. It will be insurance companies’
choice whether to pass on the 2% rate increase. Even if the
increases were passed on in full, the impact would be
modest, costing households less than 35p a week on average.
The changes made by clause 59 will protect revenue by
ensuring that insurers cannot artificially avoid paying the
new rate of IPT by adjusting contract dates. As I have
said, the Government are committed to reducing the deficit,
while still investing in the UK. This requires some
difficult decisions, including this 2% increase to the
standard rate of IPT. The change will be invaluable in
funding vital public spending, such as the additional £2
billion committed to social care.
-
It is really interesting to hear the Minister say that the
change will only cost an average of 35p a week. That is
quite a lot, particularly for people who do not have an
extra 35p a week. The director general of the ABI said:
“UK consumers and businesses already pay relatively high
levels of IPT… It cannot be right that people are being
forced to pay an increasingly high price for doing the
responsible thing”.
As my hon. Friend the Member for East Lothian (George
Kerevan) said, this is the third increase. At the start of
this Parliament, IPT was at something like 3%. It was then
increased to 6.5% and then to 9.5% during this Parliament.
This is a tax on people doing the right thing by insuring
their homes and properties. I agree with the hon. Member
for Ealing North (Stephen Pound), who spoke about a scout
group, that this is also a tax on charities and
organisations providing a brilliant experience for young
boys and girls going through scouting. The change has not
been considered in the round; the Government have seen
another opportunity to get a few extra pennies in.
-
(Bexhill and Battle)
(Con)
The hon. Lady, like me, may have a rural constituency,
where there are lots of young drivers experiencing high
insurance costs. Would she welcome signs from the Minister
that the Government will look at the impact of the change
on the young in the future, particularly if it has an
impact on social mobility for the young?
-
I do not actually have a rural constituency, but I do live
near one, so I recognise the issues that are faced by young
drivers. We want young people, particularly those in rural
areas, to be able to access services, learn to drive safely
and afford insurance when they do, so that they can travel
and access jobs, opportunities and training. I agree with
the hon. Gentleman and also ask the Government to look at
this area. We cannot continue to see hikes in insurance
premium tax. A 20% hike is absolutely ridiculous,
especially as it follows hot on the heels of a number of
other hikes in insurance premium tax. The Government need
to look at this seriously and commit to not making any
further increases in the next Parliament.
2.15 pm
-
I have two points. First, I reiterate to the Minister, who
artfully shifted to saying that there was a 2% rise in the
tax, that there is a two percentage point rise. It is a 20%
rise in the tax. I asked the Minister how she justified
that massive, excessive increase relative to inflation. She
did not reply—I suspect because, as a Conservative tax
cutter, she is embarrassed. I have a further question for
the Minister. Will she rule out extending the provision of
IPT to reinsurance? Clearly, IPT has been hit on by the
Government because it is one of the few things that they
have not yet legislated not to increase as a form of
taxation. That will doubtless change in the Conservative
manifesto. But as long as this is the tax that the
Government are hitting on because it is the one they have
left, will the Minister state that they will not in future
years extend IPT to the reinsurance market, which would net
them even more money?
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 58 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 59 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 60
Landfill tax: taxable disposals
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
With this it will be convenient to consider the following:
Clauses 61 to 64 stand part.
Amendment 1, in clause 65, page 73, line 4, leave out
subsection (2).
Clauses 65 to 70 stand part.
New clause 3—Review of oil and gas corporation tax rates
and investment allowances—
“(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within two
months of the passing of this Act, commission a review of
the corporation tax rates and investment allowances
applicable to companies producing oil and gas in the UK or
on the UK continental shelf.
(2) A report of the review under subsection (1) must be
laid before the House of Commons within six months of the
passing of this Act.”
New clause 4—Review of tax regime relating to
decommissioning of oil and gas infrastructure—
“(1) The Chancellor of the Exchequer must, within two
months of the passing of this Act, commission a review of
the ways in which the tax regime could be changed to
increase the competitiveness of UK-registered companies in
bidding for supply chain contracts associated with the
decommissioning of oil and gas infrastructure or the
development of new fields in the UK continental shelf.
(2) In undertaking the review under subsection (1), the
Chancellor of the Exchequer must consult—
(a) the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial
Strategy;
(b) the Oil and Gas Authority;
(c) Scottish Ministers; and
(d) such other stakeholders as the Chancellor of the
Exchequer thinks appropriate.
(3) A report of the review under subsection (1) must be
laid before the House of Commons within six months of the
passing of this Act.”
-
I plan to focus my comments in this part of the debate on
alcohol duties, which I anticipate will be of greatest
interest to hon. Members. Other clauses within the group
provide for other duty changes, and a new clause has been
tabled by the hon. Member for Aberdeen North (Kirsty
Blackman) on the oil and gas decommissioning regime, which
we may come to.
Clause 65 sets out changes to alcohol duty rates that took
effect on 13 March 2017. We announced in the 2017 Budget
that the duty rates on beer, cider, wine and spirits will
be kept flat in real terms, uprating by retail price index
inflation. This is in line with policy and previous
forecasts. As hon. Members will probably be aware, the
public finances assume that alcohol duties rise by RPI
inflation each year, so there is a cost to the Exchequer
from freezing or cutting alcohol duty rates. If alcohol
duty rates had been frozen or cut at Budget 2017, the
Government would instead have had to raise taxes in other
areas of the economy, to cut public spending or to increase
the public deficit. Consumers and businesses continue to
benefit from the previous alcohol duty changes, which
initial estimates suggest will save them around £3 billion
in duty between fiscal years 2013 and 2017. I will now
briefly set out how past duty changes and other Government
policies have affected different drinks and the sector.
I will start with spirits duty. The Government recognise
the important contribution that Scotch whisky makes to the
economy and local communities. The Scotch Whisky
Association, which I had a meeting with and had the chance
to hear from directly, estimates that Scotch whisky adds
over £5 billion overall to the UK economy and supports more
than 40,000 jobs, some 7,000 of which are in the rural
economy. Distilleries provide an important source of
employment in rural communities. The Scotch Whisky
Association estimates that exports to nearly 200 countries
in every continent were worth nearly £4 billion last year
and accounted for about 20% of all UK food and drink
exports. Single malt Scotch whisky exports exceeded £1
billion for the first time last year, and more Scotch
whisky is sold in France in just one month than cognac in
an entire year.
The Government are committed to supporting this great
British success story. Scotch whisky was one of the first
food and drink products to feature in the GREAT campaign,
giving it high visibility internationally in key markets.
More recently, the Scotch Whisky Association joined my
right hon. Friend the Prime Minister on her trade mission
to India last year. Scotch whisky is currently just 1% of
the Indian spirits market, but it has the potential to grow
to 5% with the right trade agreement. That would be
equivalent to a 10% increase in the current global trade in
Scotch.
The spirits duty escalator was ended in 2014, and the tax
on a bottle of Scotch whisky is now 90p lower than it would
otherwise have been. The hon. Member for Aberdeen North has
tabled an amendment to reverse the uprating as applied to
spirits. To be clear, that would not help exports, because
the £4 billion of exports a year are unaffected by the duty
change, as no duty is paid on exported spirits. Instead, it
would help those selling in the UK market. The amendment
would cost the Exchequer, and so increase the deficit by,
around £100 million this year. For the reasons I have
indicated—not least the bottom line scorecard cost—the
Government reject the amendment, which would not help
exporters of whisky or other spirits and which is unfunded.
Clause 65 will keep spirit duty rates flat in real terms,
so consumers will continue to benefit from the previous
change to spirit duty rates.
While we are on spirits, I should touch on another great
British success: the UK gin industry. When I met the Wine
and Spirit Trade Association, it informed me that, in 2016,
gin sales exceeded £1 billion for the first time in the UK.
I suspect that many of us will be partaking of a number of
these products in the weeks ahead. [Interruption.] I said
many of us. We will be partaking perhaps in celebration or
perhaps for sustenance or who knows what reason. It is good
that we put these British success stories on record.
I was also told that the number of gin brands has more than
doubled since 2010. [Interruption.] Yes, doubles all round.
The price of a typical bottle of gin remains 84p lower than
it would have been now that we have ended the spirits duty
escalator. As with Scotch whisky, no UK duty is payable on
exported gin.
As well as ending the spirits duty escalator, we also ended
the beer duty escalator to help pubs. Pubs play an
important role in promoting responsible drinking, providing
employment and contributing to community life—that
sentiment is expressed regularly on both sides of the
House. Brewers also make an important contribution to local
economies. The increase in the number of small breweries in
recent years has increased diversity and choice in the beer
market. By promoting interest in a larger range of beers,
it has benefited all brewers.
The clause will not undo the previous beer duty cuts or
freezes. The Government cut the tax on a typical pint by
one penny at Budgets 2013, 2014 and 2015 and then froze
duty rates last year. As a result, drinkers are paying 11p
less in tax on a typical pint this year than they otherwise
would have paid.
On wine duty, the Government are committed to supporting
the UK wine industry. The first joint industry and
Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs wine
roundtable last year resulted in a set of industry targets,
including to increase wine exports tenfold and to double
production to 10 million bottles by 2020. The wine sector
will continue to benefit from the previous changes to wine
duty rates.
Cider makers, too, play an important role in rural
economies, using over half the apples grown in the UK. The
duty on a typical pint of cider remains around half the
duty on a typical pint of beer. The tax on a typical pint
remains 3p lower than it would otherwise have been, as a
result of the Government’s changes to cider duty rates
since Budget 2014.
To conclude, we fully recognise the importance of the
alcohol industry to the economy and local communities. I
have talked with and met various representatives from
across the industry, and I will, of course, continue to
engage with them. The cuts and freezes in duty rates since
the ending of the alcohol duty escalators continue to
deliver great benefits. They will save consumers and
businesses around £3 billion in duty between fiscal years
2013 and 2017. However, allowing alcohol duties to fall
every year in real terms would be unsustainable in the long
term. If alcohol duties had been frozen or cut at Budget
2017, the Government would instead have had to raise taxes
in other areas of the economy, cut public spending or
increase the public deficit. The clause simply increases
duties in line with inflation, as assumed in the fiscal
forecasts. This is not a return to the real-terms increases
year after year imposed by the alcohol duty escalator. I
therefore suggest that the clause stand part of the Bill.
-
I will start by talking about alcohol and whisky, and then
I will move on to talk about oil and gas. Specifically on
whisky, I appreciate the Minister taking the time to talk
about the contribution of the Scotch whisky industry. It
does, indeed, contribute to our economy; of particular note
are the 40,000 jobs it provides, including the 7,000 in the
rural economy, which are really important for Scotland’s
rural communities.
The positive changes the UK Government previously made to
spirit duty meant there was confidence in the industry
again, and we have seen a real change in the industry over
the last couple of years, with a dozen new distilleries
opening and 14 in various stages of planning, but the
changes that have been made this year will put 36p on a
bottle of whisky and mean that £4 of every £5 spent on
whisky goes to the UK Government’s coffers.
My hon. Friend the Member for Argyll and Bute (Brendan
O'Hara), who is the chair of the all-party group on Scotch
whisky, spoke about this issue on Second Reading, although
not at enough length—he got only four minutes. He is really
concerned about distilleries. I appreciate the Minister
talking about the success story that the gin industry has
been for new distilleries—it takes a long time to mature
Scotch whisky but not to mature gin, so distilleries can be
up and running pretty quickly. The issue is the context in
which things are seen. I understand that, as the Minister
said, the change will not affect those selling abroad, but
given that most producers sell whisky in the domestic
market, it will obviously have an effect on those who also
sell abroad.
In the wider context of Brexit, where the trade deals we
currently have will no longer exist and we will have to
negotiate new trade deals, including with the EU, if we are
to sell whisky to France, as the Minister mentioned, we
will have to have a trade deal. We will have to have trade
deals with all the countries we trade with under the EU’s
free trade agreements.
A major concern for those of us who represent
constituencies involved with whisky is the protected
geographical indication. The EU has protected geographical
indication status, so people are not allowed to bottle
whisky somewhere else and call it Scotch whisky. We are set
to lose that protection when the UK leaves the EU, and it
is important that the UK Government do what they can to
ensure that the Scotch whisky industry can continue to
trade and protect its brand—but I do not see that coming
through. If the Government had not raised duty in this
Budget on spirits and on whisky in particular, the industry
would have known that it had the confidence of the UK
Government and been in a much better position to take
decisions.
Moving on to oil and gas, we have two new clauses on the
amendment paper. New clauses 3 and 4 on behalf of the SNP
are in my name, and I particularly thank my hon. Friend the
Member for Aberdeen South (Callum McCaig) for his input
into them. New clause 3 is about investment allowances.
This Tory Government have come up with a line that we are
one of the most competitive fiscal regimes for oil and gas,
which is all well and good, but we also have one of the
most mature fields in the world. In the North sea and on
the UK continental shelf, we are also having to do things
and implement technologies we have never seen before. A
huge amount of innovation from our companies is having to
go on in order for them to be able to achieve the UK
Government’s and Sir Ian Wood’s maximising economic
recovery strategy.
New clause 3 is about investment allowances and corporation
tax rates on companies producing oil and gas. The UK
Government have put the tax up and put it down, but they
have not at any stage sat down and looked at the entire
taxation regime for the oil and gas industry and said, “We
are operating in a new scenario.” They have kept the level
of taxes that we have had since oil and gas began to be
taken out of the North sea. It is time for the UK
Government to look at that tax structure and those tax
regimes to see how they can incentivise companies to ensure
that they are getting the best out of the North sea and
securing jobs in the north-east of Scotland, and beyond,
for as long-term a future as possible.
2.30 pm
New clause 4 is particularly about the competitiveness of
UK-registered companies. I have mentioned decommissioning and the
development of new fields in the UKCS around us. The new clause
is similar to one that we tabled to last year’s Finance Bill. I
would really like the Government to take action on this. Whenever
I go to meet supply chain companies or individuals working at the
coalface, as it were, in oil and gas, they tell me that this is a
major issue. Decommissioning is beginning in the North sea, where
some of the fields are at the end of their life and some
installations are at the end of their usable life, whatever we
do. This is still a relatively new thing for us, and our supply
chain companies are having to innovate. We do not want any of the
jobs created in decommissioning to go abroad if we can possibly
help it. We would like this UK Government to look at what they
can do to the tax regime to ensure that those jobs are kept in
the UK as far as they possibly can be.
We are also asking about that in relation to new fields. On
Second Reading, I spoke about small pools, which have fewer than
50 million barrels of oil. In this current tax system and fiscal
situation, they are not particularly economically viable, and so
the vast majority will not be exploited. If changes were made to
the tax regime in order for these small pools to be exploited,
and further encouragement given to enable companies to develop
new technologies so that we can access small pools, the UK
Government’s tax take would increase. If we just leave them
there, there will be a problem, particularly further down the
line. A number of the small pools rely on current installations,
and if the big installation in the middle is decommissioned, we
lose access to all the smaller fields round about. The UK
Government therefore absolutely need to be on top of that today.
Finally on oil and gas, I turn to something that made me pretty
angry in the Budget debate. The Chancellor announced that he was
going to make it easier for companies to transfer late-life
assets—that is, installations that are near the end of their
useful life—and said, “We’re going to have a commission to look
into this.” That is exactly what the Chancellor announced in the
Budget last year, apart from saying that we would have a
commission. If the Government had done it last year, they would
not need a commission this year. I know that this is a technical
matter, but the Government need to get themselves in gear and
make these changes so that the assets can be transferred from the
big player who has other things to focus on to a new player
coming into the industry who can make the most of the asset and
ensure that as much oil and gas is extracted from the field as
possible. I appreciate that the Government are having a
commission, although I would rather that they had done it last
year. We will be absolutely on board in supporting this change
happening as soon as possible.
Question put and negatived.
Clause 60 accordingly disagreed to.
Clause 61 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 62 to 63 disagreed to.
Clauses 64 and 65 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 66 and 67 disagreed to.
Clauses 68 and 69 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 70 disagreed to.
Clause 71
Soft drinks industry levy
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
-
The Chairman of Ways and Means (Mr Lindsay Hoyle)
With this it will be convenient to discuss clauses 72 to 75
stand part.
Amendment 2, in clause 76, page 81, line 15, leave out
paragraph (a).
Amendment 3, page 81, line 20, leave out subsection (2).
Clauses 76 to 107 stand part.
That schedules 20 to 23 be schedules to the Bill.
-
Clauses 71 to 107 contain provisions for a new tax called
the soft drinks industry levy to be introduced from April
2018. This is a key pillar in the Government’s childhood
obesity plan, and it has been welcomed by a wide range of
public health experts and campaigners. Tackling obesity is
a national challenge—indeed, an international challenge.
The UK has one of the highest obesity rates in the
developed world, and childhood obesity in particular is a
major concern. Today nearly a third of children aged two to
15 are overweight or obese, and we know that many of these
children will go on to become obese adults. Obesity drives
disease, as we are reminded at the moment as we come
through Westminster underground station by the Cancer
Research UK posters. It increases the risk of heart
disease, type 2 diabetes, stroke, and some cancers. The NHS
spends over £6 billion a year across the UK in dealing with
obesity-related costs, and the overall costs to our economy
are estimated at between £27 billion and £46 billion a
year. This cannot go on.
Health experts have identified sugary drinks as one of the
biggest contributors to childhood obesity and a source of
empty calories. A 330 ml can of full-sugar cola typically
contains nine teaspoons of sugar. Some popular drinks have
as many as 13 teaspoons. This can be more than double a
child’s daily recommended added sugar intake in just a
single can of drink. The Government recognise that this is
a problem, and so have many others, with over 60 public
health organisations calling for a tax on sugary drinks and
many thousands signing a petition in favour. I am delighted
that this issue has also received a high level of
cross-party support.
Indeed, some soft drinks producers had recognised that
sugar levels in their drinks were a problem too, and had
started to reduce the sugar content, move consumers towards
diet and sugar-free variants, and reduce portion sizes for
high-sugar beverages. Nevertheless, reducing the added
sugar in soft drinks is now a public health priority, and
this new levy is needed to speed up the process. It is
specifically designed to encourage the industry to move
faster. We gave the industry two years to make progress on
this before the levy begins, and we can see that it is
already working. Since the Government announced the levy
last March, a number of major producers have accelerated
their work to reformulate sugar out of their soft drinks
and escape the charge. These include Tesco, which has
already reformulated its whole range of own-brand soft
drinks so that they will not pay the levy. Similar
commitments have come from the makers of Lucozade and
Ribena, and the makers of Irn-Bru, A. G. Barr. In fact, we
now expect more than 40% of all drinks that would otherwise
have been in scope to have been reformulated by the
introduction of the levy. We see international action too.
In recent months, other countries such as Ireland, Spain,
Portugal, Estonia and South Africa have brought forward
similar proposals to our own.
As a result of such reformulation before the levy begins,
we now expect the levy to raise around £385 million per
year, which is less than the £520 million originally
forecast—but we are clear that this is a success. The
Government will still fund the Department for Education’s
budget with the £1 billion that the levy was originally
expected to raise over this Parliament, including money to
double the primary schools sports premium and deliver
additional funding for school breakfast clubs, and £415
million to be invested in a new healthy pupils capital
programme. The devolved Administrations will receive
Barnett funding in the usual way. The Secretary of State
for Education has made recent announcements about how some
of the money will be spent, particularly on the healthy
pupils capital programme.
The levy has shown that the Government mean business when
it comes to reducing hidden sugar in everyday food. That
willingness to take bold action underpins another major
part of our childhood obesity plan, namely Public Health
England’s sugar reduction programme, which is a
groundbreaking programme of work with industry to achieve
20% cuts in sugar by 2020 across the top nine food
categories that contribute the most to children’s sugar
intake. It has been acknowledged, not least by industry,
that that is a challenging target, but one that industry is
committed to working with Government to achieve. The sugar
reduction programme will cover some of the drinks products
that are not part of the levy, such as milk-based drinks.
The programme is already bearing fruit: there have been
announcements and commitments to reduce the levels of sugar
in some of the products.
I know that some would like the levy to go further. In
particular, the hon. Member for Aberdeen North has tabled
amendments 2 and 3, which would remove the exclusion from
the levy of high milk content drinks containing at least
75% milk. We oppose those amendments. Milk and milk
products are a source of protein, calcium, potassium,
phosphorous and iodine, as well as vitamins B2 and B12. One
in five teenage girls do not get enough calcium in their
diet, and the same is true for one in 10 teenage boys. It
is essential for children’s health that they consume the
required amount of those nutrients, which aid bone
formation and promote healthy growth as part of a balanced
diet. Health experts agree that the naturally occurring
sugars in milk are not a concern from an obesity
perspective, and they are not included in the definition of
free sugars, which Public Health England now applies.
Of course, we want milk-based drinks to contain less added
sugar, so they will be part of Public Health England’s
sugar reduction programme. Producers of the drinks will be
challenged and supported to reduce added sugar content by
20% by 2020. Public Health England has committed to
publishing a detailed assessment of the food and drinks
industry’s progress against the 20% target in March 2020,
and today I make a commitment to the House that we will
also review the exclusion of milk-based drinks in 2020,
based on the evidence from Public Health England’s
assessment of producers’ progress against their sugar
reduction targets. In the light of that assurance, I urge
hon. Members to reject amendments 2 and 3, and allow us to
review the evidence in 2020, two years after the levy has
begun, and to decide at that point whether milk-based
drinks should be brought within scope.
Obesity is a problem that has been decades in the making
and we are not going to solve it overnight. The soft drinks
levy is not a silver bullet, but it is an important part of
the solution. This Government’s childhood obesity plan,
with the levy as its flagship policy, is the start of a
journey and it marks a major step towards dealing with our
national obesity crisis.
-
The Minister is absolutely correct about the huge amount of
cross-party support for the general thrust of the soft
drinks industry levy and the move towards tackling obesity,
particularly childhood obesity. However, we are concerned
that the levy does not go far enough and that the
Government could have chosen to close certain loopholes
when drafting the Bill.
The single biggest cause of preventable cancer is obesity.
More than 18,100 cancers a year are associated with excess
weight. Cancer Research says that sugary drinks are the No.
1 source of sugar for 11 to 18-year-olds, which is a pretty
terrifying statistic, and I appreciate that the Government
have chosen to take action.
I am concerned about the Government’s response on
milk-based drinks and about the fact that they are excluded
from the levy.
-
Does my hon. Friend agree that the problem with omitting
high-sugar milk-based drinks from the provisions is that
parents may mistakenly think that they are healthier than
soft drinks that are subject to the extra tax, when that is
simply not the case?
-
My hon. and learned Friend is absolutely right. It is true,
as the Minister has said, that milk-based drinks contain
protein, calcium and other nutrients, but so does milk.
Children could just drink milk without the added sugar. I
do not think people realise quite how much added sugar
there is in such products. The same is true of pasta sauce.
When parents see a milkshake on the shelf, they do not
realise that it could have as much sugar in it as a can of
fizzy juice.
2.45 pm
The Faculty of General Dental Practice and the Health Committee
have said that milk-based drinks should be included in the levy.
Our amendments 2 and 3 would remove their exemption. I welcome
the Government’s undertaking that they will review the situation
in 2020, which is an improvement on their previous positon. I
appreciate that reasonable change and action.
Question put and agreed to.
Clause 71 accordingly ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clauses 72 to 107 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 108
Carrying on a third country goods fulfilment business
Question proposed, That the clause stand part of the Bill.
-
The Temporary Chair (Sir David Amess)
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following:
Clauses 109 to 123 and 130 to 133 stand part.
Government amendments 5 to 9.
Clauses 134 and 135 stand part.
That schedules 24 to 26 be schedules to the Bill.
-
These are consequential amendments and I want to move them
formally.
-
I appreciate the Government withdrawing the making tax
digital provisions. I understand their commitment to making
tax digital, but the changes are reasonable.
-
With your indulgence, Sir David, I thought that this might
be an appropriate moment to pay tribute to the outgoing
right hon. Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie), the Chair of
the Treasury Committee, which has paid a lot of attention
to making tax digital. There could be no more fitting
tribute to the right hon. Gentleman leaving this House than
the Government withdrawing the making tax digital
provisions.
-
The Temporary Chair
That is certainly news to me, but the hon. Gentleman’s
tribute is most appropriate and I thank him for it.
-
On a point of clarity, may I make it clear that the
Government do not support clause 108? I apologise for not
making that clear before. On making tax digital, I refer
colleagues to my statement at the beginning of our debate
on the first group of amendments.
Question put and negatived.
Clause 108 accordingly disagreed to.
Clauses 109 to 126 disagreed to.
Clause 127 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Ordered,
That clause 127 be transferred to the end of clause
69.—(Jane Ellison.)
Clauses 128 to 133 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 134
Interpretation
Amendments made: 5, page 126, leave out line 17.
Amendment 6, page 126, leave out line 20.
Amendment 7, page 126, leave out lines 22 to 24.
Amendment 8, page 126, leave out line 30.
Amendment 9, page 127, leave out lines 1 and
2.—(Jane Ellison.)
Clause 134, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 135 ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Schedule 1
Workers’ services provided to public sector through
intermediaries
Amendment made: 10, page 129, line 32 , at
end insert—
‘(3) Subsection (1) is subject to subsection (4).
(4) A primary-healthcare provider is a public authority for
the purposes of this Chapter only if the primary-healthcare
provider—
(a) has a registered patient list for the purposes of
relevant medical-services regulations,
(b) is within paragraph 43A in Part 3 of Schedule 1 to the
Freedom of Information Act 2000 (providers of primary
healthcare services in England and Wales) by reason of
being a person providing primary dental services,
(c) is within paragraph 51 in that Part of that Schedule
(providers of healthcare services in Northern Ireland) by
reason of being a person providing general dental services,
or
(d) is within paragraph 33 in Part 4 of Schedule 1 to the
Freedom of Information (Scotland) Act 2002 (providers of
healthcare services in Scotland) by reason of being a
person providing general dental services.
(5) In this section—
“primary-healthcare provider” means an authority that is
within subsection (1)(a) or (b) only because it is within a
relevant paragraph,
“relevant paragraph” means—
(a) any of paragraphs 43A to 45A and 51 in Part 3 of
Schedule 1 to the Freedom of Information Act 2000, or
(b) any of paragraphs 33 to 35 in Part 4 of Schedule 1 to
the Freedom of Information (Scotland) Act 2002, and
“relevant medical-services regulations” means any of the
following—
(a) the Primary Medical Services (Sale of Goodwill and
Restrictions on Sub-contracting) Regulations 2004
(S.I. 2004/906),
(b) the Primary Medical Services (Sale of Goodwill and
Restrictions on Sub-contracting) (Wales) Regulations 2004
(S.I. 2004/1017),
(c) the Primary Medical Services (Sale of Goodwill and
Restrictions on Sub-contracting) (Scotland) Regulations
2004 (S.S.I. 2004/162), and
(d) the Primary Medical Services (Sale of Goodwill and
Restrictions on Sub-contracting) Regulations (Northern
Ireland) 2004 (S.R. (N.I.) 2004 No. 477).
(6) The Commissioners for Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs
may by regulations amend this section in consequence of—
(a) any amendment or revocation of any regulations for the
time being referred to in this section,
(b) any amendment in Part 3 of Schedule 1 to the Freedom of
Information Act 2000, or
(c) any amendment in Part 4 of Schedule 1 to the Freedom of
Information (Scotland) Act 2002.’—(Jane Ellison.)
Schedule 1, as amended, agreed to.
Schedule 2
Optional remuneration arrangements
Amendments made: 11, page 160, line 14, at
end insert—
“() section 307 (death or retirement provision), so far as
relating to provision made for retirement benefits;”
Amendment 12, page 160, line 26, at end
insert—
‘( ) In subsection (5) “retirement benefit” has the meaning
that would be given by subsection (2) of section 307 if “or
death” were omitted in both places where it occurs in that
subsection.”—(Jane Ellison.)
Schedule 2, as amended, agreed to.
Schedule 3
Overseas pensions
Amendments made: 13, page 166, line 18,
leave out from beginning to “in” in line 23 and insert—
“(a) that, in the case of any money purchase arrangement
relating to a member of the fund that is not a cash balance
arrangement, no contributions are made under the
arrangement on or after 6 April 2017;
(aa) that, in the case of any cash balance arrangement
relating to a member of the fund, there is no increase on
or after 6 April 2017 in the value of any person’s rights
under the arrangement;
(b) that, in the case of any defined benefits arrangement
relating to a member of the fund, there is no increase on
or after 6 April 2017 in the value of any person’s rights
under the arrangement; and
(c) that, in the case of any arrangement relating to a
member of the fund that is neither a money purchase
arrangement nor a defined benefits arrangement—
(i) no contributions are made under the arrangement on or
after 6 April 2017, and
(ii) there is no increase on or after 6 April 2017.”
Amendment 14, page 166, line 24, at end
insert—
‘(6AA) For the purposes of subsection (6A)(aa)—
(a) whether there is an increase in the value of a person’s
rights is to be determined by reference to whether there is
an increase in the amount that would, on the valuation
assumptions, be available for the provision of benefits
under the arrangement to or in respect of the person (and,
if there is, the amount of the increase), but
(b) in the case of rights that accrued to a person before 6
April 2017, ignore increases in the value of the rights if
in no tax year do they exceed the relevant percentage.’
Amendment 15, page 166, line 30, leave
out
“ignore increases in the value of a person’s”
and insert
“in the case of rights that accrued to a person before 6
April 2017, ignore increases in the value of the”.
Amendment 16, page 166, line 31, at end
insert—
‘(6BA) For the purposes of subsection (6A)(c)(ii),
regulations made by the Commissioners for Her Majesty’s
Revenue and Customs may make provision—
(a) for determining whether there is an increase in the
value of a person’s rights,
(b) for determining the amount of any increase, and
(c) for ignoring the whole or part of any increase;
and regulations under this subsection may make provision
having effect in relation to times before the regulations
are made.’
Amendment 17, page 166, line 32, leave
out “subsection (6B)(b)” and insert “this section”.
Amendment 18, page 167, leave out lines 5 to 7.
Amendment 19, page 167, line 8, after
“subsection” insert “(6BA) or”.
Amendment 20, page 167, line 10 , leave
out from “(7)” to end of line 16 and insert—
‘(a) for “In this section—” substitute “For the purposes of
this section—
‘arrangement’, in relation to a member of a superannuation
fund, means an arrangement relating to the member under the
fund;
a money purchase arrangement relating to a member of a
superannuation fund is a ‘cash balance arrangement’ at any
time if, at that time, all the benefits that may be
provided to or in respect of the member under the
arrangement are cash balance benefits;
an arrangement relating to a member of a superannuation
fund is a ‘defined benefits arrangement’ at any time if, at
that time, all the benefits that may be provided to or in
respect of the member under the arrangement are defined
benefits;
an arrangement relating to a member of a superannuation
fund is a ‘money purchase arrangement’ at any time if, at
that time, all the benefits that may be provided to or in
respect of the member under the arrangement are money
purchase benefits;
‘cash balance benefits’, ‘defined benefits’ and ‘money
purchase benefits’ have the meaning given by section 152 of
the Finance Act 2004, but for this purpose reading
references in that section to a pension scheme as
references to a superannuation fund;
‘member’, in relation to a superannuation fund, has the
meaning given by section 151 of the Finance Act 2004, but
for this purpose reading references in that section to a
pension scheme as references to a superannuation fund;”;
(b) at the end insert—
“‘the valuation assumptions’ has the meaning given by
section 277 of the Finance Act 2004.”’
Amendment 21, page 167, line 16, at end
insert—
‘( ) After subsection (10) insert—
(11) Where the conditions in subsection (6)(a) to (c) are
met in the case of a superannuation fund (“the actual
fund”)—
(a) any disqualifying contributions made under an
arrangement relating to a member of the actual fund are
treated for the purposes of the Income Tax Acts as instead
made under an arrangement relating to the member under a
separate superannuation fund (“the shadow fund” for the
actual fund),
(b) any disqualifying increase in the value of a person’s
rights under an arrangement relating to a member of the
actual fund is treated for the purposes of the Income Tax
Acts as instead being an increase under an arrangement
relating to the member under the shadow fund for the actual
fund, and
(c) any reference in this or any other Act (including the
reference in subsection (3) and any reference enacted after
the coming into force of this subsection) to a fund, or
superannuation fund, to which subsection (3) applies does
not include so much of the actual fund as—
(i) represents any contribution treated as made under, or
any increase in the value of any rights treated as an
increase under, the shadow fund of the actual fund or the
shadow fund of any other superannuation fund, or
(ii) arises, or (directly or indirectly) derives, from
anything within sub-paragraph (i) or this sub-paragraph.
(12) For the purposes of subsection (11) a contribution, or
an increase in the value of any rights, is “disqualifying”
if it would (ignoring that subsection) cause the benefit
accrual condition not to be met in the case of the actual
fund.
(13) For the purposes of the provisions of this section
relating to the benefit accrual condition, where there is a
recognised transfer—
(a) any transfer of sums or assets to the recipient fund by
the recognised transfer is to be categorised as not being
“a contribution” to the recipient fund, and
(b) any increase in the value of rights under the recipient
fund that occurs at the time of the recognised transfer is
to be treated as not being an increase in that value if the
increase is solely a result of the transfer effected by the
recognised transfer.
(14) For the purposes of subsection (13), where there is a
transfer such that sums or assets held for the purposes of,
or representing accrued rights under, an arrangement
relating to a member of a superannuation fund (“the
transferor fund”) are transferred so as to become held for
the purposes of, or to represent rights under, an
arrangement relating to that person as a member of another
superannuation fund, the transfer is a “recognised
transfer” if—
(a) the conditions in subsection (6)(a) to (c) are met in
the case of each of the funds, and
(b) none of the sums and assets transferred—
(i) represents any contribution treated as made under, or
any increase in the value of any rights treated as an
increase under, the shadow fund of the transferor fund or
the shadow fund of any other superannuation fund, or
(ii) arises, or (directly or indirectly) derives, from
anything within sub-paragraph (i) or this sub-paragraph.’
Amendment 22, page 167, line 19, leave
out sub-paragraphs (6) to (8).
Amendment 23, page 169, line 13, leave
out “Subsection (4) does not” and insert “Subsections (7A)
and (7B)”.
Amendment 24, page 169, line 20, at end
insert—
‘(7A) If the lump sum is wholly in respect of rights which
have accrued on or after 6 April 2017, there is no
reduction under subsection (4).
(7B) If the lump sum is wholly or partly in respect of
rights which accrued before 6 April 2017, the amount of any
reduction under subsection (4) is given by—
R x A/LS
where—
A is so much of the lump sum as is in respect of rights
which accrued before 6 April 2017,
LS is the amount of the lump sum, and
R is the amount which (ignoring this subsection) is given
by subsection (4) as the amount of the reduction.’
Amendment 25, page 170, line 22, at
beginning insert—
“Where the lump sum is paid under a pension scheme that was
an employer-financed retirement benefits scheme immediately
before 6 April 2017, deduct so much of the lump sum left
after Step 1 as is deductible in accordance with subsection
(5A).
Where the lump sum is paid otherwise than under such a
scheme,”
Amendment 26, page 170, line 23, leave
out
“rights, which accrued before 6 April 2017,”
and insert—
“the value immediately before 6 April 2017 of rights,
accrued by then,”.
Amendment 27, page 170, line 39, at end
insert—
‘(5A) These rules apply for the purposes of the first
sentence of Step 2—
(a) “the post-Step 1 amount” means so much of the lump sum
as is left after Step 1;
(b) “the relevant amount” means so much of the post-Step 1
amount as is paid in respect of rights specifically to
receive benefits by way of lump sum payments;
(c) “reckonable service” means service in respect of which
the rights to receive the relevant amount accrued (whether
or not service in the same employment or with the same
employer, and even if the rights originally accrued under a
different employer-financed retirement benefits scheme
established in or outside the United Kingdom);
(d) “pre-6 April 2017 reckonable service” means reckonable
service that is service before 6 April 2017;
(e) “pre-6 April 2017 reckonable foreign service” means
pre-6 April 2017 reckonable service that is foreign
service;
(f) the deductible amount is the value immediately before 6
April 2017 of the rights then accrued to payment of so much
of the relevant amount as is paid in respect of pre-6 April
2017 reckonable service if—
(i) at least 75% of pre-6 April 2017 reckonable service is
made up of foreign service, or
(ii) the period of pre-6 April 2017 reckonable service
exceeds 10 years and the whole of the last 10 years of that
period is made up of foreign service, or
(iii) the period of pre-6 April 2017 reckonable service
exceeds 20 years and at least 50% of that period, including
any 10 of the last 20 years, is made up of foreign service;
(g) otherwise, the deductible amount is the appropriate
fraction of the value immediately before 6 April 2017 of
the rights then accrued to payment of so much of the
relevant amount as is paid in respect of pre-6 April 2017
reckonable service;
(h) “the appropriate fraction” is given by—
F/R
where—
F is the period of pre-6 April 2017 reckonable foreign
service, and
R is the period of pre-6 April 2017 reckonable service.’
Amendment 28, page 170, line 42, at end
insert—
‘“foreign service” has the meaning given by section 395C,’
Amendment 29, page 171, line 17, at end
insert—
‘Relief from tax under Part 9 of ITEPA 2003 not to give
rise to tax under other provisions
13 (1) In section 393B(2)(a) of ITEPA 2003 (tax on benefits
under employer-financed retirement benefit schemes:
“relevant benefits” do not include benefits charged to tax
under Part 9), after “646E” insert “or any deductions under
section 574A(3)”.
(2) The amendment made by this paragraph has effect in
relation to benefits by way of lump sums paid on or after 6
April 2017.’—(Jane Ellison.)
Schedule 3, as amended, agreed to.
Schedule 4
Pensions: offshore transfers
Amendments made: 30, page 172, line 23,
after “sub-paragraph” insert “(6C) or”.
Amendment 31, page 174, line 21, at end
insert—
‘(4A) In sub-paragraph (4) (power to specify whether
payments by scheme are referable to relevant transfer
fund), after “payments or transfers made (or treated as
made) by” insert “, or other things done by or to or under
or in respect of or in the case of,”.’
Amendment 32, page 176, line 28, leave
out “with the next 5” and insert—“immediately before the
next 6”.
Amendment 33, page 177, line 1, leave
out “with the next 5” and insert—
“immediately before the next 6”.
Amendment 34, page 178, line 8, leave
out
“for the purposes of sections 244L and 254”.
Amendment 35, page 178, line 28, leave
out
“for the purposes of sections 244L and 254”.
Amendment 36, page 178, line 48, leave
out
“for the purposes of sections 244L and 254”.
Amendment 37, page 179, line 18, leave
out
“for the purposes of sections 244L and 254”.
Amendment 38, page 180, line 19, leave
out “was” and insert “has been”.
Amendment 39, page 180, line 21, leave
out “was” and insert “has been”.
Amendment 40, page 183, line 17, leave
out from beginning to fourth “the”.
Amendment 41, page 184, leave out lines 30 to 38.
Amendment 42, page 188, line 8, at end
insert—
“17A In Schedule 32 (benefit crystallisation events:
supplementary provision), after paragraph 2 insert—
‘Avoiding double counting of refunded amounts of overseas
transfer charge
2A (1) This paragraph applies where an amount of overseas
transfer charge is repaid (whether or not under section
244M) to the scheme administrator of one of the relevant
pension schemes.
(2) The amount crystallised by the first benefit
crystallisation event that occurs in respect of the
individual and a benefited scheme after receipt of the
repayment is to be reduced (but not below nil) by the
amount of the repayment.
(3) If the amount of the repayment exceeds the reduction
under sub-paragraph (2), the excess is to be set
sequentially until exhausted against the amounts
crystallised by subsequent benefit crystallisation events
occurring in respect of the individual and a benefited
scheme.
(4) In sub-paragraphs (2) and (3) “benefited scheme” means—
(a) the scheme to which the repayment is made, and
(b) any other pension scheme if as a result of a recognised
transfer, or a chain of two or more recognised transfers,
sums or assets representing the repayment are held for the
purposes of, or represent rights under, that other
scheme.’”
Amendment 43, page 188, line 38, at end
insert—
‘(1A) In those Regulations, after regulation 13 insert—
“14 Claims for repayments of overseas transfer charge
(1) This regulation applies where the scheme administrator
of a registered pension scheme becomes aware that the
scheme administrator may be entitled to a repayment under
section 244M of the Act in respect of overseas transfer
charge on a transfer.
(2) The scheme administrator must, no later than 60 days
after the date on which the scheme administrator becomes
aware of that, make a claim for the repayment to the
Commissioners for Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs.
(3) The claim must provide the following information—
(a) the member’s name, date of birth and principal
residential address,
(b) the date of the transfer and, if different, the date of
the event triggering payability of the charge on the
transfer,
(c) the date on which the scheme manager accounted for the
charge on the transfer,
(d) why the charge on the transfer has become repayable,
and
(e) the amount in respect of which the claim is made.
(4) In a case where the 60 days mentioned in paragraph (2)
ends with a day earlier than 14 November 2017, paragraph
(2) is to be treated as requiring the claim to be made no
later than 14 November 2017.”’
Amendment 44, page 188, line 39, leave
out “this paragraph” and insert “sub-paragraph (1)”.
Amendment 45, page 188, line 42, at end
insert—
“( ) The amendment made by sub-paragraph (1A) is to be
treated as having been made by the Commissioners for Her
Majesty’s Revenue and Customs under the powers to make
regulations conferred by section 244M(8) of FA 2004.”
Amendment 46, page 190, line 3, at end
insert—
‘(4A) In regulation 3(3)(a) (reporting duty under
regulation 3(2) expires after 10 years from creation of
relevant transfer fund), after “beginning” insert “—
(i) if the payment is in respect of one or more of the
relevant member’s ring-fenced transfer funds (whether or
not it is also in respect of anything else), with the key
date for that fund or (as the case may be) the later or
latest of the key dates for those funds, and
(ii) if the payment is not to any extent in respect of the
relevant member’s ring-fenced transfer funds,”.’
Amendment 47, page 191, line 26, after
“take” insert “place”.
Amendment 48, page 192, line 26, at end
insert—
“3AEA Information provided by member to QROPS: inward
and outward transfers
(1) Paragraph (2) applies where—
(a) a recognised transfer or onward transfer is made to a
QROPS, or an onward transfer is made by a QROPS or former
QROPS, and
(b) either—
(i) the overseas transfer charge arises in the case of the
transfer, or
(ii) the transfer is required by section 244B or 244C to be
initially assumed to be excluded from the overseas transfer
charge by that section.
(2) Each time during the relevant period for the transfer
that the member—
(a) becomes resident in a country or territory, or
(b) ceases to be resident in a country or territory,
the member must, within 60 days after the date that
happens, inform the scheme manager of the QROPS or former
QROPS that it has happened.
(3) In a case where the 60 days mentioned in paragraph (2)
ends with a day earlier than 30 June 2017, paragraph (2) is
to be treated as requiring the information to be given no
later than 30 June 2017.”
Amendment 49, page 194, line 23, at end
insert—
“3AK Claims for repayments of charge on subsequent
excluding events
(1) Repayment under section 244M (repayments of overseas
transfer charge) to the scheme manager of a QROPS or former
QROPS is conditional on making a claim to HMRC.
(2) Such a claim in respect of overseas transfer charge on
a transfer—
(a) must be in writing,
(b) must be made no later than 12 months after the end of
the relevant period for the transfer, and
(c) must provide the following information—
(i) the member’s name, date of birth and principal
residential address,
(ii) the date of the transfer and, if different, the date
of the event triggering payability of the charge on the
transfer,
(iii) the date on which the scheme manager accounted for
the charge on the transfer,
(iv) why the charge on the transfer has become repayable,
and
(v) the amount in respect of which the claim is made.”
Amendment 50, page 194, line 38, leave
out “regulation 3AE(1) to (5)” and insert “regulations
3AE(1) to (5) and 3AEA”.
Amendment 51, page 195, line 3, at end
insert
“, and
( ) are, so far as they insert new regulation 3AK, to be
treated as having been made by the Commissioners under the
powers to make regulations conferred by section 244M(8) of
FA 2004.”
Amendment 52, page 196, line 28, leave
out “potentially excluded” and insert “overseas”.
Amendment 53, page 196, line 32, at
beginning insert
“either—
(i) the overseas transfer charge arises in the case of the
transfer, or
(ii) ”
Amendment 54, page 196, line 4, at end
insert—
‘(3) In a case where the 60 days mentioned in paragraph (2)
ends with a day earlier than 30 June 2017, paragraph (2) is
to be treated as requiring the information to be given no
later than 30 June 2017.’
Amendment 55, page 198, line 41, after
“Regulations,” insert—
“and the amendments in regulation 11BA of the Registered
Pension Schemes (Provision of Information) Regulations
2006,”
Amendment 56, page 198, line 46, at end
insert—
“if it would otherwise be considered for those purposes as
charged in an earlier period.”—(Jane Ellison.)
Schedule 4, as amended, agreed to.
Schedules 5 and 6 disagreed to.
Schedule 7 agreed to.
Schedules 8 to 15 disagreed to.
Schedule 16
Employment income provided through third parties
Amendment made: 57, page 607, line 18,
leave out from ‘“step”)’ to ‘insert’ in line 19 and insert
‘at the end’.—(Jane Ellison.)
Schedule 16, as amended, agreed to.
Schedules 17 and 18 disagreed to.
Schedule 19 to 23 agreed to.
Schedules 24 to 29 disagreed to.
The Deputy Speaker resumed the Chair.
Bill, as amended, reported.
Bill, as amended in the Committee, considered.
-
Madam Deputy Speaker (Mrs Eleanor Laing)
Order. Under the Order of the House of yesterday, we shall
now move to the remaining stages, with no amendments on
consideration. I shall now suspend the House for no more
than five minutes in order to make a decision about
certification. The Division bells will be rung two minutes
before the House resumes. Following my certification, the
Government will table the appropriate consent motion,
copies of which will be made available in the Vote Office
and distributed by the Doorkeepers.
2.55 pm
Sitting suspended.
3.01 pm
On resuming—
-
Madam Deputy Speaker (Mrs Eleanor Laing)
I can now inform the House of my decision about
certification. For the purposes of Standing Order No.
83L(2), I have certified clause 2 of the Finance (No. 2)
Bill as relating exclusively to England, Wales and Northern
Ireland and within devolved legislative competence. Under
Standing Order No. 83L(4), I have also certified the
following amendment as relating exclusively to England,
Wales and Northern Ireland—the omission of clause 60 of the
Bill in Committee of the whole House. Copies of my
certificate are available in the Vote Office and on the
parliamentary website.
Under Standing Order Nos. 83M and 83S, a consent motion is
therefore required for the Bill to proceed. Copies of the
motion are available in the Vote Office and have been made
available to Members in the Chamber. Does the Minister
intend to move the consent motion?
-
indicated assent.
The House forthwith resolved itself into the Legislative
Grand Committee (England, Wales and Northern Ireland)
(Standing Order No. 83M).
[Mrs in the Chair]
-
The First Deputy Chairman of Ways and Means (Mrs Eleanor
Laing)
The consent motion for England, Wales and Northern Ireland
will now be considered. I remind hon. Members that all
Members may speak in the debate, but if there is a
Division, only Members representing constituencies in
England, Wales and Northern Ireland may vote on the consent
motion.
Motion made, and Question put forthwith (Standing Order No.
83M(2)),
That the Committee consents to the following certified
clauses of the Finance (No. 2) Bill and certified
amendments made by the House to the Bill—
Clauses and schedules certified under Standing Order No.
83L(2) (as modified in it is application by Standing Order
No. 83S(4)) as relating exclusively to England, Wales and
Northern Ireland and being within devolved legislative
competence
Clause 2 of the Bill.
Amendment certified under Standing Order No. 83L(4) (as
modified in it is application by Standing Order No. 83S(4))
as relating exclusively to England, Wales and Northern
Ireland.
The omission in Committee of Clause 60 of the Bill.—(Jane
Ellison.)
Question agreed to.
The occupant of the Chair left the Chair to report the
decisions of the Committee (Standing Order No. 83M(6)).
The Deputy Speaker resumed the Chair; decisions reported.
Third Reading
3.04 pm
-
I beg to move, That the Bill be now read the Third time.
Before I say a few words and briefly comment in summary of
the Bill, may I beg your indulgence, Madam Deputy Speaker,
in making some remarks about a couple of colleagues?
The right hon. Member for Oxford East (Mr Smith) was
present earlier and made a valedictory speech. I referred
to that in my subsequent speech, but I was not then in a
position to mention his record of service to the country.
Not only has he been a parliamentarian since 1987, but he
was a Minister of State for Education and Employment
between 1997 and 1999, Chief Secretary to the Treasury
between 1999 and 2002 and, indeed, Secretary of State for
Work and Pensions between 2002 and 2004. He is no longer in
his place, but I ask his party’s Front-Bench spokesman to
confer my sentiments to him and to draw to his attention
the fact that I—on behalf of the Government and, I am sure,
of all colleagues—have placed on the record our thanks for
his service to the country as a Minister during that
period.
With the House’s indulgence, I will pay tribute to a second
Member. I have very recently been informed that my right
hon. Friend the Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie) is not
seeking re-selection at this election, so I want to make a
few comments about him. He has been the MP for Chichester
since 1997. He is a former adviser to Nigel
Lawson——when he was
Chancellor, as he was to John Major when he was Chancellor.
Members may be aware that my right hon. Friend was a senior
economist at the European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development before he entered Parliament. He is of course a
very senior parliamentarian, and when we moved to electing
our Select Committee Chairs, it was no surprise that he was
elected overwhelmingly by the House with cross-party
support. In recent times, he has served in one of the most
senior positions in Parliament, if not the most senior
position, as Chairman of the Liaison Committee. In all
those roles across his life of public service, governmental
service and service to this House, he has been enormously
distinguished, and I think I speak for everyone in saying
that he is very well liked. I have known him during the
years I have been in Parliament, but as a Treasury
Minister, I have of course come to know him better in
recent months. Indeed, I have responded to his letters on
many occasions, and discussed them with him on the
sidelines on many other occasions. Throughout those
dealings, I have seen all his experience and qualities
being brought to bear. I just want to say that to me, as a
Minister, he has been kind and wise, and I will miss him
enormously.
To move on to my Third Reading speech, the economy is
fundamentally strong, and with this Finance Bill we are
taking yet another step forward in building a stronger
economy and a healthier society. As we have discussed, the
Bill is proceeding on the basis of consensus. A number of
key policy changes to the tax system, such as measures to
tackle tax avoidance, are not being proceeded with now, but
will be brought forward in a Finance Bill at the first
opportunity after the election.
Even in its shortened form, the Bill takes action in three
areas that have been consistent priorities for us in making
changes to the tax system. First, the measures in this Bill
take further action to reduce the deficit and secure the
nation’s public finances, and the Bill raises much-needed
revenue to fund the public services we all value. Secondly,
the Bill takes the next steps to achieve this Government’s
aim of a fairer and more sustainable tax system. It makes
it clear that the tax system must keep pace with the
different ways in which people choose to work, and ensure
fair treatment between individuals. It also demonstrates
our continued commitment to tackling tax avoidance and
evasion to level the playing field for the honest majority
of businesses and individuals that pay the tax they owe.
Finally—this cause is particularly close to my heart, as a
former Minister for Public Health—the Bill marks an
important step in tackling childhood obesity by legislating
for the soft drinks industry levy. As I noted earlier, we
have achieved a great deal of cross-party consensus on the
levy, which will help to deliver a brighter and healthier
future for our children. I am delighted that we will be
able to put it on the statute book.
In conclusion, this Finance Bill supports our commitment to
a fair and sustainable tax system, one that offers support
for our critical public services and will get the country
back to living within its means. In that regard, it sits
with this Government’s long-term commitment to improving
the strength of our economy, and I commend it to the House.
-
Madam Deputy Speaker (Mrs Eleanor Laing)
Before I call the Opposition spokesman, may I echo on
behalf of the whole House the Minister’s kind words about
the right hon. Members for Oxford East (Mr Smith) and for
Chichester (Mr Tyrie). We extend those kind words to all
other hon. Members who are present this afternoon, who have
taken part in the debates on this Bill and many similar
Bills assiduously and brilliantly on behalf of their
constituents, and who will not be here during the next
Parliament? The whole House wishes them all very well
indeed.
3.10 pm
-
I absolutely concur with the comments that you have just
made, Madam Deputy Speaker, and that the Minister made
about my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford East (Mr
Smith) and the right hon. Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie).
May I comment on my hon. Friend the Member for
Wolverhampton South West (Rob Marris), who is also leaving
the House? It seems to me that some people have got time
off for good behaviour.
May I just make a point about my hon. Friend the Member for
Ealing North (Stephen Pound) and the Perivale scout group?
He was very concerned about the insurance premium tax. I do
not think he won on that point, but he has won on the sugar
tax, which will save the teeth of the scout group. Good
news for teeth; bad news for dentists, I suspect.
I alluded earlier to the fact that, as far as I could
gather, this was the longest Finance Bill to be presented
to the House. It had 135 clauses and 792 pages. It had
clauses on pensions advice, overseas pensions, personal
portfolio bonds, an employee shareholding scheme, an
insurance premium tax, air passenger duty, duties in
general, fraudulent evasion, digital reporting, data
gathering and search powers, as well as umpteen schedules.
Of course, each of the clauses and schedules has had some
degree of scrutiny, but not necessarily the amount we would
like, because the general election has rather unhelpfully
intervened in our deliberations. But, as they say, that’s
democracy. Scrutiny is the fundamental role of Parliament,
so when we do not have enough time for that role, we need
to ensure that measures are not simply pushed through
willy-nilly. I do not think that they have been in this
regard.
We must always have a balance between raising tax and the
dampening effect that that can have on business and
society. That can be a difficult balance to draw and I
think it has been drawn pretty well today.
I have referred previously to the need to raise our game in
relation to productivity in the economy. Higher
productivity is a driver of economic growth. Whatever our
position, I hope that, to some degree, the Bill will help
push up productivity growth.
On the soft drinks levy, to which the Minister referred,
the primary school PE and sport premium will go up from
£160 million to £320 million annually, there will be an
extra £10 million for breakfast clubs and, of course, 57%
of the public support the levy. The Obesity Health Alliance
found that the levy could potentially save up to 144,000
adults and children from obesity; prevent 19,000 cases of
type 2 diabetes; and avoid, as I alluded to, 270,000
decayed teeth. I welcome the Minister’s commitment to the
review in a couple of years, based on the advice of Public
Health England.
Some measures are no longer in the Bill, some will no doubt
come back and we will bring some measures back before the
House. We hope that those measures, in one way or another,
will be scrutinised.
3.14 pm
-
Like this one, the debates today have tended to be fairly
quiet, with not many of us speaking.
I echo the comments that have been made about the right hon.
Members for Chichester (Mr Tyrie) and for Oxford East (Mr
Smith) and the hon. Member for Wolverhampton South West (Rob
Marris), with whom I had the pleasure of serving on the
Finance Bill Committee last year. I was constantly impressed
by his incredible knowledge about all the matters we
discussed. I will be sorry to see him go from this place.
I have a few matters to raise on Third Reading. We have had a
greatly curtailed debate on the Finance (No. 2) Bill this
year. Obviously, we will see a new Finance Bill in the next
Session, but this Bill has been one of the most bizarre
things I have been part of since I was elected. Last Tuesday,
we had Second Reading. On Tuesday morning, everything was
going to proceed as normal with the Finance Bill. We were
going to have two days of Committee of the whole House,
something like six Public Bill Committee sittings and two
days for Report stage and Third Reading. As it is, it has all
been squidged into three hours or so, with the opportunity
for it to last for five hours. It has been totally bizarre.
I appreciated receiving the Government’s notification that
they would withdraw some things last night, but that was very
little notice to allow us to go through all these matters
properly and to work out exactly what the Government had and
had not decided to proceed with. It has been difficult to
operate under these circumstances and to provide the
appropriate scrutiny, given the lack of time. The SNP has
done its best. We have spoken on every group today and were
the only party, other than the Government, to table
amendments to the Bill. We have gone out of our way to
provide scrutiny.
Before I talk about the provisions of the Bill, I want
briefly to mention the way in which the Government tackle
budgetary scrutiny, the way in which the Standing Orders are
drafted and the way in which this House considers financial
matters. In the past, I have raised at length the
shortcomings of the estimates process. The Budget process is
marginally better, but still not great.
I have mentioned a number of times the “Better Budgets”
report. I absolutely back the call by the organisations that
wrote that report for the Finance Public Bill Committee to
have public hearings. It is really important for this House
to do that. I would very much like whatever Government comes
in after 8 June to change the Standing Orders to allow
hearings in the Public Bill Committee stage of the Finance
Bill. That would make a really big difference to the level of
scrutiny we are able to provide. I have heard the argument
that the Treasury Committee hears evidence from members of
the public. However, different individuals sit on the
Treasury Committee and the Finance Bill Committee. I will
keep making this call—the Minister knows that once I start
bringing something up, I am not very good at letting it
go—until the Government change the Standing Orders. I
recognise that they were not put in place by this Government.
On the provisions of the Bill, I welcome the Government’s
withdrawal of certain measures. I note the Government’s
position on making tax digital, but I welcome their
recognition that it is a contentious matter and that it would
be better to bring it back following the general election. I
welcome the withdrawal of the changes to the dividend
threshold. We did not feel we had adequate time to scrutinise
those changes and I appreciate the Government taking that
measure out of the Bill.
We are less supportive of some matters that have made it to
Third Reading. We still feel that the Government can do more
on tax evasion. New clause 1 on tax evasion, which we tabled
for debate today, asked the Government to look at
international comparators and to bring back a full report on
all the ways in which international comparators are
successful in tackling tax evasion. I get that piecemeal work
has been done on this, but a full report would be incredibly
helpful for the UK Government to ensure that the right
decisions are taken to tackle tax evasion.
We are clear that there is still not enough protection for
whistleblowers. We are very indebted to individuals who come
forward and we would like to encourage them to continue to do
so. Anything the Government can do on that would therefore be
welcome.
On self-employment, last year’s Finance Bill made some
changes for those employed through intermediaries and this
year’s Finance Bill does the same. The Chancellor proposed
changes to national insurance, but then rowed back on them.
Those, however, are all piecemeal changes. If the Government
want to make changes, they need to do them properly by
looking at everything that affects the taxation of
self-employed individuals. They also need to look at tax
credits, so that self-employed individuals are supported
through childcare vouchers and so on. Everything needs to be
taken in the round, in addition to pension entitlement,
holiday entitlement and maternity leave entitlement. A proper
tax system needs to be put in place to tax self-employed
individuals appropriately and provide them with appropriate
benefits to encourage them to aspire and to leave
employment—or leave unemployment—to begin their own
businesses. The more we do that, and the less we shift the
goalposts, the better situation we will be in.
The UK Government could do more to give confidence to the oil
and gas industry. I would very much like them to look at
changes to the tax regime on small pools. They have said they
are committed to backing the maximising economic recovery
strategy put in place by Sir Ian Wood. However, they have not
followed up on that with enough measures. I do not feel that
oil and gas has been given the priority it should be given.
Oil and gas is incredibly important to the UK’s economy as a
whole, as well as to the economy of Scotland. It supports a
huge number of jobs in our communities, even though there has
been a massive reduction in the number of those jobs in
recent years.
I am not asking for the Government to significantly reduce
the rates of tax for oil and gas; I am asking them to look at
incentivising investment and to look at those more difficult
to reach pools. I am not asking for massive tax giveaways. In
fact, incentives for investing in small pools would be a net
benefit for the Government—it would not cost them anything. I
am not asking for an amazing massive reduction in headline
rates of tax; I am asking the Government to listen to
companies that are coming forward and asking for small and
reasonable changes, some of which will increase, not
decrease, the UK Government’s tax take. I therefore ask the
Government to consider the amendments we have tabled and the
suggestions we are making.
I appreciate the changes—they are long overdue—the UK
Government hope to make in relation to late life assets. As
soon as the commission can report and the change can be
implemented the better. I would really appreciate that coming
forward quickly.
Regardless of which Government are elected, we will have a
new Budget and a new Finance Bill. We have not seen from this
Government in any discussion of finances, nearly a year on
from the Brexit referendum, an acceptance of the effects
Brexit will have on the UK Government’s budget and tax take,
on employment levels, on our constituents’ jobs, on what
businesses will come in and on the level of investment that
will be coming in. Nearly a year on, we have not seen any
recognition of any of that. I hope that in the next
Parliament, the new Government will recognise the financial
impact of Brexit on household budgets and jobs. I hope we see
real changes that take into account the effects of Brexit.
-
(Wolverhampton South West)
(Lab)
During the coalition Government, fiscal policy was
unnecessarily tight and our constituents paid the price.
After seven years, we have moved to a position where, despite
the Prime Minister in her election campaign saying that taxes
will be lower under a Conservative Government—she has not
actually said lower than what—this year, on projections which
of course may or may not come to pass, taxation as a
percentage of national income is likely to be at its highest
ever level in peacetime. That is not exactly a low-tax
Government.
For the Government to try to pretend that they are a low-tax
Government is unfortunate during a general election. It also
leads to an unfortunate trend on both sides of the House to
talk about taxation as if it were an evil in and of itself.
Taxation pays for public services, which all our constituents
enjoy. I have no problem with taxation that is fair and
sustainable—the Minister talked about that—and if we clamp
down on tax avoidance. I only wish that the outgoing
Government and the incoming Government, whoever they are,
were more forceful on the public register of beneficial
ownership of offshore-held accounts and funds, particularly
since about half the amount around the world, as far as we
can tell, is held in British overseas territories. The UK
therefore has a huge role to play. I salute the role the
Conservative Government have thus far played, but there is
further to go. I hope that an incoming Labour Government on 9
June will take it a lot further.
I have done seven or eight Finance Bills in my time in this
House. As some right hon. and hon. Members know, this will be
my final speech to the House, as I am retiring at the general
election. I will be putting my feet up in the garden and
watching the rest of you work. One has to try, as the right
hon. Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie) always tried—he has
rightly been praised in this debate—to be realistic about
what is going on. What is going on is that, under the
coalition Government and the Conservative Government of the
past two years, inequality of income has fallen—that is true
on the Gini coefficient—and unemployment has fallen
fantastically. In round terms, employment is up by 2.75
million. That is a fantastic achievement. About one in five
of those new jobs is a zero-hours contract and not all
zero-hours contracts are decried by those who have them. The
proportion of workers who are working part time has hardly
changed in seven years. There will be some who are working
part time who would prefer to work full time, but many of
those who are working part time, including within that 2.75
million, choose to do so and they should have the flexibility
to do so.
The achievement on falling unemployment has, however, been
bought on a sea of debt. The national debt in the past seven
years has gone up by almost 70%. That is an enormous amount
in peace time in seven years. The deficit, I have to say to
this outgoing Government, is a bit like ’s golden rule—another
can that kept getting kicked down the road—that Government
borrowing should, on the economic cycle, be balanced.
, as Chancellor and
Prime Minister, kept redefining what the economic cycle was
to try to make his figures work out.
With this Government and the previous Government, the annual
deficit, which is still enormous, is always going to be
sorted out in five years’ time. I am not sure how many of my
constituents believe that any more, particularly in a year
when, I think I am right in saying, the Government of Greece,
through measures that every Labour Member and many Government
Member would find far too painful, socially disruptive and
unacceptable—measures forced on them by the troika and the
International Monetary Fund—are due to record a surplus on
their current account.
Here we are, in the wealthy United Kingdom, with a Government
who are saying, as did their predecessor Government over the
preceding five years, “We want to get the deficit down, and
we will get it down in five years”—it is always mañana,
always another five years—but who, on that measure, are doing
far, far worse than the Government of Greece. It is an
indictment of seven years of Conservative-led Government. My
constituents have had the pain but not the gain. Inequality
of wealth, in contradistinction to inequality of income, has
increased very markedly in the past seven years. Not only do
I find that distasteful, as a socialist; as a citizen of the
UK, I find it worrying, because if a society becomes too
unequal, it carries a severe risk of social fracture.
We see that in the housing market. On current trends, many
people will never have affordable housing. Those in the next
generation who have it often have it because their parents or
grandparents did as well and they have inherited a deposit or
house from earlier generations in their family who owned
property. That trend will lock in inequality into our
society. Both sides of the House profess to decry and wish to
address such inequality, but it will be locked in through the
housing market because in the past 10 years, in particular,
we have not built or created nearly enough housing units in
the UK. It will have huge social implications when that trend
creates rigid inequality that cannot be overcome, regardless
of what we do on schooling, because it is locked in. Does
someone inherit or not inherit a down payment on a house?
That is very sad for a society in which average
earnings—average incomes have risen because pensioner incomes
have risen thanks to the triple lock—are still below what
they were nine years ago before the crash.
That is not all the fault of the Government, who have taken
some good steps, but they have not gone far enough on what
they now call the national living wage. They are converts—the
Conservative party opposed the minimum wage on principle when
we introduced the legislation in 1998—and with the zeal of
converts, they have gone a lot further than I and many Labour
Members expected in terms of a statutory minimum wage and
national living wage, but they still have not gone far
enough. That is bad for social cohesion and poverty in this
country and bad for economic growth, because in a capitalist
society, one way to drive productivity is through higher
wages and a substitution of capital for labour. When we
substitute capital for labour, very often—not in every case,
but overall and very often—we get higher productivity.
We need to do more. The Government have taken some steps, but
we on the Labour Benches do not think they have gone nearly
far enough, on productivity as it relates to technical
training and upskilling the workforce. The Conservative party
has come late to that party. We now have the target of 3
million apprentices, which might or might not be met, but if
it is met, one fears it will be through redefining as
“apprenticeships” courses and training schemes that many of
us would not regard as such, to make the figures work—that is
always a danger with targets. It is laudable, however, that
the Government want to take policies from Labour and increase
training, particularly technical training, in our economy,
and the Bill will help in that regard.
Over the past seven years—this is not addressed in the
Bill—infrastructure spending has been insufficient, but we
have also had, and are having, inappropriate infrastructure
spending. Unless there is a change of course, as I hope there
will be, we will be spending about £60 billion or more on the
HS2 railway line, which is a very bad allocation of capital
for transport spending. We are also on course to
spend—indirect spending through much higher electricity
prices, not direct spending by the Government—upwards of £18
billion on the Hinkley Point C nuclear reactor, which is to
be built by a bankrupt French company, EDF, which is only
still going because it is being bailed out by its state
owners, the French Government, and using a design that has
never worked anywhere in the world. It is being tried in
Finland and Normandy, but those projects are years overdue
and massively over-budget, yet it is part of the Government’s
approach to infrastructure spending. We on the Labour Benches
recognise that the Government have again started to borrow
some of our policies, such as the possible cap on domestic
energy prices, but they have not gone far enough on
infrastructure spending and have lost their way on some of
these big projects.
The final issue, mentioned by the hon. Member for Aberdeen
North (Kirsty Blackman), is Brexit, which looms over us all
and all our constituents but, surprisingly, not over the
Bill. Before the referendum last summer, the Treasury was
keen to put out projections of what Treasury officials
thought would be the consequences of a Brexit vote. It was an
entirely appropriate use of Treasury resources by a
Government whose official policy was to support the United
Kingdom remaining in the EU. We had all those projections,
but since the 23 June things have gone quiet. I appreciate
that the UK, in round terms, is still 100 weeks away from
leaving the EU, which makes it more difficult to come up with
projections of what is likely to happen with our
economy—partly because we do not know what the Brexit package
will be—but there are some signs of concern in the markets
about Brexit that I do not think are adequately reflected in
the financial measures proposed by the outgoing Government,
including the measures in the Bill. If the Government are
re-elected—in my view, that would be unfortunate—they will
have to get their act together and be a bit more public about
where they see the economy going with Brexit.
As I said, I appreciate that that cannot easily be done given
that we do not know what the final package will look like or
whether it will be a hard Brexit with no package at all, but
to reassure the markets and—just as importantly—our
constituents, whichever side of referendum they might have
been on, the Government of the day, from 9 June, will have to
be rather more open about the direction of travel and what
they are doing to be proactive, rather than reactive, to the
process of Brexit and its effect on the economy. That will be
the case whatever the Government’s colour, because without
that greater clarity the markets will be more concerned and
more spooked and our constituents will be more concerned and
more worried than they need to be. Of course nobody has a
crystal ball, but it would help us all to have a few more
projections than we hitherto have had.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read the Third time and passed.
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