Diesel Vehicle Scrappage Scheme 9.30 am Neil Parish (Tiverton
and Honiton) (Con) I beg to move, That this House has
considered a diesel vehicle scrappage scheme. It is a great
pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Chope. I also have
great pleasure in leading this debate. The good attendance...Request free trial
Diesel Vehicle Scrappage Scheme
9.30 am
-
(Tiverton and Honiton)
(Con)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered a diesel vehicle scrappage
scheme.
It is a great pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr
Chope. I also have great pleasure in leading this debate.
The good attendance shows the strength of feeling for
implementing a diesel vehicle scrappage scheme and tackling
air pollution problems. In my speech, I shall touch on why
we need a scrappage scheme, outline how such a scheme would
complement the Government’s new air quality plan, and
suggest how systems could be designed and targeted at the
dirtiest diesel engines.
Why do we need a diesel vehicle scrappage scheme? I think
that everyone here knows how we got to this point. The
previous Government said that diesel cars should attract
less vehicle tax than petrol equivalents because of their
better carbon dioxide performance, and the present
Government carried on in very much the same vein.
-
Mr (Warley) (Lab)
I thank the hon. Gentleman for saying that, because there
is a narrative that this was a perverse act by the previous
Government. Can he confirm that in fact it was supported by
all the other parties at the time—as he has rightly
conceded, the policy was continued by the present
Government—because CO2 reduction was seen as the overriding
imperative?
-
Heaven forbid that I should say the last Government were
perverse. It was the acquired wisdom of the day that we
should reduce CO2, and diesel produced more per litre than
petrol, so encouraging diesel was the obvious way to go.
There were some rumblings at the time, if I remember
rightly, but I have to accept that we did not change the
policy when we came to power. Of course, we have now seen
the new science and seen the light, and therefore need to
take action on particulates and on nitrogen oxides in
particular.
-
Mr Spellar
I apologise to the hon. Gentleman for intervening again,
but he says that we have seen the evidence. Can he tell us
the breakdown of emissions of particulates and NOx from
various modes of transport, whether buses, trucks or
private vehicles, and particularly as compared with other
sources? I will mention a number of them—
-
Mr (in the
Chair)
Order. Not in an intervention, I hope.
-
Mr Spellar
Incineration, power stations and a number of others, which
I will reflect on in my contribution.
-
I think that the right hon. Gentleman has started his
speech already. The figure I can give him is that in the
hotspots in our inner cities, some 60% of the nitric oxide
comes from transport. It is quite difficult to break that
down and say how much comes from buses, taxies, lorries,
delivery vans and cars, but there is no doubt that tackling
the private car, particularly in those spots, will help to
make a real difference in reducing NOx emissions. Transport
is a particular issue, as is the older diesel engine. We
cannot ignore what is going on; we need to take action.
Motorists were encouraged to switch to diesel through
changes to the vehicle taxation system. We now know that
that was a policy mistake. The uptake of diesel cars
rocketed. The proportion of diesel vehicles on British
roads increased from 20% in 2005 to 37.8% in 2015. That was
a deliberate Government policy. Between 2005 and 2015, we
did see cleaner diesel vehicles, but naturally they still
give off particulates and NOx.
In turn, the number of extra diesel vehicles has caused a
host of air quality problems. Diesel engines emit a higher
level of nitrogen oxides. Those gases cause or worsen
health conditions such as asthma and bronchitis and even
increase the risk of heart attacks and strokes. They are
linked to tens of thousands of premature deaths in Britain
every year.
As a result, the Select Committee on Environment, Food and
Rural Affairs, which I chair, branded poor air quality a
“public health emergency” in our recent report to the
Government. Four in 10 local authorities breached legal
nitrogen dioxide limits last year. That shocking statistic
shows the scale of the problem.
-
(Central Suffolk and
North Ipswich) (Con)
My hon. Friend is right to highlight the fact that many
diesel vehicles give off six to eight times or even more
nitrogen oxide compared with petrol equivalents, but in
that context does he agree that although it is commendable
that Governments have focused on carbon reduction targets,
and that may be the driver behind this policy, good
environmental policy is also about looking at the other
pollutant effects of cars and particularly diesel, and that
the push towards electric cars may well be an important
part of the long-term solution?
-
I very much agree, because I think that any scrappage
scheme must be very much linked to electric vehicles and
certainly hybrid vehicles. I see little point in converting
people from diesel back to petrol, especially if we use
taxpayers’ money to do that.
-
(Swansea West)
(Lab/Co-op)
I support everything that the hon. Gentleman is saying. He
knows that today I am publishing my Clean Air Bill, which
deals with wider mapping to provide infrastructure for
electric and hydrogen, more powers for local authorities
and a broader fiscal strategy to confront the escalating
number of people dying because of diesel emissions. Will he
lend that Bill his support—I know he has put his name to
it—today?
-
The hon. Gentleman’s Bill is a good idea, because we all
have to work together on air quality to lengthen the lives
of many of our constituents and certainly of many people in
the hotspots. That is where electric vehicles, the charging
points, taxis, buses and all those things come in. We need
to look at hydrogen cars; we need to look at a whole range
of vehicles, and perhaps sometimes we need to take people
out of vehicles altogether. Norman Tebbit’s “On your bike”
may have a whole new meaning. If people go to work on a
bike, that is good for the environment as well as for
getting to work.
-
(Upper Bann)
(DUP)
rose—
-
I will give way to the hon. Gentleman, who is a member of
the Select Committee.
-
I thank our esteemed Chairman of the EFRA Committee for
giving way. Let us say that a diesel vehicle scrappage
scheme is implemented. Does he envisage that it will be
rolled out across the whole United Kingdom, or will it be
left to the devolved nations to sort it out themselves?
-
That is probably a decision for my right hon. Friend the
Minister and the Government. We have such an esteemed
Minister here this morning. As I was his Parliamentary
Private Secretary at one stage, I especially know what an
esteemed Minister he is and I expect to hear some very good
and detailed policy from him in our debate this morning, so
I look forward to his response. I suspect that it will be
down to the devolved nations to roll out such a scheme, but
I also suspect that devolved nations will be looking for a
little cash to do that.
-
(Dover) (Con)
I congratulate my hon. Friend on securing this important
debate. Does he agree that many drivers of diesel cars will
feel that they were encouraged to buy those cars, but now
they face the prospect of local authorities seeking to
fleece them for taxes in order to raise money to plug their
own funding gaps, and that they will feel that that is
deeply unfair?
-
Yes. My hon. Friend makes a very good point. The idea
behind the scrappage scheme is that it will not only help
with air quality but provide some recompense for people, in
that those who were moved towards diesel will get a carrot
as well as a stick. A stick, in the form of a £12.50
charge, will be applied here in London in 2019. I do not
necessarily disagree with it, but a poorer family, who may
not be able to afford another car, do need some help. A
scheme such as the one under discussion is part of the
balance that must be struck. As I said, people were
encouraged down the route of diesel. We also have to get
over a certain amount of scepticism among the public. They
will be saying, “For years you were saying, ‘Drive
diesels.’ Now you say, ‘Don’t drive diesels; drive hybrids
and electric cars.’” That is absolutely right, but we have
to explain exactly why we are going down that route, and a
scrappage scheme would help to ease the pain.
-
(South West
Bedfordshire) (Con)
Will my hon. Friend give way one last time?
-
I certainly will to my hon. Friend.
-
My hon. Friend is being unbelievably generous to us, and we
must not carry on trespassing on his generosity. So far he
has not mentioned gas. Like him I am a huge fan of electric
vehicles, but does he accept that for heavy goods vehicles,
refuse collection vehicles and so on, gas-powered vehicles
could provide an important interim stepping stone, given
that at the moment electric cannot shift that weight of
vehicle in an economic fashion?
-
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The conversion to gas
can reduce the particulates back to about 60% to 70% of
what they were previously, so a big gain is to be had
there. I also understand that most lorries would have to
carry their full capacity load weight in batteries in order
to drive themselves, so at the moment the electric lorry is
not an option. We will probably build towards some hybrids
in the future. We also have to look at taxis; we want
electric taxis, but for those that cannot become electric
in the first instance we should perhaps convert them to gas
and then to electric. It is the same with delivery vans and
other vehicles. Part of our lifestyle these days is that we
order a lot online and find a lot of vans going round. This
is about a whole combination of those things.
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Mr Spellar
Will the hon. Gentleman give way?
-
As long as the right hon. Gentleman makes it brief, please.
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Mr Spellar
I thank the hon. Gentleman. The one thing that has been
absent from his wide exposition over a range of transport
issues is any actual costings of the changes he proposes.
Has his Committee actually done any of that?
-
I actually converted one of my own vehicles to gas.
Usually, converting a vehicle is something like between
£1,500 and £2,000, so it is not ridiculous money to convert
to gas. All the bus companies and taxi firms will do all
the costings and will know firmly how much it is. As I
said, a certain amount of help is therefore needed to help
the commercial sector to convert to the new world.
Otherwise they will not do it because of the economics.
The Government have twice lost in court over their failure
to tackle poor air quality. In November, the High Court
forced the Government to come up with a new, better air
quality plan. The draft will be published imminently—by 24
April at the latest—so we may hear something on that matter
from the Minister this morning. Already, from this October,
pre-2006 diesels and petrol vehicles will face a £10 charge
when they enter London at peak periods. It is expected that
diesel drivers will be hit hard. Separately, the Budget Red
Book stated that the Government would consider appropriate
tax treatment for diesel vehicles ahead of the 2017 Budget.
Diesel owners who bought their vehicles in good faith are
expected to be hit with higher bills.
Of course, I understand the need for tough action. These
new measures are the stick to reduce diesel vehicle
numbers, but what about the carrot? Where are the
incentives to encourage drivers to move away from diesel?
The Prime Minister recently said,
“I’m very conscious of the fact that past governments have
encouraged people to buy diesel cars and we need to take
that into account”.
That is where the case for a targeted diesel scrappage
scheme comes in; it perfectly complements the Government’s
clean air zone plans.
-
(Blackley and
Broughton) (Lab)
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman, who is being extremely
generous with his time. Given that most of the
concentration of nitrous oxide, nitrogen dioxide and
particulates is in urban areas, does he think that in any
scrappage scheme a priority should be given to people
living in urban areas? It seems slightly generous and
pointless to support people who own diesels in the middle
of North Yorkshire, say.
-
The hon. Gentleman raises an interesting point. Yes,
priority does need to be given to the inner city, because
that is where we are particularly trying to improve the
quality—in the hotspots of poor air quality. There is
perhaps also a need to help beyond the inner city,
because—this is the point I have been making—people bought
their diesels in good faith. Certainly, there should be a
targeted approach. One of the problems with the previous
scrappage scheme was that it was to boost car sales at that
time—it is a lovely position for middle England to decide,
“Let’s change our car.” In some ways, there may be a need
to target partly by income as well. If we are not careful,
a lot of the people who we most want to trade in their
older diesels may be those who can least afford a new car.
That is perhaps beyond my pay grade, but it is not beyond
the pay grade of the Minister, who will reply in a minute.
-
The Minister of State, Department for Transport (Mr John
Hayes)
Almost nothing is.
-
Good; I look forward to the Minister’s words of wisdom. The
hon. Member for Blackley and Broughton (Graham Stringer)
raises an interesting point—it is the hotspots in
particular that we need to sort.
Road transport still counted for 34% of the UK’s NOx
emissions in 2015, and the rate of reduction from the
sector has slowed down because of the increased
contribution from diesel vehicles. Turning to the
Government’s plans, I was therefore disappointed that a
scrappage scheme was not announced at the Budget. Of
course, we are a little hopeful that something may be
announced very soon. The Transport Secretary stated on “The
Andrew Marr Show” in February that the Government were
considering a scrappage scheme, but there have been no
further announcements. I know that there are concerns about
the costs of any scheme, and that is why it should be
targeted and proportionate. It can be a key weapon in the
Government’s armoury in tackling air pollution problems.
What is more, a scrappage scheme is very popular with the
public. A recent survey of over 20,000 AA members showed
that seven in 10 backed the policy, rising to three
quarters among young people. A separate survey published by
the think-tank Bright Blue just two weeks ago showed that
67% of Conservatives backed a scrappage scheme. Ministers,
this is a policy with significant public support,
especially as we move, dare I say it, towards a general
election—that was not in my speech.
What would a scrappage scheme look like? First, it would
mean replacement by ultra-low emission vehicles. Any
potential scrappage scheme should have a stringent
condition on the replacement vehicle. It should mandate
users to swap their vehicles for an ultra-low emission
vehicle or other forms of transport.
-
Mr (East
Londonderry) (DUP)
I thank the hon. Gentleman for giving way and congratulate
him on securing the debate. He is outlining some of the
things that he hopes will happen. At the weekend we saw
some publicity regarding the explosion in credit for
purchasing new and recently second-hand cars. Does he agree
that the last thing we want to see is a further explosion
of credit on the back of an issue that has resulted from
the expansion of diesel cars over the past 20 years?
-
That is always the problem. Naturally, in order to buy a
new car, people often need credit. I suppose the argument
is that if a certain amount of support is available for a
new vehicle, people will not need to borrow quite as much
credit to get that vehicle. I understand what the hon.
Gentleman says, but we have to balance that with the fact
that we need to improve air quality dramatically. That is
why a scheme should perhaps be particularly targeted
towards our inner city.
What I was talking about could include a public transport
ticket, a car club membership, a rail season ticket or
cleaner transport such as a new bicycle. A scrappage scheme
may not necessarily be just about people changing their
cars. I could do with a new bicycle to come in from
Battersea every morning—it would be ideal. The scheme would
work in a similar way to the pollution reduction voucher
scheme operating in southern California. The whole idea of
this morning’s debate is to think slightly outside the box.
The scheme also has a potential to provide a substantial
boost to the UK’s emerging electric vehicle market.
Secondly, the scheme would be means-tested. I do not want a
scrappage scheme becoming a subsidy entirely for the middle
classes. Households should not just be able to trade in
multiple diesels for a cash subsidy. Instead, the
Government should consider targeting a scrappage scheme at
poorer households or those earning less than 60% of the
median UK household income in particular.
-
Dr Poulter
My hon. Friend is kind to give way again. I congratulate
him—as I should have done earlier—on securing this
important debate. As he has outlined, one of the challenges
is making sure that the incentives support lower-income
families. Does he agree that we will need to learn lessons
from past incentives that failed to do so, such as the
green deal, if we are to make the scheme effective and help
people in the poorer parts of our cities?
-
I am sure that the Government, especially the Treasury,
will be looking at this issue particularly closely, first
because the best use of taxpayers’ cash is to target those
who most need it and secondly because it may be possible to
widen the scrappage scheme while ensuring that those on
lower incomes receive the most support. There are ways of
tailoring the scrappage scheme to do exactly what we want,
which is to get older diesels out and to help those,
particularly those on lower incomes, who cannot otherwise
afford to do so.
-
I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman’s generosity in giving
way. Does he accept that there is a strong case that the
motor manufacturers, not just the taxpayer and the
consumer, should make a major contribution towards the cost
of such a scheme? Volkswagen has had to pay billions of
dollars in the United States because of its cheat devices;
we know that emissions on the road were at five or six
times their supposed laboratory levels, and a lot of cars
in France, Germany and elsewhere have been withdrawn for a
refit. Is there not a strong case that the Government
should go to the manufacturers for a contribution towards
the scheme?
-
I know that the Minister has had some strong discussions
with Volkswagen. It is not just Volkswagen; car manuals
often give a figure for miles per gallon and then a true
figure that is about two-thirds of the ideal figure. They
will say that the car does 60 mpg when it really does 45
mpg or 40 mpg, so there has been a certain amount of
deception there. I also think that companies such as
Volkswagen could buy themselves some public esteem by
helping to support a scheme for moving towards electric
vehicles. Not only should the Government talk to Volkswagen
and other vehicle manufacturers; it would be good for those
companies, which have manufactured so many diesels, to say,
“We can help to convert people away from diesel.” The hon.
Gentleman makes a good point.
-
Further to the point about Volkswagen, does my hon. Friend
agree that there has also been a loss of tax revenue and
that the Government should seek to get it back from
Volkswagen and others? We taxed these vehicles believing
that they were much lower-emission than they really were.
-
My hon. Friend raises a good point. It is not just that
people have paid less tax because they and the Government
believed that their vehicle was emitting less. Those people
were also sold vehicles that did not achieve the emissions
levels that the manufacturer said they did, which raises
the question of whether not only the Government but the
individual motorists who bought those cars are entitled to
some compensation. I suspect that some cases will end up in
the courts, and it will be interesting to see what the
courts have to say about them.
The Government should particularly consider targeting a
scrappage scheme at poorer households and those that earn
less than 60% of the median UK household income. They could
taper support, with lower-income households entitled to a
higher level of support for exchanging their vehicles.
My third proposal for a new scrappage scheme is that it
should be targeted. I would limit it to the 5.6 million
diesel cars on British roads that were registered before
2005, which are on Euro standards 1, 2, 3 and 4 and have
higher NOx levels of at least 0.25 mg per km. This would
complement current clean air zone plans to charge vehicles
of Euro 4 standard and below, as well as the London
T-Charge that will begin this October. A scrappage scheme
would give diesel owners the chance to replace their older,
dirtier vehicles before clean air zone charging is
implemented, which is quite important.
Another option would be to geographically target the scheme
at this country’s pollution hotspots. The think tank
IPPR—the Institute for Public Policy Research—has estimated
that there are around 900,000 Euro 4 or older diesel
vehicles in the 16 top pollution hotspots in the country.
By creating a targeted scrappage scheme, the Government
could help to remove more than half the dirtiest vehicles
from the worst polluting hotspots.
My fourth proposal relates to funding. The previous
scrappage scheme in 2009 was targeted at cars that were
more than 10 years old. A vehicle could be scrapped in
exchange for a £2,000 discount—£1,000 from the Government
and £1,000 from car manufacturers. I propose that a new
scrappage scheme could follow a similar model. Funding
should also be capped and time-limited, like the last
scheme, which set deadlines of February 2010 or £400
million, whichever was achieved first. If the Government
earmarked £500 million for the scheme, that could take
nearly 10% of the 5 million dirtiest diesel vehicles off
our roads. Evidence from the previous scheme shows that it
was generally the oldest and therefore more polluting cars
that were being replaced. Moreover, past schemes have
generally brought forward investment decisions.
I know that Ministers have baulked at the costs of a
scrappage scheme, but they should not be put off. It need
not be an open-ended funding commitment. A targeted scheme
capped at £500 million would be a real tonic to get dirty
diesels off the road quickly. Even better, they would be
replaced with ultra-low emission vehicles or a clean
transport option. The Government still have vast air
quality problems and the last thing we want is for them to
end up having to pay fines. It would be better to go
forward with something positive.
I will finish with two thoughts. The Secretary of State for
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs has called air quality
her Department’s top priority. The Secretary of State for
Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy has said that
electric vehicles are at the heart of the Government’s new
industrial strategy. I cannot think of a policy that would
better target both of those aims. A targeted, means-tested
scrappage scheme in which diesel vehicles could be swapped
for an ultra-low emission vehicle or a cleaner transport
option should be a key weapon in the Government’s armoury
for tackling air pollution. It would be the perfect
complement to the new clean air zones strategy. I look
forward to hearing from the Minister and other colleagues.
9.58 am
-
(Swansea West)
(Lab/Co-op)
As I mentioned earlier, I will publish my Clean Air Bill
today. I should put on record that I completely agree with
the sentiments and words of the Chair of the Environment,
Food and Rural Affairs Committee, the hon. Member for
Tiverton and Honiton (Neil Parish). We all recognise that
we have limited resources, so a targeted, capped scheme
would send the right signal to consumers and producers
about the future and put the focus in the right place. The
electric car company Tesla, which produced just 76,000 cars
last year, is worth $49 billion—$3 billion more than Ford,
which produced 6.6 million cars. In other words, the
marketplace is ready for these changes, and the Government
need to facilitate them.
My Bill sets out a wider plan to provide a hydrogen
infrastructure, an electric infrastructure and new powers
for local authorities to get the evidence on localised air
pollution, in order to have evidence-based restrictions and
charges that protect the elderly, young people and general
communities, alongside a fiscal strategy. This is a brave
and sensible first step in that endeavour.
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Mr Spellar
My hon. Friend talked about the market deciding. Which
market is he talking about? Is it the bubble stock market,
maybe reflecting fashionable thought, or is it the actual
car market, which shows overwhelmingly that people are
buying from the mainstream manufacturers?
-
Obviously, we can influence the market. More than 50% of
new cars are now diesel. Margaret Thatcher knew about the
problems of particulates and there was a judgment call on
public health versus carbon. Since then, the problems with
NOx have grown. The fact is that the amount of particulates
and NOx being produced is much, much greater than people
previously thought, partly because of the deception of
Volkswagen and others. This is a public health catastrophe.
I will present the case for my Bill this afternoon with
support from the Royal College of Physicians, the Royal
College of General Practitioners and UNICEF. People will
know that last year’s report by the Royal College of
Physicians found that 40,000 premature deaths were due to
these emissions, as well as presenting emerging evidence
about foetuses suffering long-term damage and about the
damage to the neurology, and general physical and mental
health, of young children in urban spaces, particularly in
poor areas. Those children are being poisoned, which has a
disastrous impact on the rest of their lives. I am not
prepared, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Warley (Mr
Spellar) appears to be, just to go on with business as
normal, backing the poison of the current industry, which
seeks to maximise profits.
It is the function of the Government to regulate markets in
the interests of the public and it is an outrage that
parents are unable to protect their own children, and
that—as we speak—hundreds of thousands of children are in
playgrounds enjoying themselves but inadvertently inhaling
poisonous fumes. We need to take action and I am glad that
we are moving forward with this first step; I hope that the
Government agree.
-
I agree with the general thrust of my hon. Friend’s
argument, but we should not let off the Government and all
the parties in this House who supported the incentives for
diesel. The health risks were known more than 25 years ago.
A report by the then Environment Department in 1993, a
piece in 2001 by the European Respiratory Journal and other
sources all pointed out the health problems of NOx and
particulates. People got the balance wrong between the
perceived threat of carbon dioxide and the real threat of
those poisons, but we should not pretend that there was
ignorance of this issue in the past; there was not.
-
That is a point well made. I mentioned in passing that
Margaret Thatcher and subsequent Governments were aware all
along of these public health issues. Ironically, it is also
the case that, with VW and the like, lorries often produce
less NOx than cars. The reason for that is that defeat
devices were found in lorries in America, but for some
reason the authorities there did not realise that they were
being deceived on cars on such a colossal scale.
Of course, ClientEarth has taken the Government to court,
as we do not even satisfy minimum EU standards, let alone
World Health Organisation standards, and I very much hope
that as and when Brexit happens we will ensure that air
quality standards are legally enforceable and at least at
the level of the minimum EU standard, while moving towards
the WHO standards.
These are difficult issues. I appreciate that people have
bought cars in good faith. They feel that the current
Government, which has been in power for seven years, the
previous Labour Government and even the Government before
that should have alerted them to these problems, and there
is a move, alongside what is being said, perhaps to index
fuel duties differentially. In the case of diesel, the real
cost of diesel may not go up because of upwards inflation
and because the cost of other fuels do not go up.
Basically, the signals should be given that people would be
wise to move forward.
I will ask the Minister a couple of technical questions. I
would like him to comment on displacement issues regarding
the targeting of the scrappage scheme; obviously, there are
various incentives, which will affect different groups. I
think we all share the view that many poorer communities
will suffer the worst impacts of air pollution on their
children. In addition, many poorer people have the worst
cars, which they cannot afford to replace. Therefore, I
welcome the progressive thrust of this debate, and to allow
others to speak I will conclude my remarks there.
10.04 am
-
Mr (Warley) (Lab)
I will depart slightly from the prevailing tenor of this
discussion. I declare an interest, as one of the 11.7
million drivers of a diesel vehicle—in fact, I am a
long-standing driver of a diesel vehicle—and as a Member of
Parliament who represents one of the poorest areas of the
country, but one that is at the heart of the British motor
industry.
One of the things that I found slightly disturbing about
the contribution by the hon. Member for Tiverton and
Honiton (Neil Parish), who is the Chairman of the
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee, who is
someone I hold in high regard, was about the cost of this
scheme. When I asked him about costs, he just talked about
the cost of converting an individual vehicle. There was no
mention of what the overall cost to the Exchequer would be,
nor about how we would deal with the infrastructure cost.
For example, he talked about gas vehicles, but what would
be the cost of creating a gas infrastructure across the
country? Part of the essence of any scheme must be a
national infrastructure to back it up, otherwise it would
be exceedingly unattractive to individual motorists,
notwithstanding the fact that, for buses and major truck
fleets for example, it might make an important
contribution.
One thing I found interesting was when the hon. Gentleman
talked about fines. I was really surprised that he showed
so little confidence in the ability of his Prime Minister
to negotiate an effective Brexit that he thinks the EU will
still be in a position to fine us.
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Dr Poulter
The right hon. Gentleman is making an important point about
cost, but many car manufacturers have a global market, so
much of the innovation, particularly in the electric and
hybrid car market, has already been achieved, because other
countries have different regimes for taxing cars and
providing incentives. That will reduce the cost of the
roll-out of electric cars in the UK, which will be very
helpful to us.
-
Mr Spellar
I am not entirely sure I follow that. I will break it down
into two areas. One is about infrastructure cost. Whatever
contributions have been made by the Toyota car company, for
example, in creating a very successful hybrid vehicle, that
does not alter the fact that people will need an
infrastructure to charge up those vehicles. Although the
hon. Member for Tiverton and Honiton, who introduced this
debate, may well be able to plug in his vehicle on his
country estate, he may have noticed that in urban areas
such as mine there is very tight terraced housing and a lot
of high-rise flats—and an increasing number, by the way, of
apartments in our urban areas. I would be interested if he
could tell us how people will be able to charge their
vehicles, what the infrastructure cost will be and what
Treasury contribution will be required. A decision may have
to be made, but at the very least people need to know what
the overall cost will be.
-
If I could just put the right hon. Gentleman right, I do
not have a “country estate”; I have a farm. There is a
little bit of a difference, and I was also a working farmer
before I got here. Let me make that abundantly clear.
To be serious, the Government are already rolling out an
infrastructure for charging points; we also want the fast
charging points, so that people can charge up their cars
quickly. As far as gas is concerned, there is an
infrastructure out there already. A lot of garages supply
liquid gas. There are probably not as many as we might
need, but there is quite an infrastructure for gas out
there already, so that does not need to be reinvented.
-
Mr Spellar
I think the hon. Gentleman is underplaying the position. I
acknowledge the fact that he is a farmer—which is why I
threw it in the way I did—but I would ask whether he and
his neighbours use red diesel. There was no mention in his
contribution as to whether the enormous discount on red
diesel should be included in our considerations. Again, I
note that there was no figure—no estimate—for how much all
of this will cost.
-
The hon. Member for Tiverton and Honiton (Neil Parish)
mentioned the cap of half a billion pounds for the
scrappage scheme, but if the signal from the Government to
the market is that having points for hydrogen and gas is
the direction of travel, the market will accelerate the
infrastructure provision. As has been pointed out, there is
a gas and an electric infrastructure. We need to pump prime
a hydrogen infrastructure and the market will invest. The
old-style socialist view that everything has to be paid for
by the state is not the case.
-
Mr Spellar
But we are talking about dramatic change, with 11.7 million
diesel cars, let alone trucks, buses and so on. The idea
that the current infrastructure or even a massively
ramped-up infrastructure will be able to deal with that
without major Government investment seems entirely
fanciful.
-
In a world where there are around 30 million cars in the
United Kingdom and 11,000 electric charging points, of
which about 800 are fast-charging, does the right hon.
Gentleman not agree that there is some way to go and that
it is important to have a step change to the electric
future?
-
Mr Spellar
If that is the case, I have to ask the hon. Gentleman how
much that would cost and who would pay for it. One of the
problems we have—I know this as a former Transport
Minister—is that those who create policy, whether they are
in the Department for Transport, Westminster City Council,
London City Hall or even Birmingham Council House,
overwhelmingly have clerical jobs by definition and travel
in on public transport. Certainly in the London region,
they travel overwhelmingly on rail. That is their mindset,
and the mindset of many of the press lobby as well. Look
how fascinated they are every time there are any problems
on the railway, as compared with the situation on the
roads.
If we go outside London—when I say London, I mean central
London, because this applies very much to the London
suburbs and the peripheral towns around London—and look at
all the Government data, although there is a marginal shift
at the moment, people overwhelmingly travel to work by road
transport, whether by bus or in cars, which make up a
significant proportion. That is how people get to work.
People may fancifully say that people can get on their bike
to do that, but if they are going 10 miles away to do shift
work at a factory or a hospital, or if they are going to a
building site carrying their tools, that is not a realistic
option.
The problem is that the interests of London and the
policies that affect London start to impact on the rest of
the country. Even within London, there are all those
builders coming in—that steady stream of vehicles
travelling in on the motorways bringing in those who are
constructing the city—and we are looking at significantly
penalising them. That is why I asked the hon. Member for
Tiverton and Honiton what actual assessment there has been
of the problem, breaking it down. In his contribution, he
said that there is no doubt that private vehicles
contribute the bulk of the pollution. My council, Sandwell
Council, did a study of the Bearwood Road only a couple of
years ago. It found that buses formed 8% of the vehicles on
Bearwood Road and contributed 57% of the pollutants being
emitted there. It may be very sensible for him to say that
we should target the problem by providing a subsidy to the
bus companies—rather than taking away the subsidies from
bus companies, as this Government have been doing,
threatening them—and actually having a bus scrappage scheme
to take the older buses out of the system. That would be a
perfectly realistic way of looking at it.
-
Just before my right hon. Friend gets too carried away with
making Brian Souter even richer than he already is from
public subsidy, I would like to bring him back to the very
sensible point he was making about infrastructure. I
recently asked the Department parliamentary questions about
the capacity of the electricity generating board to provide
electricity if we moved over to a fully electric motorised
fleet. Quite simply, we are nowhere near that capacity. The
Department has not thought that through.
-
Mr Spellar
That is absolutely right, and I thank my hon. Friend for
that. I suspect that the transmission capacity,
particularly locally, will be affected in the same way.
Equally, we have to look at the availability of petrol if
we remove a great chunk of the diesel market, which may or
may not also happen in the rest of Europe. What discussions
has the Minister had with his European counterparts? The
duty levied on diesel there is considerably lower, which is
why they have much lower diesel prices in the EU. Reference
was made to the European Commission putting the UK
Government on notice and our Supreme Court responding to
that, but it is interesting to note that the European
Commission also mentioned a whole number of other
countries, including Germany, France, Spain and Italy. Is
there any common factor among those countries, apart from
them being the major industrial countries of the EU? I
therefore find it rather strange that we are looking at a
major upheaval that does not seem to be mirrored by our
European counterparts without getting proper figures in an
impact assessment, and at a time when we are considering
the uncertainties of Brexit. Apart from one or two towns
and cities in one or two countries, there seems to be no
similar reaction from other countries.
Equally, there seems to be no consideration as to whether,
as was rightly said earlier, we could actually have
alternative fuels for many heavy goods vehicles. There is a
reason why, across the whole world, goods vehicles are
overwhelmingly diesel. It has to do with torque, traction
and so on, and that applies to many builders’ vehicles,
which are for lifting and generate power to do that. That
would not be possible with an electric vehicle—certainly
not with the current state of technology.
Electric vehicles may have some minor advantage when
sitting in traffic, but many of those arguing for this
proposal should perhaps be looking at better traffic
management. With a number of cities, and particularly
London, quite a bit of the congestion has been aided and
abetted by the construction of cycle lanes. ’s cycle lanes have
generated congestion in central London, as taxi drivers and
others will all attest, so we need to be looking at how we
can deal with the problem in its various segments. With
petroleum, it is true that we can keep cracking the oil in
different stages and get more petroleum out, but that adds
considerably to the cost—I will come to the cost to the
individual in one second, after I give way to the Chairman
of the Select Committee.
-
I am finding the right hon. Gentleman’s contribution very
interesting, because he is going into great detail on all
the problems we have, but he is then saying that bicycles
are causing problems. Surely people on bicycles are not
emitting any emissions at all, other than breathing in and
out as they are riding along. It is no good coming out with
a whole list of things that are wrong with the proposal. I
would like to see a bit of a more positive approach to the
whole argument.
-
Mr Spellar
As the hon. Gentleman rides in on his bike from Battersea,
he may notice that the bridges across the Thames are always
much more congested than they used to be. That is because
there is much less road space because of the introduction
of cycle lanes.
-
I may be paraphrasing my right hon. Friend, but he said
that the EU did not really care about the issue. My
understanding is that there was a move for an EU air
quality regulator that was blocked by the British in some
sort of dodgy deal related to avoiding a banking regulator.
There is movement towards air quality improvement and
innovation in Europe. In the Council of Europe, in which I
sit, an urban air quality study is going on. Given that 3
million people are dying across the globe, with 400,000 in
Europe, there is an imperative to develop sustainable
transport technology. The thrust of his argument seems to
be—
-
Mr (in the
Chair)
Order. Interventions are getting longer and longer. At
least one other hon. Member wishes to participate in this
debate.
-
Mr Spellar
In that case, I will speed up, Mr Chope. A considerable
number die as a result of air quality because of cooking
with solid fuel in enclosed spaces, particularly in Africa,
which is certainly something we should look at and is
certainly something to do with photovoltaic and storage.
Also, on the assessments and the figure of 40,000, Roger
Harrabin of the BBC has said that it could be anything
between a fifth or five times as much as that. It is not
about cardiac arrests or even lung cancer, but about the
average reduced periods of life. A real study of the data
is needed, accepting that there is a problem, but that this
is about scoping it.
There is also the issue of sources of generation. In
coastal areas, particularly in ports, what is the
contribution of shipping to the numbers of particulates?
What is the contribution of diesel trains? Perhaps the
Minister will explain why the Government are cutting back
on some of the electrification, which will mean more diesel
trains going into urban areas. What is the contribution of
power stations, central heating boilers and the burning of
solid fuel? Interestingly, what is the contribution, as I
mentioned earlier, of urban incinerators, of which we have
a large number to deal with the problems of waste? Also,
what is the contribution of tar, which is believed to be
considerable, particularly in terms of small particulates?
As for the scrappage question, it is all very well to say
we will give somebody £1,000, but £1,000 towards what?
Towards buying a new vehicle? What does that say to someone
who needs his car to get to work and who has probably
already seen a drop in its value of about £2,000? What does
it say to people who are asset poor and who need their
vehicle to get to work? If we give them £1,000, who will
lend them the money to buy new vehicles? Will they buy
vehicles from further up the chain? There may be answers,
but figures came there none during this debate.
What about taxi drivers? Birmingham City Council is
proposing a purge of diesel taxis. Taxi driving is
entry-level employment for many in this country in all
communities. Are we telling them we will take them off the
road and put them on the dole? That is certainly not an
attractive proposition for many constituents who are active
in the taxi trade.
I have already mentioned the question of where people will
charge their cars. Even if we have fast chargers, how many
can we put through the average service station on the
motorway compared with how many can fill up there? How many
can we have at any other service station? What about city
centre areas? I accept there is probably a lower percentage
of car ownership in some of those areas, but there are
still a hell of a lot of cars. How will we have a charging
system on the congested urban streetscape of Britain? And
what will we do in isolated and rural areas?
Mr Chope, I am aware that we want to hear from the
Front-Bench spokespeople, and, as you rightly drew to my
attention, one other speaker wishes to participate, so I
shall end now. This is a big debate. I do not think we
should move forward with disconnected local schemes or
without a well-thought-out, well-costed Treasury-backed
scheme. We should not rush into this. The matters are
serious. They are about international competitiveness,
people’s financial welfare, and, as people have rightly
said, about people’s health and welfare. This is a big
issue. We should not go ahead on prime ministerial whim or
just on what local government decides. We need a proper
national debate and proper national answers.
10.24 am
-
(Dover) (Con)
It is a pleasure to speak under your chairmanship, Mr
Chope. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for
Tiverton and Honiton (Neil Parish) on securing this
important debate. It was fascinating to listen to the
speech by the right hon. Member for Warley (Mr Spellar),
who set out in pithy terms the policy issues concerned with
this matter. I draw attention to my declarations in the
Register of Members’ Financial Interests. Also, I chair the
all-party group for fair fuel.
Pollution is a serious problem, but it is important that we
look at the science and the statistics and do not go around
the place scaremongering. We must not allow the people who
for a long time have not been in favour of cars to find
another excuse to attack motorists and to seek to visit
extra taxes upon them. So when we look at the serious
problem of NOx we need to look at what has happened to
pollution over the past decade and beyond, because it is
revealing that NOx pollution levels have halved in the past
decade. They have gone from 1.6 million tonnes in 2005 to
0.9 million tonnes in 2015.
Particulates are also down. Between 1990 and 2015 the most
harmful particulate emissions reduced by 47% in the UK and
PM10 fell by 51%. I think we should spend a little less
time beating ourselves up and a little more time
congratulating ourselves and our nation on the advances we
have made. Much has been done, but there is much yet to do,
and I want to address what we need to do next.
-
If the hon. Gentleman looks at the associated data, he will
find that from 2010 to 2017 there was a levelling off and a
gradual increase in particulates and NOx.
-
The hon. Gentleman always looks on the positive side of
things. The Department for Environment, Food and Rural
Affairs figures show that there has been a levelling off,
but they are still hugely down. The hon. Gentleman should
try to be more of a glass half full sort of person and look
at the progress that has been made. He has promoted the
Clean Air Bill, which, from the way he talks about it, will
attack motorists, diesels and cars. However, let us look at
the scale of the problem in the round. Let us look at the
science rather than the rhetoric. Let us look at the
numbers. What percentage of nitrogen oxide pollution in
London comes from diesel cars? The Labour Mayor of London
proposes to try to fleece motorists of £20 every time they
visit the city. According to the London Assembly
Environment Committee’s report, the percentage is 11%.
Separate figures from Transport for London indicate 12%
from the diesel car. Some 750,000 diesel cars in London
produce that amount.
Why has there not been any focus on the other 90% of the
problem? The risk is that we only attack the motorists who
thought they were doing the right thing when they bought
the cars, because they were advised to do so. They were
advised that it was a clean, environment-friendly thing to
do. We are at risk of unfairly targeting and demonising
those people, and of ignoring the other 90% of the problem.
If we focus on 10% of the problem, we risk not looking at
the other 90%. So what is in that 90% that needs to be in
the air quality plans? I hope the hon. Gentleman will talk
about that when he discusses his Bill and will look at the
science and statistics and not just go after the poor
motorists, many of whom live in his constituency. Let us
look at where the problem comes from.
The answer is that 8% comes from rail: ageing trains
chuffing up fumes at Paddington. Some 14% comes from
non-road mobile machinery: generators on building sites.
The system does not seem to allow plugging them into the
main grid, which would be the obvious thing to do, so we
have to have diesel generators. Why has action not been
taken on that? Why have we not heard about that from the
medical and the green lobby who want to target the
motorist? We ought to hear about that. We ought to look at
the diggers that do not have the filters that they should
have, that do not have the same quality. We ought to clean
up our building sites. We ought to look to do that, because
if it is important, it is important across the board.
We need to look at non-domestic and domestic gas—gas
central heating systems produce nitrogen oxide. So do
Transport for London’s buses—10% of nitrogen oxide in
London comes from buses, which the right hon. Member for
Warley mentioned.
It is very important that we do not demonise diesel drivers
and that this is not seen as an opportunity for Labour
Mayors and Labour councils up and down the land to fleece
motorists with more taxes—many have set out such plans. As
the right hon. Member for Warley pointed out, in many cases
that would hurt the poorest, who have been priced out of
cities, and would be unfair. We should make sure that we
have an across-the-board plan to deal with a problem that
affects everyone; we should focus not on the 10% but on the
100%. It is my plea that we treat motorists fairly—that we
treat ourselves fairly. We should treat the whole problem
and all of the pollution. That is how we will have the best
chance of making sure we have cleaner air, a cleaner
country, cleaner cities and a cleaner nation, for our sake,
and the sake of our children.
10.30 am
-
(Kilmarnock and Loudoun)
(SNP)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr
Chope. I congratulate the hon. Member for Tiverton and
Honiton (Neil Parish), the Chair of the Select Committee on
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, on securing this
debate. I also feel obliged to thank the right hon. Member
for Warley (Mr Spellar), who seemed to hold a debate within
the debate and spoke at length. I was not sure if he was
arguing against the scrappage scheme or the fact that we
need to do a lot more, but some good points were
raised—there are other serious issues. Personally, I do not
think that should negate the arguments for the diesel
scrappage scheme. He also touched on emissions from fuel
generation, but I am not sure whether he mentioned biomass.
Biomass is subsidised as a renewable energy source, yet its
emissions are harmful, so that is certainly something in
the wider mix that the Government need to look at.
The hon. Member for Dover (Charlie Elphicke) mentioned
other things that cause emissions and touched on
generators. There is certainly something wrong when the
National Grid is procuring diesel generators as back-up for
our energy supply, when we know they emit nitrogen oxide.
However, I agree in general with the hon. Member for
Tiverton and Honiton that a diesel scrappage scheme has
merit. We have got to where we are because of the law of
unintended or unknown consequences of previous Government
attempts to reduce CO2 emissions by promoting diesel, which
he mentioned, although I take on board the point made by
the hon. Member for Blackley and Broughton (Graham
Stringer), who said that some of the evidence was there and
should have been understood and thought about more clearly.
The bottom line is that we now know for a fact that
nitrogen oxide emissions are an issue that needs to be
tackled. The hon. Member for Swansea West (Geraint Davies)
gave us some graphic details of the impact of diesel fumes
and nitrogen oxide emissions. We know there are roughly
40,000 premature deaths a year. I congratulate him on
continuing to push forward his air pollution Bill and wish
him good luck.
A UN rapporteur has said that air pollution is a crisis
that
“plagues the UK”—
particularly children—and that there is an
“urgent need for political will by the UK government to
make timely, measurable and meaningful interventions”.
In November 2016, for the second time in 18 months, the
Government lost a court case on their proposals to tackle
air pollution, so they cannot stand back and do nothing. We
need to take action.
Electric vehicles have been mentioned. Most hon. Members
understand that electric vehicles only account for roughly
1% of the stock of cars on the road right now. On the
current trajectory, electric vehicles will not be the
solution to tackling air pollution, which is why further
action is needed.
The hon. Member for Tiverton and Honiton spoke about carrot
and stick. I agree in general, but I would not want to
penalise those people who bought diesel cars in good faith
because they were told it would be helpful to the
environment and reduce CO2 emissions, and did not have the
knowledge that it would cause harmful effects. I support
the scrappage scheme, but people should not be penalised.
They need to be allowed to trade their cars in. I welcome
the comments about particularly supporting those who can
least afford it, such as those who run older cars and need
help to move on.
Other hon. Members have highlighted that HGVs are an issue,
as are transport refrigeration units, which I have
mentioned before in relation to electric cars. Transport
refrigeration units emit more particle emissions than the
main diesel engine itself, so the Government need to look
at that. I welcome the Government’s proposal to consult on
the use of red diesel, because we should not subsidise the
owners of transport refrigeration units to emit harmful
particles.
The hon. Member for Swansea West mentioned Volkswagen,
which has agreed to settle $4.3 billion in the United
States. This Government should be doing more to get money
out of Volkswagen, which would go a long way to funding a
scrappage scheme, and perhaps also to starting to fund some
of the wider infrastructure that the right hon. Member for
Warley highlighted. The Government managed to negotiate a
deal with Nissan in terms of Brexit, but a joined-up
approach in terms of scrappage, trading in diesel cars and
looking at wider issues would be much better than a
behind-closed-doors deal that nobody actually knows what it
contains.
The hon. Member for Tiverton and Honiton suggested that the
issue might be left to devolved nations, although he did
accept that the UK Government would perhaps need to help
provide funding. This is purely and squarely a UK
Government issue. The original diesel promotion schemes
came from the UK Government, so it makes sense that the UK
Government should have to rectify the matter. It should not
be left to devolved Governments to do that on their own—it
needs the support and leadership of the UK Government.
I support the measures. I understand some of the wider
points made, and the Government do need to look at air
pollution in the wider mix, but a diesel scrappage scheme
would be a good start. I would also note that scrappage
laws in the European Union are now a green measure, because
95% of cars need to be recycled once scrapped. At least
taking cars off the road will not lead to adverse dumping
elsewhere, which is good. I caution the Government to make
sure we stand by that ethos as we move into the post-Brexit
world. We have already heard rumblings from the hard
Brexiteers about how we can relax environmental standards.
That would certainly be the wrong way to go, especially
when tackling air pollution and climate change.
10.37 am
-
(Cambridge)
(Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr
Chope. I thank the hon. Member for Tiverton and Honiton
(Neil Parish) for securing this important debate. Having
read some of the minutes of his Committee, I can tell that
he gives Ministers a hard time—he is exactly the kind of
friend any ministerial team needs.
This is a very timely debate, although I have to say that I
think it is the first debate in which we have heard only
male voices in my short time in this place. I am not quite
sure what that tells us, but clearly women and children are
among the 40,000 people who, as the Royal College of
Physicians tells us, suffer premature death in the UK every
year because of these issues. To take one local example,
Brixton Road in south London breached its annual air
pollution limit for 2017 after just five days. The
Government’s continued failure to address the problem meant
that they were taken to the Supreme Court.
Labour recognises the need for action. In our view, clean
air is a right, not a privilege. I pay tribute to my hon.
Friend the Member for Swansea West (Geraint Davies) for the
work he is doing on the Clean Air Bill and I note his
powerful point about the role that manufacturers should be
playing in sorting out some of the problems.
We heard a powerful speech from my right hon. Friend the
Member for Warley (Mr Spellar), which was fitting, as he is
a former esteemed Transport Minister. He made a
wide-ranging set of points. I very much agree about the
need to protect hard-working people who need their vehicles
to get to work, and his strong plea for robust evidence in
the debate.
There is no denying that diesel vehicles account for a
large percentage of NOx emissions. A 2016 DEFRA report
stated that road transport still accounted for 34% of UK
nitrogen oxide emissions in 2015. The European Commission
reported in 2016 that around four fifths of road traffic
nitrogen oxide levels come from diesel-powered vehicles.
Decisions have been taken in the past to incentivise the
ownership of diesel-fuelled private cars, which reflected
the urgent need at the time to act on the threat of CO2.
That worked, because that is now down more than a third
since 2000.
This is not just about private cars, as we have heard:
buses, coaches, taxis and minicabs are all high-mileage
vehicles that operate within our towns and cities. Just
looking at diesel private cars in isolation is therefore
not the complete answer to the problem we face. It has to
be seen in the context of the move to a greener and more
efficient public transport system across the UK, which
means removing barriers to the uptake of electric vehicles
and rethinking vehicle excise duty. Any diesel policy must
take clear account of the impact it could have on CO2
emissions, and it must avoid severely penalising the almost
12 million diesel car owners who, as we have heard, bought
their vehicles in good faith.
It is clear that scrappage schemes can work. Labour’s
scheme, introduced in 2009, shows that they can impact
consumer behaviour, but the circumstances now are
different. It is not about stimulating the economy
following a global downturn, but about taking the most
air-polluting vehicles off our roads. Any scrappage scheme
must be shown to achieve value for money, and it must be
targeted at the right drivers.
A recent Royal Automobile Club Foundation report sounds a
warning note about that. It suggests that the cost of
implementing a scheme could be expensive and may not
automatically achieve the expected benefits. Targeting
older diesel vehicles in the bands known as Euro 1, 2, and
3 could take 400,000 cars off UK roads, costing the
Government and industry a combined £800 million, but that
would cut the total emissions of diesel cars by only 3.2%,
and only if all those drivers elected for an electric
vehicle replacement. The percentage drops to 1.3% if the
drivers opted for the newer Euro 6 models. The findings
show that creating a robust scrappage scheme is far from
simple. It is not necessarily about how dirty a vehicle is
or how many there are, but about how many miles they do and
where they do them. My hon. Friend the Member for Blackley
and Broughton (Graham Stringer) made a very strong point
when he suggested that any such scheme should focus on
cities, and I think the hon. Member for Tiverton and
Honiton agreed with that point.
Have the Government considered the RAC Foundation findings?
Has the Minister considered the Mayor of London’s proposals
for a targeted scheme that supports low-income families?
Without targeting the right drivers operating in crisis
areas, a scrappage scheme risks having a limited impact. It
is therefore absolutely essential that the Government
publish robust environmental evidence and a cost-benefit
analysis for any proposal.
Scrappage schemes are only one of the measures need to be
taken if we are really to tackle the air quality crisis
effectively. Not only are we awaiting the Government’s
third attempt at producing an air-quality plan following a
judicial review, which should happen imminently, but I am
afraid that they are more than 1.5 million vehicles short
of their 1.6 million 2020 target for electric hybrid and
alternative fuel vehicles. They are also going backwards on
the 2020 renewable transport fuel targets. In our
discussions on the Vehicle Technology and Aviation Bill,
Labour pressed for strong action on reviewing the plug-in
grant and charging point schemes, both of which were cut by
the Government, for licensing and accreditation for
technicians—both proposals were backed by the Institute of
the Motor Industry—and for a clear review of vehicle excise
duty, which was backed by the RAC Foundation, the Society
of Motor Manufacturers and Traders and many other motor and
active travel organisations.
As someone who has spent much of my time in Parliament
talking about buses, I know that there are huge
opportunities to improve the environmental performance of
our bus fleets. As was pointed out, in some areas they are
ageing and very polluting. It was disappointing that the
Government did not take up some of the Opposition’s
constructive proposals on the Bus Services Bill. I urge
them to think about that further. There is an opportunity
to create a greener bus network, so I ask the Minister to
assure us that analysis will be done to look at how we can
make better use of the Bus Services Bill to improve our
fleet’s environmental performance.
The Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee told us
last year that only five of the 12 worst-polluted cities
have been given the ability to charge to enter clean-air
zones. Will the Government also look at extending the
network of clean-air zones, which Labour committed to in
2015?
The Government have some serious questions to answer about
air quality. We believe that to breathe clean air is a
right, and the health, environmental and economic case for
acting is overwhelming. Action on diesel is part of the
solution, but measures must be cost-effective and targeted
actively enough to affect the high-mileage vehicles that
operate in our towns and cities. That means investing in
greener buses and public transport, reviewing the plug-in
grants and excise duty rates for electric vehicles,
reducing other barriers to electric vehicle uptake and
extending clean-air zones to more local authorities. One
way of rising to these challenges is to back the London
Mayor’s call for a new clean air Act that is fit for the
21st century. That would send a powerful message to
everyone that clean air is not a privilege but a right. A
YouGov survey shows that two thirds of the public support
that.
As we eagerly await what must only be an exhaustive and
robust air-quality strategy—at the third attempt—I hope the
Minister considers his response. The truth is that we can
no longer hold our breath while we wait.
10.45 am
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The Minister of State, Department for Transport (Mr John
Hayes)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr
Chope, and to speak in this debate. I have just 15 minutes
to deal with this important subject —I hope it will be 15
minutes of pure joy.
Disraeli, the greatest Conservative Prime Minister, said:
“The fool wonders, the wise man asks.”
My hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton and Honiton (Neil
Parish) has indeed asked a question about what he feels is
an important contribution to the developing strategy on air
quality, which, as he knows, I have been working on with
colleagues at DEFRA and others across Government so as to
put it in place in a way that is both practicable and
demanding. I say practicable, because I am not in the
business of penalising drivers—particularly those on modest
incomes who bought their diesel vehicles in good faith.
They were badly advised, largely by the previous Labour
Government, as we heard from various contributors to the
debate. There has been refreshing honesty in that respect
today.
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Mr Spellar
Will the Minister tell us whether he or the Conservative
Opposition in any way opposed those measures at the time?
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Mr Hayes
I can answer that question directly. The Conservatives took
an entirely different approach in opposition. In our 2001
environment manifesto, the then Conservative Opposition
called for a vehicle excise duty to be based on air
pollution and vehicle emissions rather than just carbon
dioxide. None the less, went ahead with the
scheme unaffected by that advice. That is the direct answer
to the right hon. Gentleman’s question. Ministers do not
give many direct answers, but that is a model example of
one.
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Mr Spellar
Will the Minister tell us how the Conservatives voted in
Parliament on that?
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Mr Hayes
In the short time available to me, I do not have access to
Hansard, and it would absolutely wrong for me to give any
information that is not pinpoint accurate. That is not my
habit, Mr Chope, and it is certainly not something you
would permit in this Chamber. I now need to rush on to deal
adequately with the contributions that have been made to
this debate.
It is absolutely clear that the prosperity of our nation
and, more than that, the common good depend on our
wellbeing. Closely associated with wellbeing is the health
of our people—urban and rural, young and old. If we are
going to promote a better Britain to fuel—if I can put it
in these terms—the common good, we need to look at air
quality and pollution, as that is critical to health.
-
(Yeovil) (Con)
rose—
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Mr Hayes
I want to deal with a pseudodox before I give way to my
hon. Friend.
It is important to recognise that air quality has improved.
I do not want there to be any misunderstanding about that.
Over time, air quality in this country has improved. That
goes right back to the clean air Acts of the late 1950s and
through the 1960s. Even in recent years, air quality has
improved with respect to nitrogen monoxide emissions by
something like 20%, so let us not start from a series of
misassumptions.
-
I am very heartened to hear that the Minister estimates
that we should look after the rural areas just as we look
after the cities. I was a little worried that the
Opposition spokesman’s contribution suggested that we
should purely focus on cities. In Yeovil, we have an air
quality management area, which needs managing. I am a
supporter of this potential scrappage scheme as one means
of alleviating that. We have a congestion issue. I would
love the Minister to come look at a bypass scheme to
alleviate that on Sherborne Road. This is an excellent part
of what we should be doing to address that issue.
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Mr Hayes
My hon. Friend is right that in implementing any set of
policies we need to be clear about the particularities of
different localities. The circumstances in rural areas are
different in all kinds of ways. The biggest problem with
air quality and pollution is obviously in urban areas, and
the Government’s approach—of which clean air zones are the
exemplification—has, of course, focused on just such areas.
It would be inconceivable for us not to be sensitive to
different circumstances, which is why we are so determined
to work with all agencies and local government in
particular to ensure that the specificity of any proposals
that we put into place is sufficient to deal with those
particularities. He is absolutely right to raise that.
Having said that air quality has improved, let us be clear:
we must do more. There is no complacency in making a bald
statement about the facts. We have to go further, for, as
Disraeli also said:
“The health of the people is really the foundation upon
which all their happiness”
depends. It is right that high nitrogen dioxide levels
exacerbate the impact of pre-existing health conditions,
especially for elderly people and children, as my hon.
Friend the Member for Tiverton and Honiton and others made
clear; it is right that we protect those most affected by
poor air quality. I am absolutely committed to that
objective.
People know this already, but I am not afraid or ashamed to
restate it: Government can be a force for good. I mentioned
the Clean Air Acts, and in those terms Governments were a
force for good and can continue to be so if we get the
regulatory environment right. Air pollution has reduced,
but we need to tackle it with a new vigour and
determination. Road transport is at the heart of that,
because it is the single biggest contributor to high local
concentrations of nitrogen dioxide, and it is nitrogen
dioxide that has featured large in the debate.
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The Minister mentioned the reduction of pollution, but will
he not accept that the aggregate reduction of pollution in
Britain is linked to the demise of the coal mines and the
exporting of our manufacturing base, as well as the
financial disaster in 2008? If he focused his measurements
on more recent years and urban environments, there has been
a worrying escalation in the NOx and particulates that we
are talking about. We should therefore support the scheme.
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Mr Hayes
In recent years emissions have been a problem in particular
areas—I acknowledge that clearly—and the Government are
particularly keen to deal with the effects on those areas.
The air quality plan will of course have a national
footprint, as it is a national plan. The particularity I
described was about Government setting out an appropriate
and deliverable framework, and then working with localities
to ensure that in the implementation of that framework all
those local circumstances are put in place. That is the
point that I was making about urban and rural areas and the
different circumstances that apply there.
Clean air zones cover a designated area and involve a range
of immediate local actions to support cities to grow while
delivering sustained improvements in air quality and
transition to a low-emission economy. Measures that could
be implemented include the promotion of ultra-low emission
vehicles; upgrading buses and taxis; promoting cycling
schemes; and, in the worst cases, charging for the most
polluting vehicles. In 2015 we named five cities,
Birmingham, Leeds, Nottingham, Derby and Southampton, that
are required to introduce a clean air zone. The Government
are engaging with the relevant local authorities on the
schemes’ detailed design.
Clean air zones will support the transition to a
low-emission economy, but the Government are considering
how to mitigate the zones’ impacts on those worst affected.
I am not in the business of disadvantaging those who are
already disadvantaged and in exaggerating the circumstances
of those who already face tough choices and have a struggle
to make their way in the world. That is not we are about
and would not be the kind of fair politics that I believe
in and to which this Government are committed. A fairer
Britain is one that takes account of such disadvantages and
we will do so in the construction and delivery of this
policy.
My hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton and Honiton
suggested that a means-tested scrappage scheme could
address some of those issues. He emphasised the fact that
his scheme would be means-tested, and he did so with a fair
amount of passion. Hegel said:
“Nothing great in the world has ever been accomplished
without passion”,
and my hon. Friend has displayed that very passion today.
Let me be clear: I note his points and I will ensure that
they are considered as part of our consultation and as part
of our work. I do not think you get much better than that
typically in Westminster Hall.
It is absolutely right that the Government’s clean air zone
policy recognises all the challenges that have been set out
by various contributors to the debate and it tackles the
problems of the most polluted places by acknowledging that
low-cost transport is vital to people’s opportunities and
wellbeing.
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Mr Spellar
I have a one-sentence question. How much money have the
Department and the Treasury designated to deal with the
problem?
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Mr Hayes
I am happy to give another straight answer to another
straight question from the right hon. Gentleman. In
February this year we awarded almost £3.7 million of
funding to projects, including one in Gateshead to
encourage cycling and to upgrade traffic management, and
another in Nottingham to trial fuel cell technology and to
encourage ultra-low emission vehicles in the local NHS.
Alongside that, we are making significant investment in a
range of green transport initiatives. Since 2011 the
Government have invested more than £2 billion to increase
the uptake of ultra-low emission vehicles and to support
greener transport schemes, as well as pledging £290 million
to support electric vehicles and low-emission buses and
taxis in the 2016 autumn statement. More than that, just
last week, £109 million of Government funding was awarded
to 38 cutting-edge automotive research and development
projects focused on greatly reduce automotive emissions and
their footprint. Those are the facts.
My hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton and Honiton proposed
to put ultra-low emission vehicles at the heart of a
scrappage scheme. We are already investing a significant
amount of money to support the ultra-low emission vehicle
market, because we believe that the transition to a
zero-emission economy is both inevitable and desirable. We
want almost every car to be low-emission by 2050, as hon.
Members know, because they have heard me say it before.
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Will the Minister give way?
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Mr Hayes
I will not, for the sake of time, but I put on the record
that my hon. Friend has been a great champion of his
constituents’ interests in this and so many other ways.
We are going further and have introduced a Bill, the
Vehicle Technology and Aviation Bill, which has been
referred to in our debate and has gone through Committee.
It is designed to promote a charging infrastructure for
electric vehicles and we also dealt with autonomous
vehicles in our consideration of it. The Bill was debated
in Committee without amaritude or contumely. There seemed
to be a cross-party view that we need to move ahead both
with care and with a degree of unprecedented vigour to
promote the take-up of electric and other low-emission
vehicles. We will therefore put in place appropriate
infrastructure, which was a point made in the course of
this debate. I said today, in a breakfast meeting with the
sector from which I rushed to come to Westminster Hall,
that I will be rolling out the competition for the design
of electric charging points which I mentioned in that
Committee.
In the brief time I have available, I need to draw the
whole of the Chamber’s attention to the breakdown of where
the emissions emanate from. The question was asked several
times: why and where? It is all here, on this list, which
is exhaustive. I have not time to deal with it now, but I
will make it available to every Member who has contributed
to and attended the debate. It breaks down the very points
that were made. For example, are emissions coming from
shipping? By the way, shipping is important, and I want to
do more in that respect, as argued for by the hon. Member
for Poplar and Limehouse (Jim Fitzpatrick), the chair of
the maritime all-party group, as well as in respect of
railways and so on and so forth.
Let me move to my exciting conclusion in the couple of
minutes that I have available—
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Mr (in the
Chair)
Order. Does the Minister intend to allow the mover of the
motion to respond?
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Mr Hayes
I will give my hon. Friend the Member for Tiverton and
Honiton a brief time, if he is happy with that.
One of the other big problems has been Europe, and the
failure of the Euro testing regime has come together with
increased use of diesel vehicles following tax incentives
introduced by the Labour Government. The failure of that EU
regime to put in place real tests that made a difference,
has been a contributory factor, that, as in so many other
ways, was injurious to the interests of the British people.
This Government are determined to put the wellbeing,
welfare and health of our people at the heart of all we do.
We will bring forward the plan and the policy, and they
will be balanced and certainly not penalise those who are
worse off. I am grateful to my hon. Friend for giving me
the chance to say so.
10.59 am
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