Article 50 12.35 pm The Prime Minister (Mrs Theresa
May) Today, the Government act on the democratic will of the
British people, and they act, too, on the clear and convincing
position of this House. A few minutes ago in Brussels, the United
Kingdom’s permanent representative to the EU handed a letter to the
President of the European Council on my behalf confirming the
Government’s...Request free trial
Article 50
12.35 pm
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The Prime Minister (Mrs Theresa May)
Today, the Government act on the democratic will of the
British people, and they act, too, on the clear and
convincing position of this House. A few minutes ago in
Brussels, the United Kingdom’s permanent representative to
the EU handed a letter to the President of the European
Council on my behalf confirming the Government’s decision
to invoke article 50 of the treaty on European Union. The
article 50 process is now under way and, in accordance with
the wishes of the British people, the United Kingdom is
leaving the European Union. This is an historic moment from
which there can be no turning back. Britain is leaving the
European Union. We will make our own decisions and our own
laws, take control of the things that matter most to us,
and take the opportunity to build a stronger, fairer
Britain— a country that our children and grandchildren are
proud to call home. That is our ambition and our
opportunity, and it is what this Government are determined
to do.
At moments such as these—great turning points in our
national story—the choices that we make define the
character of our nation. We can choose to say that the task
ahead is too great. We can choose to turn our face to the
past and believe that it cannot be done. Or we can look
forward with optimism and hope, and believe in the enduring
power of the British spirit. I choose to believe in Britain
and that our best days lie ahead. I do so because I am
confident that we have the vision and the plan to use this
moment to build a better Britain.
Leaving the European Union presents us with a unique
opportunity. It is this generation’s chance to shape a
brighter future for our country—a chance to step back and
ask ourselves what kind of country we want to be. My answer
is clear: I want the United Kingdom to emerge from this
period of change stronger, fairer, more united and more
outward-looking than ever before. I want us to be a secure,
prosperous, tolerant country, a magnet for international
talent and a home to the pioneers and innovators who will
shape the world ahead. I want us to be a truly global
Britain: the best friend and neighbour to our European
partners, but a country that reaches beyond the borders of
Europe, too—[Interruption.]
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Mr Speaker
Order. I apologise for having to interrupt the Prime
Minister. Mr Boswell, calm yourself. You must try to learn
to behave in a statesmanlike fashion. That is your
long-term goal—it may be very long-term, but it should be a
goal. I say this to the House: you can study the record; I
will want all colleagues to have the chance to question the
Prime Minister. This is a very important statement, but it
is reasonable to expect that she gets a courteous hearing,
and that every other colleague then gets a courteous
hearing.
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The Prime Minister
I want us to be a truly global Britain: the best friend and
neighbour to our European partners, but a country that
reaches beyond the borders of Europe, too—a country that
goes out into the world to build relationships with old
friends and new allies alike. That is why I have set out a
clear and ambitious plan for the negotiations ahead. It is
a plan for a new deep and special partnership between
Britain and the European Union—a partnership of values; a
partnership of interests; a partnership based on
co-operation in areas such as security and economic
affairs; and a partnership that works in the best interests
of the United Kingdom, the European Union and the wider
world. Perhaps now, more than ever, the world needs the
liberal, democratic values of Europe—[Laughter.]
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Mr Speaker
Order.
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The Prime Minister
Perhaps now, more than ever, the world needs the liberal,
democratic values of Europe—values that the United Kingdom
shares. That is why, although we are leaving the
institutions of the European Union, we are not leaving
Europe. We will remain a close friend and ally. We will be
a committed partner. We will play our part to ensure that
Europe is able to project its values and defend itself from
security threats, and we will do all that we can to help
the European Union to prosper and succeed.
In the letter that has been delivered to President Tusk
today, copies of which I have placed in the Library of the
House, I have been clear that the deep and special
partnership that we seek is in the best interests of the
United Kingdom and of the European Union, too. I have been
clear that we will work constructively in a spirit of
sincere co-operation to bring this partnership into being,
and I have been clear that we should seek to agree the
terms of this future partnership, alongside those of our
withdrawal, within the next two years.
I am ambitious for Britain, and the objectives I have set
out for these negotiations remain. We will deliver
certainty wherever possible so that business, the public
sector and everybody else has as much clarity as we can
provide as we move through the process. That is why
tomorrow we will publish a White Paper confirming our plans
to convert the acquis into British law so that everyone
will know where they stand, and it is why I have been clear
that the Government will put the final deal agreed between
the UK and the EU to a vote in both Houses of Parliament
before it comes into force.
We will take control of our own laws and bring an end to
the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in
Britain. Leaving the European Union will mean that our laws
will be made in Westminster, Edinburgh, Cardiff and
Belfast, and those laws will be interpreted not by judges
in Luxembourg, but in courts across this country.
We will strengthen the Union of the four nations that
comprise our United Kingdom. We will negotiate as one
United Kingdom, taking account of the specific interests of
every nation and region of the UK. When it comes to the
powers that we will take back from Europe, we will consult
fully on which powers should reside in Westminster and
which should be passed on to the devolved Administrations.
But no decisions currently taken by the devolved
Administrations will be removed from them. It is the
expectation of the Government that the devolved
Administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland
will see a significant increase in their decision-making
power as a result of this process.
We want to maintain the common travel area with the
Republic of Ireland. There should be no return to the
borders of the past. We will control immigration so that we
continue to attract the brightest and the best to work or
study in Britain, but manage the process properly so that
our immigration system serves the national interest. We
will seek to guarantee the rights of EU citizens who are
already living in Britain, and the rights of British
nationals in other member states, as early as we can. This
is set out very clearly in the letter as an early priority
for the talks ahead.
We will ensure that workers’ rights are fully protected and
maintained. Indeed, under my leadership, the Government
will not only protect the rights of workers but build on
them. We will pursue a bold and ambitious free trade
agreement with the European Union that allows for the
freest possible trade in goods and services between Britain
and the EU’s member states, that gives British companies
the maximum freedom to trade with and operate within
European markets, and that lets European businesses do the
same in Britain. European leaders have said many times that
we cannot cherry-pick and remain members of the single
market without accepting the four freedoms that are
indivisible. We respect that position and, as accepting
those freedoms is incompatible with the democratically
expressed will of the British people, we will no longer be
members of the single market.
We are going to make sure that we can strike trade
agreements with countries from outside the European Union,
too, because important though our trade with the EU is and
will remain, it is clear that the UK needs to increase
significantly its trade with the fastest growing export
markets in the world. We hope to continue to collaborate
with our European partners in the areas of science,
education, research and technology so that the UK is one of
the best places for science and innovation. We seek
continued co-operation with our European partners in
important areas such as crime, terrorism and foreign
affairs. And it is our aim to deliver a smooth and orderly
Brexit, reaching an agreement about our future partnership
by the time the two-year article 50 process has concluded,
and then moving into a phased process of implementation in
which Britain, the EU institutions and member states
prepare for the new arrangements that will exist between
us.
We understand that there will be consequences for the UK of
leaving the EU. We know that we will lose influence over
the rules that affect the European economy. We know that UK
companies that trade with the EU will have to align with
rules agreed by institutions of which we are no longer a
part, just as we do in other overseas markets—we accept
that. However, we approach these talks constructively,
respectfully and in a spirit of sincere co-operation, for
it is in the interests of both the United Kingdom and the
European Union that we should use this process to deliver
our objectives in a fair and orderly manner. It is in the
interests of both the United Kingdom and the European Union
that there should be as little disruption as possible. And
it is in the interests of both the United Kingdom and the
European Union that Europe should remain strong, prosperous
and capable of projecting its values in the world.
At a time when the growth of global trade is slowing and
there are signs that protectionist instincts are on the
rise in many parts of the world, Europe has a
responsibility to stand up for free trade in the interests
of all our citizens. With Europe’s security more fragile
today than at any time since the end of the cold war,
weakening our co-operation and failing to stand up for
European values would be a costly mistake. Our vote to
leave the EU was no rejection of the values that we share
as fellow Europeans. As a European country, we will
continue to play our part in promoting and supporting those
values during the negotiations and once they are done.
We will continue to be reliable partners, willing allies
and close friends. We want to continue to buy goods and
services from the EU, and sell it ours. We want to trade
with the EU as freely as possible, and work with one
another to make sure we are all safer, more secure and more
prosperous through continued friendship. Indeed, in an
increasingly unstable world, we must continue to forge the
closest possible security co-operation to keep our people
safe. We face the same global threats from terrorism and
extremism. That message was only reinforced by the
abhorrent attack on Westminster bridge and this place last
week, so there should be no reason why we should not agree
a new deep and special partnership between the UK and the
EU that works for us all.
I know that this is a day of celebration for some and
disappointment for others. The referendum last June was
divisive at times. Not everyone shared the same point of
view or voted the same way. The arguments on both sides
were passionate. But when I sit around the negotiating
table in the months ahead, I will represent every person in
the United Kingdom: young and old; rich and poor; city,
town, country, and all the villages and hamlets in between;
and, yes, those EU nationals who have made this country
their home. It is my fierce determination to get the right
deal for every single person in this country for, as we
face the opportunities ahead of us on this momentous
journey, our shared values, interests and ambitions can—and
must—bring us together.
We all want to see a Britain that is stronger than it is
today. We all want a country that is fairer so that
everyone has the chance to succeed. We all want a nation
that is safe and secure for our children and grandchildren.
We all want to live in a truly global Britain that gets out
and builds relationships with old friends and new allies
around the world. These are the ambitions of this
Government’s plan for Britain—ambitions that unite us, so
that we are no longer defined by the vote we cast, but by
our determination to make a success of the result.
We are one great Union of people and nations with a proud
history and a bright future. Now that the decision to leave
has been made and the process is under way, it is time to
come together, for this great national moment needs a great
national effort—an effort to shape a stronger future for
Britain. So let us do so together. Let us come together and
work together. Let us together choose to believe in Britain
with optimism and hope, for if we do, we can make the most
of the opportunities ahead. We can together make a success
of this moment, and we can together build a stronger,
fairer, better Britain—a Britain our children and
grandchildren are proud to call home. I commend this
statement to the House.
12.50 pm
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(Islington North)
(Lab)
I would like to thank the Prime Minister for an advance
copy of her statement.
Today, we embark on the country’s most important
negotiations in modern times. The British people made the
decision to leave the European Union and Labour respects
that decision. The next steps along this journey are the
most crucial. If the Prime Minister is to unite the
country, as she says she aims to do, the Government need to
listen, consult and represent the whole country, not just
the hard-line Tory ideologues on her own Benches.
Britain is going to change as a result of leaving the
European Union; the question is how. There are
Conservatives who want to use Brexit to turn this country
into a low-wage tax haven. Labour is determined to invest
in a high-skill, high-tech, high-wage future, and to
rebuild and transform Britain so that no one and no
community is left behind. The direction the Prime Minister
is threatening to take this country in is both reckless and
damaging, and Labour will not give this Government a free
hand to use Brexit to attack rights and protections and to
cut services, or to create a tax dodger’s paradise.
Let me be clear: the Prime Minister says that no deal is
better than a bad deal, but the reality is that no deal is
a bad deal. Less than a year ago, the Treasury estimated
that leaving the European Union on World Trade Organisation
terms would lead to a 7.5% fall in our GDP and a £45
billion loss in tax receipts. Has the Treasury updated
those figures or do they still stand? If they have been
updated, can they be published? If not, what deal could be
worse than those consequences of no deal? It would be a
national failure of historic proportions if the Prime
Minister came back from Brussels without having secured
protection for jobs and living standards, so we will use
every parliamentary opportunity to ensure the Government
are held to account at every stage of the negotiations.
We all have an interest in ensuring the Prime Minister gets
the best deal for this country. To safeguard jobs and
living standards, we do need full access to the single
market. The Secretary of State for Exiting the European
Union seems to agree on this. He stated in this House on 24
January that the Government’s plan is:
“a comprehensive free trade agreement and a comprehensive
customs agreement that will deliver the exact same benefits
as we have”.—[Official Report, 24 January 2017; Vol. 620,
c. 169.]
That was what was pledged, so will the Prime Minister
confirm today that she intends to deliver a trade and
customs agreement with “the exact same benefits”? The same
goes for protecting workers’ rights and environmental
standards, protecting Britain’s nations and regions,
protecting Britain’s financial sector and services, and
making sure there is no return to a hard border in Northern
Ireland.
When does the Prime Minister expect to be able to guarantee
the rights of all those EU nationals who live and work in
this country, and make such a massive and welcome
contribution to it, and of those British nationals who live
in all parts of the European Union, including by
guaranteeing that their UK pensions will not be frozen
post-Brexit?
Brexit would be a huge task for any Government, yet so far
this Government seem utterly complacent about the scale of
the task ahead. Government Ministers cannot make up their
minds about the real objective. The Foreign Secretary—he is
in the Chamber today—said in October:
“Our policy is having our cake and eating it.”
How apposite from the Foreign Secretary. Today, on BBC
Radio 4, the Chancellor said:
“we can’t have our cake and eat it”.
Maybe they should get together and talk about that.
At one level, those might seem like flippant exchanges from
Ministers, but they do reflect serious differences about
Britain’s negotiating aims. The Government must speak with
a united voice. However, the Foreign Secretary is the same
man who promised our national health service £350 million
pounds a week once we left the EU. Now he believes that
leaving the EU without a deal would be “perfectly okay”. It
would not be perfectly okay—it would damage our economy and
people’s living standards. Will the Prime Minister confirm
that she rejects such complacency?
Labour has set out our tests for the Government’s Brexit
negotiations, and we will use all means possible to make
sure we hold them to their word on full access to the
single market, on protecting Britain from being dragged
into a race to the bottom, and on ensuring that our future
relationship with the European Union is strong and
co-operative—a relationship in which we can work together
to bring prosperity and peace to our continent. If the
Prime Minister can deliver a deal that meets our tests,
that will be fine—we will back her. More than ever, Britain
needs a Government that will deliver for the whole country,
not just the few, and that is the ultimate test of the
Brexit deal that the Prime Minister must now secure.
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The Prime Minister
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for saying that
the Labour party respects the outcome of the referendum and
the process that is now under way. He said that the next
steps are the most crucial—the most important—and, of
course, we now enter that formal process of negotiation.
It does seem, however, that the message that the right hon.
Gentleman has sent today has not got through to all his
Front Benchers. I understand that as the Cabinet met this
morning to approve our course, his shadow International
Trade Secretary tweeted a photo of me signing the A50
letter, claiming I was “signing away” our country’s future.
I am afraid that that is what we see all too often from
Labour: talking down Britain; desperate for the
negotiations to fail; and out of touch with ordinary
working people.
The right hon. Gentleman referred to the tests—I will come
on to those—and asked me specifically about EU nationals. I
expressly referred to that in the letter to President Tusk
and made it clear that I would hope that we could deal with
this issue of EU nationals here and UK nationals in other
member states at as early a stage as possible in the
negotiations. As I have said in this House before, I
believe that there is good will on both sides to do that.
The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the tests that the
Labour party has set out for the negotiations. I have been
looking at those tests because, actually, there are
principles that the Government have, time and time again,
said we are determined to meet. He asks if the final deal
will ensure a strong and collaborative future relationship
with the EU. Yes, and in my letter to President Tusk, that
is exactly what I set out our intentions to be. Will the
deal deliver the same benefits we currently have as a
member of the single market and the customs union? We have
been clear that we want to get the best possible deal, and
free and frictionless trade. Will the deal protect national
security and our capacity to tackle cross-border crime?
Yes. Will the deal deliver for all regions and nations of
the UK? We have been very clear that we are taking all
nations and regions into account, as I say in the letter to
President Tusk. As I said during Prime Minister’s
questions, we expect that, as powers are repatriated, the
devolved Administrations will see a significant increase in
their decision making.
The right hon. Gentleman’s fifth test is: will the deal
defend rights and protections and prevent a race to the
bottom? We have been very clear that workers’ rights will
be protected—they are not up for negotiation under this
Government. Perhaps he should listen to his own Mayor of
London, who has said:
“to give credit to the government, I don’t think they want
to weaken workers’ rights…there’s been some anxiety…I’ve
seen no evidence from the conversations I’ve had with
senior members of the government that that’s their
aspiration or their intention or something they want to
do.”
But the Labour party has set out a sixth test that I do not
think the right hon. Gentleman mentioned specifically, and
perhaps that is because of the confusion in the Labour
party. The sixth test is, “Will the deal ensure fair
management of migration?” What we see on that is a confused
picture from the Labour party. The shadow Home Secretary
says that freedom of movement is a worker’s right, and the
right hon. Gentleman himself said:
“Labour is not wedded to freedom of movement for EU
citizens as a point of principle, but I don’t want that to
be misinterpreted, nor do we rule it out.”
Little wonder that nobody has any idea of the Labour
party’s position on that issue.
As I said earlier, on today of all days we should be coming
together. We should be accepting the ambition for our
country for the future. We should not be talking down the
negotiations as the right hon. Gentleman does. We should
set our ambition, our optimism and our determination to get
the best possible deal for everybody in the United Kingdom.
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Sir (Stone)
(Con)
The Leader of the Opposition’s remarks were breathtaking.
For decades, from Maastricht onwards, he voted with us over
and over and over again.
Today is an historic day indeed. Can my right hon. Friend
reaffirm that at the very heart of this letter lies the
democratic decision of the referendum of UK voters given to
them by a sovereign Act of Parliament by six to one in this
House, enabling the British people to regain their
birthright to govern themselves for which people fought and
died over generations? The referendum was followed by a
massive majority of 372 in this House of Commons on the
Third Reading of the withdrawal Bill itself. Trade and
co-operation, yes; European government, no.
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The Prime Minister
I think I can give my hon. Friend the reassurance that he
seeks if I quote from the opening paragraph of my letter to
President Tusk. The very first line is to reaffirm that:
“On 23 June last year, the people of the United Kingdom
voted to leave the European Union.”
But I go on to say that we want
“the European Union to succeed and prosper.”
The vote was not a
“rejection of the values we share as fellow
Europeans…Instead, the referendum was a vote to restore, as
we see it, our national self-determination.”
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(Moray) (SNP)
It is important for everybody to remember on this day that
in the referendum on the European Union, the people of
Scotland voted by 62% to remain in the European Union.
Every single local government area in the country voted to
remain in the European Union. This happened two years after
Scottish voters were told that they had to vote no to
Scottish independence to remain in the EU. Yet ironically,
this is exactly what will happen now because of the will of
the majority elsewhere in the United Kingdom being imposed
on the people of Scotland.
Last year, as I have raised repeatedly in this Chamber, the
Prime Minister made a commitment to a UK-wide approach—an
agreement with the Governments of Scotland, of Wales, and
of Northern Ireland. Since then, the Scottish Government
have published a compromise suggestion, at its heart a
differentiated plan that could satisfy people in Scotland
and the rest of the UK. The Prime Minister could have said
that she would try to seek an agreement with European
partners on the plan which could have protected Scotland’s
place in the single European market—but she did not. The
Prime Minister could have taken the views of the Scottish,
the Welsh and the Northern Irish Governments seriously and
reached an agreement before triggering article 50, as she
promised. She did not, and she does not
have—[Interruption.]
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Mr Speaker
Order. I apologise for interrupting the right hon.
Gentleman, but we cannot have side exchanges taking place
while he should have the Floor. [Interruption.] Yes, I am
perfectly capable of seeing from whence the disruption
hailed, and I hope it will not persist. The hon. Gentleman
concerned has important responsibilities in the Government
Whips Office and is normally the embodiment of courtesy, to
which I know he will now return.
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Thank you, Mr Speaker.
We on the SNP Benches have become accustomed to the views
of Conservative Members as being incapable of understanding
that the people of Scotland voted to remain in the European
Union. The Prime Minister promised—[Interruption.] Do hon.
Gentlemen and hon. Ladies on the Conservative Benches
understand that we have televisions in Scotland and that
viewers in Scotland can see the discourtesy from hon.
Members on those Benches? They do not like to hear it but
listen they must.
The Prime Minister promised an agreement. There is no
agreement. She has broken her word. As Scotland’s Members
of Parliament, we have been sent here with a mandate to
stand up for the people of Scotland. It is a mandate that
the Prime Minister does not enjoy. Fifty-eight out of 59
MPs from Scotland voted against triggering article 50. The
Scottish Parliament voted against the triggering of article
50. The Scottish Government were against the triggering of
article 50 before an agreement. Yet what have this
Government done? They have carried on blithely ignoring the
views of people in Scotland and its democratically elected
representatives. Europe is watching the way that this
Government treat parts of the United Kingdom that voted to
remain with Europe.
The UK Government had a mandate to hold a Brexit
referendum. We accept that, and we accept the leave result
in the rest of the United Kingdom. In that
context—[Interruption.] Again, Conservative Members do not
seem to understand that the United Kingdom is a
multinational state with four nations, two of which voted
to stay and two of which voted to leave. All the rhetoric
from the Government Benches does not paper over the gaping
chasm showing that there is not unity in this so-called
United Kingdom on this issue.
As democrats, we should all accept that the Scottish
Government have a mandate, given by the people of Scotland
in an election, whereby we should have a choice after the
negotiations have concluded, and this should not be kicked
into the long grass and that democratic choice denied.
Yesterday the Scottish Parliament voted by 69 to 59 that
people in Scotland should have that choice. Will the Prime
Minister confirm that she will recognise the democratic
right of the people to make their own choice after
negotiations have concluded?
The Prime Minister says that she thinks that Brexit will
bring unity to the United Kingdom. It will not. On this
issue, it is not a United Kingdom, and the Prime Minster
needs to respect—respect—the differences across the nations
of the United Kingdom. If she does not—if she remains
intransigent and if she denies Scotland a choice on our
future—she will make Scottish independence inevitable.
[Interruption.]
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Mr Speaker
Calm yourselves. Mr Docherty-Hughes, you are an
exceptionally over-excitable individual brandishing your
Order Paper in a distinctly eccentric manner. Go and
entertain yourself somewhere else if you cannot calm
yourself. The Prime Minister.
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The Prime Minister
Thank you, Mr Speaker.
The right hon. Gentleman has said this afternoon on a
number of occasions, as he has on many occasions in this
House before, that Scotland voted to remain in the European
Union and should therefore be treated differently. My
constituency voted to remain in the European Union.
[Interruption.] The point is that we are one United
Kingdom, and it was a vote of the whole of the United
Kingdom. What I hear from people outside this Chamber—by
the way, the right hon. Gentleman seems to forget the
something like 400,000 SNP supporters who voted to leave
the European Union—from individuals and businesses alike,
whether they voted to remain or to leave, is that the vote
having been taken, the decision having been given to people
of the United Kingdom, we should now respect that vote and
get on with the job of delivering for everybody across the
whole of the United Kingdom.
The right hon. Gentleman refers to the issue of Scottish
independence and its impact on membership of the European
Union. It is the case, and the European Union has
reinforced the doctrine, that if
Scotland were to—[Interruption.] SNP Members seem to find
it amusing but, just to remind everybody, the doctrine is that if
Scotland were to become independent from the United
Kingdom—if it had voted for independence in 2014—it would
cease to be a member of the European Union. We will be
ensuring that the substance of the deal that we achieve—I
am interested in the outcomes of this deal—will be the best
possible deal for the people of the whole United Kingdom.
The right hon. Gentleman talks about democratic
representation and democratic responsibility. Perhaps the
Scottish Government might like to consider why they have
not passed a single piece of legislation in Holyrood for
the past year.
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(Wokingham) (Con)
I welcome warmly the Prime Minister’s words in her letter
and her statement, and I especially welcome the suggestion
that we want a special relationship with the EU based on
friendship, trade and many other collaborations once we are
an independent country again. Would my right hon. Friend
confirm that the UK Government are offering tariff-free
trade, with no new barriers, to all our partners in Europe,
which must make enormous sense for them?
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The Prime Minister
My right hon. Friend is absolutely right. We want to see
that tariff-free trade, on a reciprocal basis, with the
other countries in the European Union. I think that that
makes sense. We already operate on the same basis because
we operate under the same rules and regulations, and I
think we should look to have the maximum free trade between
the two of us.
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(Westmorland and Lonsdale)
(LD)
I thank the Prime Minister for her statement and for
advance sight of it. Today the Prime Minister is not
enacting the will of the people; she is at best
interpreting that will, and choosing a hard Brexit outside
the single market that was never on the ballot paper. This
day of all days, the Liberal Democrats will not roll over,
as the official Opposition have done.
Our children and grandchildren will judge all of us for our
actions during these times. I am determined to be able to
look my children in the eye and say that I did everything
to prevent this calamity that the Prime Minister has today
chosen. We now face an unknown deal that will shape our
country for generations. The deal will be signed off by
someone, and the only question is: who? Will it be the
politicians, or should it be the people? Surely the Prime
Minister will agree with me that the people should have the
final say.
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The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman talks about us enacting the decision of
the referendum. Of course we are enacting the decision that
was taken by the people of the United Kingdom in the
referendum, but I might remind him that it was not that
long ago that the Liberal Democrat party wanted a
referendum on the European Union. We gave it to them, and
we are abiding by it.
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(Broxtowe) (Con)
The Prime Minister has made it very clear that immigration
is her No. 1 priority, and that as a result we cannot
accept the free movement of people and therefore we cannot
remain a member of the single market. But that may change
in the next two years. Who knows what might happen? The EU
may move away from that principle of the free movement of
people. In view of that, could the Prime Minister give an
assurance that she has not turned her back on membership of
the single market? It is what British business wants, it
would see off and the SNP’s outrageous demands for a second
referendum—[Interruption.] Wheesht awhile! These are
serious matters that this United Kingdom faces, and that
would provide the solution to Northern Ireland as we now
leave the European Union.
-
The Prime Minister
My right hon. Friend started her question by saying that
immigration was the No. 1 priority. What we have done is to
say that we want a comprehensive package that, yes, does
enable us to control immigration and set our own rules on
immigration, but also has exactly the sort of free access
to the single market that I think she is talking about and
that businesses want to see. I believe that we can achieve
that agreement. I believe we should be optimistic and
ambitious in achieving that agreement.
There are other freedoms that the European leaders will
cite in relation to full membership of the single market,
such as the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice,
and I think that people here voted to stop the jurisdiction
of the European Court of Justice last year. But what
matters to me is the outcome—not the structure by which we
achieve that outcome, but whether we have that free,
frictionless, tariff-free access to the single market. That
is what we want to achieve and what we will be working for.
-
Mr (Belfast North)
(DUP)
May I thank the Prime Minister for her statement,
congratulate her and her Government on actually delivering
on the will of the people of the United Kingdom as a whole
instead of seeking to undermine it, and wish her and her
Government well in the negotiations that lie ahead? We on
this Bench are convinced that she is the right leader of
our country for these challenging times. Is not the
fundamental point that this United Kingdom—this Union—is
far more important for the political and economic
prosperity of all our people than the European Union? May I
also commend her for putting in No. 5 of the principles set
out in her letter, Northern Ireland and the relationship
with the Irish Republic? I commend her for the way in which
that has been put forward, and she will have our support in
the coming months and years in this House to make that a
reality.
-
The Prime Minister
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his comments. We have,
as he said, recognised the particular circumstances of
Northern Ireland—and its relationship, because of the land
border, with the Republic of Ireland—in the letter to
President Tusk. I also agree with the right hon. Gentleman
when he says that the most important Union for the United
Kingdom, economically and in other ways, is the United
Kingdom. For its individual constituent parts, trading
within the single market of the United Kingdom is far more
important than trading with the European Union.
-
(Reigate) (Con)
I commend my right hon. Friend for the constructive,
positive and realistic tone she has set today with her
statement and the letter to Donald Tusk. I also
congratulate her and her Government on the use of the last
nine months to prepare us for this point, making up for the
lack of preparation for this moment by the last
Administration. May I urge on her the preparation that is
implicit in this letter, to ensure that if it is impossible
to get a deal home—although that will be coped with by the
United Kingdom and the European Union, as it must be—we are
in a position to cope with that?
-
The Prime Minister
I thank my hon. Friend. We are trying to approach this in a
realistic and pragmatic way, as he says. Of course, the
Government will be working across all Departments to ensure
that we have preparations in place, whatever the outcome
will be. As I made clear in my letter to President Tusk,
while both the European Union and the UK could cope if
there was no agreement, that would not be the ideal
situation. It is not what we will be working for, and we
should be actively working to get the right and proper deal
for both sides.
-
(Doncaster North)
(Lab)
The Prime Minister is right to say in her statement that
the eventual deal must work for the 48% as well as the 52%,
because whether we were remainers or leavers, we will live
in the same country together after Brexit. May I emphasise
to her that national unity must be earned and not just
asserted, and it must be shown in deeds and not just in
words? We are a long, long way away from it, as I think she
will agree. As she reflects on the last eight months, can
she say what she thinks she needs to do differently in the
next 24 months to achieve that national unity, which,
frankly, eludes us at the moment?
-
The Prime Minister
There are two things that we will be doing over the next 24
months, as a Government. One is putting in place our plan
for Britain, which is about ensuring that we see a United
Kingdom where the economy works for everyone, where we have
a much fairer society and where success is based on merit,
not privilege. That is what is driving this Government, and
that is what we will be putting into place domestically.
For the unity of the UK, the most important element in the
negotiations with Europe is to get the best possible deal
in terms of co-operation on security, but also on the free
trade arrangements that will bring prosperity to our
economy.
-
Mr (North Shropshire)
(Con)
May I thank my right hon. Friend for and congratulate her
on resolutely sticking to her promise to the British people
to trigger article 50 before the end of March? There will
be celebrations all around the country, nowhere more so
than in our remote coastal communities, where the health
and wealth of our fishing grounds has been trashed by the
common fisheries policy. To re-establish fully our national
control of the full exclusive economic zone, we will have
to abrogate our membership of the 1964 London convention on
fisheries, which requires two years’ notice. Does my right
hon. Friend intend to trigger that soon?
-
The Prime Minister
I know that my right hon. Friend has always had a
particular interest in the impact of the common fisheries
policy, and he has looked at that issue very carefully. We
are looking very carefully at the London fisheries
convention and at what action needs to be taken. He is
right that this would require two years, but we of course
expect to conclude the deal with the European Union within
two years and there will then, as I have indicated, be an
implementation period beyond that particular time. We hope
to be able to say something about the London fisheries
convention soon.
-
(Derby South)
(Lab)
There are many across this House who will be very aware of
the sheer scale and complexity of the negotiations that
will face our team, and very conscious of the importance of
getting those right. It has never been more true that the
devil will be in the detail. As the detail emerges, will
the Prime Minister ensure that everyone in her team stops
the practice that has been so prevalent of claiming that
every awkward question is evidence of a desire to overturn
the will of the British people, because nothing will more
surely destroy the unity of purpose that she seeks?
-
The Prime Minister
The right hon. Lady is absolutely right that these will be
very complex negotiations. It was right to wait the nine
months we did before invoking article 50, so we have been
able to do a considerable amount of preparation. As we move
forward, some very technical discussions will of course
need to take place, as well as the higher level discussions
that will need to take place. I assure the right hon. Lady
that we consistently ask ourselves difficult questions to
ensure that we are testing every approach that we put
forward, so that we can get the best possible deal.
-
(Lichfield)
(Con)
First, may I reassure my right hon. Friend that Donald Tusk
has indeed received the letter? He tweeted about it one
minute early—at 12.29 pm our time—which shows the keenness
of our team. May I also tell the Prime Minister that Donald
Tusk has said he is missing us already, but that he
recognises it is in the European Union’s interest, as well
as that of the United Kingdom, that we achieve an agreement
that will benefit both sides in this negotiation?
-
The Prime Minister
This is absolutely right, and I am pleased to hear that
President Tusk has taken that view. This is not just about
the United Kingdom for the future, but about the European
Union for the future and the relationship we will have with
it. As I have said in the letter, we want a “deep and
special partnership” to continue in the future. We are
still part of Europe, although we will be leaving the EU
institutions.
-
Mr (Clacton)
(UKIP)
The Prime Minister has the good will of the country as she
seeks a new relationship with our European allies. Will she
confirm that in transposing EU directives and regulations
into UK law, we do not transpose all the rulings of the
ECJ? Will she ensure that, for example, the EU charter of
fundamental rights is not imposed, given that we have
long-standing assurances that it will not have legal force
in this country?
-
The Prime Minister
I say to the hon. Gentleman that we will be publishing a
White Paper on the great repeal Bill tomorrow, which will
make it clearer how we are going to transpose not just the
acquis, but relevant judgments of the European Court of
Justice. I am very well aware of this and this Government
have taken the very clear position that we do not think the
European charter of fundamental human rights is applicable.
-
(Loughborough)
(Con)
In her letter to President Tusk, the Prime Minister, as she
did in January, said:
“We are leaving the European Union, but we are not leaving
Europe”.
She will know that 16.1 million people voted to do neither
last June, but the result is as it is and needs to be
honoured. Will my right hon. Friend say how she will keep
this Parliament fully engaged throughout the process, and
will she do her utmost to secure a trade deal that we can
all support rather than listen to the siren voices that
seem to think no deal is a good option?
-
The Prime Minister
I am very happy to give my right hon. Friend that
assurance. I want to secure a really good trade deal with
the European Union for the United Kingdom. I also want us
to be able to secure trade deals with countries around the
rest of the world, but we want to ensure—we start off from
a good position, because we are of course operating under
the same rules and regulations as the European Union—that
we get a really good trade deal with the EU.
There will be significant opportunities for this House and
this Parliament to consider the issues as we go through the
next two years. Of course, the great repeal Bill itself
will be a matter for debate and consideration in this
House. There will also be some subsequent pieces of
legislation that are required as a result of the decision
to leave the European Union which will come before this
House. We will make every effort to keep this House
informed as we go through that. I have always said that we
will be clear and will provide clarity where we are able to
do so.
-
(Leeds Central)
(Lab)
The Prime Minister will no doubt recall the referendum
speech she made last April, in which she said that
“the big question is whether, in the event of Brexit, we
would be able to negotiate a new free trade agreement with
the EU and on what terms.”
Given that the European Union appears to want to start the
negotiations by talking only about money and that there are
about 18 months to go, how will the Prime Minister ensure
there is sufficient time to reach the agreement to provide
tariff and barrier-free trade and access to the European
market for our services that she has promised Britain’s
businesses she will bring back from the negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
As the right hon. Gentleman will be aware, we do not yet
know how the European Council will choose to frame the
negotiations; it will meet on 29 April to determine that.
There will be two parts, if you like, to the work going
forward: one is the process of withdrawal and the terms of
withdrawal; and the other is what the future relationship
will be. It is clear in article 50 that the former should
be done in the context of the latter, so it is not just
reasonable but entirely right and proper that we look at
those two issues alongside each other.
As I have said in answer to other questions, the point
about a comprehensive free trade agreement is that we will
not be operating as a third party, such as Canada, for
example, when it started its negotiations with the European
Union. We are already operating on the same basis—we
already have free trade between the European Union and the
United Kingdom—and I believe that sets us on a better basis
on which to start the negotiations, and that it will be
possible to get a comprehensive free trade agreement.
-
Mr (Basildon and
Billericay) (Con)
I commend the Prime Minister for her handling of triggering
article 50, and indeed for respecting the wishes of the
British electorate in the referendum. May I suggest that
there is another reason to make sure that guaranteeing the
rights of EU nationals—both those living here and those on
the continent—should be a very high priority? Not only is
it the right thing to do and will establish good intent,
but should there be no agreement, it would be clear to the
world that that was not actually our fault and that we were
not using EU nationals as bargaining chips.
-
The Prime Minister
I am very clear in the letter that I have sent to President
Tusk that we intend the work on the rights of EU nationals
and UK nationals living in the EU to be undertaken as part
of the negotiations at an early stage. As I have said
before, I genuinely believe there is good will to do that,
and I hope we will be able to achieve that at an early
stage of the negotiations and give EU citizens living here
and UK citizens living in the European Union reassurance
about their future.
-
(Normanton, Pontefract
and Castleford) (Lab)
The last Prime Minister did not want this day to come,
although it followed from many of the decisions he took
over many years, and he will be remembered as the Prime
Minister who unintentionally led Britain out of Europe. I
know this Prime Minister does not want to see the break-up
of the United Kingdom, but she will also know that holding
us together requires more than just the rhetoric of unity.
Will she therefore say what she will do in both the content
and the style of her negotiations not to fuel further
division and not to play into the hands of others, but to
ensure voices from all over the country are genuinely heard
in this debate so that she does not become the Prime
Minister who unintentionally leads the break-up of Britain?
-
The Prime Minister
First, I say to the right hon. Lady that she referred to
the decision on the referendum as one of leaving Europe,
but it is about leaving the European Union, not leaving
Europe. We want a deep and special partnership with the
European Union. We will obviously continue to be part of
Europe, and we will want to continue to work with our
friends and allies in Europe.
As we go ahead, we will continue to undertake discussions
not just with the devolved Administrations in the United
Kingdom, but with businesses and other organisations across
the United Kingdom—Government Departments are speaking with
their interlocutors in a whole range of sectors—to ensure
that all views and all considerations are taken into
account as we go forward in the negotiations. We want to
make sure that we fully understand the concerns and
interests that people have, and that is why we have already
started talking widely with not just the devolved
Administrations, but others across the United Kingdom to
ensure that we collect those views and take them into
account.
-
Mrs (Chesham and Amersham)
(Con)
May I congratulate my right hon. Friend on her resolve in
carrying forward the democratic outcome of the referendum?
No matter what the differences are across this House, I can
assure her that every single Member of this House wishes
her well for the negotiations ahead. Can she confirm that,
no matter how those negotiations progress over the coming
months and years, the United Kingdom will continue to
prioritise co-operation and the exchange of information
with the other European countries, to ensure that our
internal and external security is not compromised in any
way whatsoever?
-
The Prime Minister
I am happy to give my right hon. Friend that assurance. Our
co-operation on security and justice and home affairs
matters is very important to us and to the member states of
the European Union. Obviously, it is something that I
worked closely on when I was Home Secretary. I assure her
that we will be looking to ensure that that co-operation
can continue. As we look at the challenges that we face
across the globe, now is not the time for less
co-operation; now is the time to ensure that we continue to
co-operate and, indeed, build on that.
-
(Belfast South)
(SDLP)
May I remind the Prime Minister that Northern Ireland voted
56% remain? Indeed, my own constituency voted almost 70% to
remain. With respect, may I warn her about the Trojan horse
being pushed out to her in the form of honey words from
Members on the Bench behind me? The Prime Minister says
that the interests of all nations and regions of the UK
will be taken into account in the negotiations. What
measures has she been able to, or does she intend to, put
in place to ensure that Northern Ireland’s views, needs and
special circumstances are taken into account in the
negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his question. The point he
made about the vote in Northern Ireland is one that I
attempted to show earlier, which is that different parts of
the United Kingdom voted in different ways: some voted to
leave, some voted to remain. The overall result of the
referendum of the United Kingdom was that we should leave
the European Union, and that is what we will be doing.
Obviously, we maintained contact with the Northern Ireland
Executive up to the point at which they ceased to exist
when the election was taking place. We have continued,
however, to talk about the issue to political parties in
Northern Ireland. The best result to ensure that the voice
of the devolved Administration in Northern Ireland can be
heard in these negotiations is for the parties to come
together and for us to see that strong and devolved
Government, who will provide us with that interlocutor.
-
Mr (Wycombe) (Con)
Since the vote, the economic news has confounded
expectations. Economists for Free Trade have told us how
WTO rules with the right policies can cut consumer prices
and raise GDP, and the Legatum Institute special trade
commissioners have given us every reason to believe that we
will not only secure the right trade deal for us, but
liberate trade right around the world. Does the Prime
Minister agree that the time for “Project Fear” is over?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend is right. Obviously, there were predictions
about what would happen to the economy if the United
Kingdom voted to leave. Those predictions have not proved
to be correct and we see a strong economy. Of course, as we
go forward we want to build on that. We want to ensure that
we get those comprehensive trade agreements. I believe that
a comprehensive free trade agreement with the European
Union should be our aim. That is what we will be working
for, but we will also be looking to promote trade around
the rest of the world. As my hon. Friend has said, it is in
the interests of everybody—not just the UK or the EU, but
countries around the world—that we stand up for the
benefits of free trade and promote free trade around the
world.
-
Dame (Doncaster
Central) (Lab)
As has been said, the Prime Minister referred in her
statement to
“taking due account of the specific interests of every
nation and region of the UK”,
but leading councils in Yorkshire have had no contact
whatsoever from the Government. Will she please now work
with local government and local enterprise boards in all
English regions to analyse the effect of Brexit on jobs,
trade and investment, so that negotiations can achieve, as
was promised by the Secretary of State for Brexit, not just
an aspiration, but the “exact same benefits” as we have
from membership of the single market and the customs union?
The Prime Minister sidestepped the question from the Leader
of the Opposition, so may I ask it again? Does she believe
that the English regions can get the exact same benefits as
before?
-
The Prime Minister
The right hon. Lady has asked a number of questions. I am
very clear that we want to ensure that we get that
comprehensive free trade agreement that gives our
businesses the benefits that they have had as members of
the European Union. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of
State for Exiting the European Union is talking to local
mayors and local authorities. The right hon. Lady mentioned
local enterprise partnerships. As it happens, I had a
roundtable with representative chairmen of LEPs on Tuesday
in Birmingham and talked to them about the future, so we
are listening to those voices from across the regions.
-
(North East
Bedfordshire) (Con)
Like millions of others in the United Kingdom, I am proud
of the European Union and the contribution that the UK has
made to it during my political lifetime, and I am a little
sad about today. However, I stand unequivocally with the
Prime Minister as she calls for a united approach to a new
future. Does my right hon. Friend therefore agree that in
order to make that national endeavour meaningful, her door
and those of her Ministers should always be open to all
parties in the House, from all sides of the discussion,
because a new script for the relationship between the
European Union and the United Kingdom should be written as
much by those who value the EU as by those who campaigned
to leave it?
-
The Prime Minister
I thank my right hon. Friend for his question. As I said in
my statement earlier, there will be those in this House who
are celebrating and those who are sad and disappointed at
the decision that has been taken. I reassure him that as we
move forward and ensure that we get the best possible
arrangements for the future, I want to listen, and
Ministers want to listen, to all voices in this House,
including those who were ardent on both sides of the
campaign. As I have just indicated, we are also, of course,
listening to all parts of the United Kingdom.
-
(Gordon) (SNP)
Today is the day that the right hon. Member for Maidenhead
has become the first Prime Minister in recent history to
have to be reminded that Scotland is a country, not a
constituency of England. She refused to reply to the
question whether there had been an economic assessment of
the impact of leaving the EU with no deal. Has there been
such an assessment? Will she publish it? And if there has
not been an assessment, how does the Foreign Secretary know
that it is “perfectly okay”?
-
The Prime Minister
I say to the right hon. Gentleman that I am well aware that
Scotland is a constituent nation of the United Kingdom. The
point is a very simple one and it was made from the Bench
behind him earlier, which is that different parts of the
United Kingdom voted in different ways. Different
constituencies voted in different ways. Scotland, Wales and
Northern Ireland voted in different ways—Wales voted to
leave; Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain—but
the overall response of the United Kingdom was a vote to
leave the European Union, and that is what we are putting
into place. I say to the right hon. Gentleman that we are
looking at the arrangements that need to be put in place,
whatever the impact—whatever the decision that is taken at
the end. But crucially, what I am very clear about—I was
clear in my letter to President Tusk—is that we should work
to get that comprehensive free trade agreement, so that we
are not in the position of having no deal but that we have
a deal that is to the benefit of everybody in the UK,
including the people of Scotland.
-
(Mid Norfolk)
(Con)
May I congratulate the Prime Minister on the cool,
constructive clarity and conviction that she has brought to
this momentous period in British politics, and on her
commitment today to negotiate on behalf of everyone in this
country—the 48% as well as the 52%? Does she agree that we
must also redouble our commitment to domestic reform—that
compassionate Conservative programme—which is so key to
industry and to skills and infrastructure, both for our
post-Brexit economic prosperity and for the unity we will
need to succeed? She wrote in her excellent letter to Mr
Tusk:
“The task before us is momentous but it should not be
beyond us.”
Does she agree that that applies to Members of this House
as well, and that we should reject the shrill voices of
Scottish and English nationalism so that we pull together,
not pull apart?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The question people
responded to in the referendum was about leaving the
European Union, but I believe the vote to leave was also a
vote for wider change in this country. That is why it is so
important that we put forward and deliver our plan for
Britain, for a stronger, fairer society for all—a country
that really does work for everyone. It is important that
right now we pull together and recognise that the task
ahead is to ensure we get the right result for the whole of
the United Kingdom.
-
(Don Valley)
(Lab)
Regardless of how people voted in the referendum, I suspect
there is an even bigger majority today for all of us to get
on with trying to get the best deal we possibly can. Many
businesses are worried. With the triggering of article 50,
they feel the clock is ticking and that everything might
need to be resolved within two years. Can the Prime
Minister reassure businesses? At the end of the two years,
what we have will be pretty much the headlines. There will
have to be transitional arrangements to ensure that we
explore the devil in the detail. This House must be able to
discuss it, but more importantly we must get it right for
businesses and for the rest of Britain.
-
The Prime Minister
The right hon. Lady is right. Businesses want the certainty
of knowing where they will stand so they can plan for the
future. Two things are important. It is important that we
bring the acquis into UK law through the great repeal Bill,
so that on the day we leave everybody knows those rules
still apply and everybody knows where they stand. It is
also right that it is a tight timetable to get agreement on
our future relationship. There will need to be an
implementation period to ensure that that is put into
practice in a way that makes practical sense for businesses
and Governments.
-
(New Forest East)
(Con)
Will the Prime Minister reaffirm that the defence of Europe
depends not on the EU but on the deterrent effect of
article 5 of the NATO treaty, which means that an attack on
any European NATO member will involve the United States in
its defence from the first hour of the first day? In the
spirit of unity, will she join me in congratulating two
statesmen on opposite sides of the Brexit debate, Sir John
Major and of Chingford? They
may not share the same views on Europe, but they do share
the same birthday today.
-
The Prime Minister
I am very happy to wish a happy birthday to members of the
Conservative party.
My right hon. Friend raises the important issue of NATO. As
I indicated in my answer to my hon. Friend the Member for
Louth and Horncastle (Victoria Atkins), NATO is the bedrock
of our security and our defence. Article 5 lies at the
heart of that security and defence. We will continue to
contribute to NATO in the way we have in the past, and we
will continue to encourage others to ensure that NATO is
able to provide that security in the future, as it has in
the past.
-
Mr (Wolverhampton South
East) (Lab)
I remind the Prime Minister that defence is about more than
weapons; it is about values and collective solidarity.
There are two kinds of future stemming from the process
triggered today. The first is that we spend two years
desperately trying to secure, in the Secretary of State’s
words,
“the exact same benefits as we have”,—[Official Report, 24
January 2017; Vol. 620, c. 169.]
while gaining control of immigration, which, as Ministers
have suggested, may make little difference to the numbers.
In which case, people will ask, “What is the point?” Or
there is another future where we crash without an
agreement, defaulting to WTO rules with all that would mean
for industry, agriculture and services. In which case,
people will ask, “What is the price?” So which future does
she think is the more likely: “what is the point” or “what
is the price”?
-
The Prime Minister
I have to say that I think the right hon. Gentleman is
framing the question in the wrong way. People voted to
leave the European Union, but I believe that we as a
country still want to have a good trading relationship with
it. People overwhelmingly voted to know that the UK
Government are in control of key decisions previously taken
by the EU institutions: immigration rules, spending our
budget and the relationship of the UK courts to decisions
taken here in this Parliament. Underlying the vote was our
ability to set our own laws and for those laws to be
determined by our courts. This was not just a question of
money. It was about values. It was about the value of that
self-determination.
-
(Devizes) (Con)
May I join others in commending the Prime Minister for a
clear, concise and very generous approach to the
negotiations, both in her statement today and in her letter
to President Tusk?
The Prime Minister will know that the reason we currently
have a strong economy is partly due to the decisions taken
by the previous Government and partly because nothing has
actually changed economically, other than the sharp
depreciation in our currency. As we go into a period of
enhanced risk and uncertainty for our country and
businesses, a process I think she will lead us through
admirably, does she not agree that it is time to start
talking facts and sense to the British people, rather than
rhetoric and ideology, and in particular reject the idea
that no deal and a reliance on WTO rules would somehow be
okay? I am sure she will have seen recent research from the
National Institute Of Economic and Social Research, which
suggests that a WTO deal, despite all the trade deals we
want to sign with China, Brazil, India and America, would
represent a loss of trade of a quarter—a quarter—to the
British economy. We cannot do that to this country. I hope
she will tell us that we are not going to do that to our
country. Can we start talking in facts and perhaps trust
experts a little bit more?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The Conservative-led
Government’s long-term economic plan, on which we all stood
at the last election, has enabled our economy to have the
necessary strength. We are pleased that we are able to
maintain and build on that strength in our economy. She
talks about the WTO arrangements. What I say in the letter
to President Tusk is very clear:
“If…we leave the European Union without an agreement the
default position is that we would have to trade on World
Trade Organisation terms.”
In that kind of scenario, both the UK and the EU would of
course cope with the change, but it is not the outcome that
either side should seek. We must therefore work hard to
avoid that outcome. I am clear that we want a comprehensive
free trade agreement with the European Union, and that is
what we will be working for.
-
(Vauxhall) (Lab)
On what is a genuinely historic day for our country, may I
pay tribute to the Prime Minister and to the Brexit
Ministers for their determination and dedication in getting
to this stage today to implement the will of the British
people? Does she agree that one area on which we should be
able to move forward very quickly in negotiations is
getting back control of our fishing grounds?
-
The Prime Minister
My right hon. Friend the Member for North Shropshire (Mr
Paterson), the former Secretary of State for Environment,
Food and Rural Affairs, mentioned the London fisheries
convention. The Department for Environment, Food and Rural
Affairs is looking at this issue and we hope to be able to
say something soon. As we look at the whole raft of
negotiations, we will be looking at policies that affect
not just trade in goods and services, but agriculture and
fisheries here in the United Kingdom, and security and
crime. We will be looking particularly at the London
fisheries convention in due course.
-
(Stroud) (Con)
The Prime Minister’s letter to President Tusk is not one I
ever hoped to read, but having done so I welcome the eight
principles. Does the Prime Minister agree that to bring
them to fruition it would be very helpful to include all of
us in this process, because even the most ardent
pro-European is also incredibly ambitious for this country?
-
The Prime Minister
I am very happy to give my hon. Friend that reassurance.
What I hope we will see, and what I think he has indicated
we will see, is people on both sides of the argument coming
together with that ambition for the future. It is important
that we take all views into account as we develop that.
-
Mr (Exeter) (Lab)
In her letter and again in her statement today, the Prime
Minister has made it clear that she believes it will be
necessary to agree the terms of the divorce alongside the
details of our future relationship with the European Union.
If the other 27 come back in their reply and say that they
want to agree the terms of the divorce first, including the
issues of citizenship rights, our liabilities and borders,
particularly with Northern Ireland, how will she respond?
-
The Prime Minister
We will go into a negotiation with the European Union about
the best way to take these issues forward. I have been
putting forward the case, as have other Ministers, that it
makes sense from a pragmatic point of view to ensure that
at the end of the two years, we have both of these
decisions concluded, namely the withdrawal process and the
future relationship. That is because I do not think it is
in anybody’s interest for the UK to agree withdrawal,
withdraw and go on to one set of arrangements, subsequently
having to negotiate another set of arrangements that come
into place at a later date. It makes much better sense—for
individuals, for businesses and indeed for Governments—to
conclude those two parts of the negotiation at the same
time.
-
Mr (Wellingborough)
(Con)
Some Government Members and some Opposition Members have
worked throughout their political career to extract the
United Kingdom from the European superstate. Sometimes we
were isolated, sometimes we were ignored, and sometimes we
were insulted, but thanks to the British people, today we
are leaving the European Union. In the past, when there has
been a major change in our relationship with Europe, it has
happened through conflict, bloodshed and turmoil. Does the
Prime Minister agree that the whole country can celebrate
the fact that this change is happening peacefully and
democratically?
-
The Prime Minister
I am happy to endorse that, because it is a tribute to the
way in which we in the UK have approached the issue and
indeed to the way in which our European partners have been
willing to approach it. I think we will be willing to
approach it in that way in the future. The eyes of the
world will be on us as we go through this negotiation to
see precisely how we conduct it. I want it to be conducted
positively, constructively and respectfully.
-
(Edinburgh South West)
(SNP)
After the Brexit deal has been negotiated, the European
Parliament and every other member state in the European
Union will have a say on whether to accept that deal. Can
the Prime Minister not see that to deny the people of
Scotland a say at the same time would show utter contempt
for democracy in Scotland?
-
The Prime Minister
We have been very clear that there will be a vote in this
Parliament when we come back with a deal from the European
Union. It will take place in both Houses and it will happen
before the deal comes into force. We expect that to be
undertaken before the European Parliament has had an
opportunity to debate and vote on this issue. Within this
House, of course, there are representatives from all parts
of the United Kingdom.
-
Mr (North East
Somerset) (Con)
Does my right hon. Friend recall the words of Francis
Drake:
“There must be a begynnyng of any great matter, but the
contenewing unto the end untyll it be thoroughly ffynyshed
yeldes the trew glory”?
I wish my right hon. Friend good luck and good fortune in
her negotiations until she comes to true glory and is
welcomed back to this House as a 21st century Gloriana.
-
The Prime Minister
I think my answer to that is that I thank my hon. Friend!
-
(Leicester West)
(Lab)
Will the Prime Minister clear up some confusion on her own
side about immigration policy? The Times reports that the
International Trade Secretary is now arguing for more
immigration from countries that are outside the EU in
return for striking new trade deals. Does the Prime
Minister agree?
-
The Prime Minister
The Government have a clear position on our work to reduce
net migration into this country. Leaving the European Union
will enable us to introduce rules in respect of those who
are moving from the EU member states into the United
Kingdom, but we continue to ensure that we are bearing down
on abuse in our immigration system and that we have the
rules that we believe are right so that we can continue to
bring the brightest and the best here to the UK.
-
Dr (Twickenham)
(Con)
I thank the Prime Minister for her statement and for being
very clear that we are not leaving Europe and that we seek
to guarantee the rights of EU citizens in our country. When
she says “as early as we can”, does she agree with me as a
fellow European that “as early as we can” means today?
-
The Prime Minister
In the negotiations, I want reciprocal rights for EU
citizens and UK citizens. It is not just about what time we
say should be allotted for that discussion; it will be for
the remaining 27 member states of the EU to negotiate with
us on that. We need reciprocity, but I believe that there
is good will, so I am hopeful that we will be able to start
this discussion at an early stage of negotiations.
-
Mr (Walsall North)
(Lab)
Given the reference of some Members to the British people,
is it not important to recognise that a large majority of
this country’s people are not fanatically for or against
the UK being in the European Union? If we want to bring the
people together, as the Prime Minister says she does, that
should very much be borne in mind. If, during the
negotiations undertaken by her predecessor, we had seen
some flexibility from the European Union over the free
movement of labour, is it not quite likely that we would
not be debating this issue now?
-
The Prime Minister
put an enormous effort,
as did others across Government, into the negotiations
leading to the deal that he brought to the British people.
The hon. Gentleman’s assumption is that the only issue on
which people voted was free movement, but I do not think
that is right. I think that wanting control over our
borders was one key issue, but it was also about more than
that, including control of our laws, control of our money
and self-determination. That is what was driving the
decision.
-
(South Ribble)
(Con)
Many vegetable growers in South Ribble rely on migrant
labour and easy access to European markets for their
exports. Can my right hon. Friend reassure my constituents
that British farming will be a priority in her and her
team’s negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
I can assure my hon. Friend that the Secretary of State for
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs is working very closely
with farming communities across the whole of the United
Kingdom in looking at their interests for the future and
the arrangements that will be put in place once we leave
the common agricultural policy.
-
(Luton North)
(Lab)
I welcome the triggering of article 50, because it will
make possible the democratic socialist future that I and
many others have struggled for all their lives. The Prime
Minister will be aware that we have a trade deficit with
the EU of over £60 billion a year and another deficit of
about £20 billion a year on investments, income and
remittances, and that we are paying more than £10 billion a
year in our contribution to the EU budget. That is total of
£90 billion—a huge sum that amounts roughly to about £6,000
a year for a family of four. Does that not put Britain in a
very strong position in the negotiations, specifically
about trade?
-
The Prime Minister
I think we are in a good position on the trade
negotiations, because companies in other EU member states
can see the benefits of trade with the United Kingdom. I
believe that there will be real benefit to both sides as we
negotiate a good trade deal for both of us.
-
(Taunton Deane)
(Con)
I wholeheartedly welcome the Prime Minister’s message of
looking forward with optimism and hope. Without that sort
of viewpoint, I for one would never have made it to this
place. Today, my heart is tinged with a little sadness, but
we must always aim for better, which is why I
wholeheartedly welcome the tone and spirit of the Prime
Minister’s words. With that in mind, does she agree that it
is crucial for all sectors to be treated fairly in the
future negotiations and that in the south-west, our biggest
sector of food, farming and agriculture must not be sold or
traded at the expense of other sectors?
-
The Prime Minister
As I have said, we are working hard in all Departments to
ensure that the interests of different parts of the United
Kingdom are taken into account. We recognise that the value
of certain sectors and jobs varies, and that there are
parts of the United Kingdom—for instance, as my hon. Friend
says, the south-west—where food and farming are a
particularly important element. I can assure my hon. Friend
that we will be seeking a comprehensive package that will
provide a good deal for everyone in the United Kingdom.
-
(Aberavon)
(Lab)
In her letter to Donald Tusk, the Prime Minister says:
“If…we leave the European Union without an agreement…we
would have to trade on World Trade Organisation terms. In
security terms a failure to reach agreement would mean our
cooperation in the fight against crime and terrorism would
be weakened.”
Is she really saying that the security of our country will
be traded like a bargaining chip in these negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
We will not be trading the security of our country, but we
have a relationship with the European Union. There are
certain elements of the European Union, in justice and home
affairs, of which we are currently members and of which, on
leaving the European Union, we would not be members. We
need to negotiate what our future relationship will be. It
is very simple and very pragmatic: the aim will be to
ensure co-operation on these matters.
-
(Bromley and
Chislehurst) (Con)
I welcome the Prime Minister’s repeated use of the word
“pragmatic” in her responses. Many of us believe that this
country is at its very best when we are pragmatic, rather
than ideological. The Prime Minister mentioned the
importance of co-operation on justice and home affairs.
Does she accept that co-operation on other aspects of
judicial and legal services will also be crucial in
underpinning her prioritisation of our financial services
sector, which is so critical to any negotiation?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The strength of our
legal services, and the co-operation that we have on
justice and legal matters, are also an important part of
the relationship that we have. My right hon. Friend the
Lord Chancellor has been working with the judiciary to
examine exactly those issues and consider how we can
proceed with them to ensure the right level of co-operation
in the future.
-
(Arfon) (PC)
I thank the Prime Minister for giving me advance sight of
her statement. She referred to “the British spirit” and to
a “fairer”, “united” Britain, but fairness is a proper
respect for all views from all parts of the islands, not
just, as she put it, “taking account of the specific
interests” of nations and regions beforehand, and not just
consulting about which repatriated powers should stay in
Westminster and which should be dribbled down while she
drives through her extreme version of Brexit. As we leave
the European Union, there must be a better way than just
her way.
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman referred to my vision for Brexit. As I
have made very clear, in the House this afternoon and
elsewhere, we want that comprehensive free trade agreement,
we want good security co-operation, and we want good
security on justice and home affairs matters. That is what
is in the letter to President Tusk. I do not consider it to
be an extreme view of Brexit; I consider it to be a good
deal for the United Kingdom.
-
(South Thanet)
(Con)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on the very reasonable
underlying tone of her letter to President Tusk. As she
will know, this is a day for which I have campaigned for
some 26 years. Does she agree that the dividends of the
restoration of democracy to our institutions, the ending of
huge fiscal transfers to the European Union and the
potential for international new trade deals are prizes from
which everyone in our country will benefit in years to
come?
-
The Prime Minister
As I said earlier, I know that there are Members on both
sides of the House who have campaigned for this for a very
long time. My hon. Friend is absolutely right. I think that
what underlay the vote for people was that sense of the
need for the United Kingdom to be able to have control of
its budget, control of its laws and control of its
immigration rules, and not simply be subject to decisions
made in Brussels.
-
(Cynon Valley) (Lab)
I am proud to have been a Member of the European
Parliament—I was one of the first to be elected, in 1979,
along with Boris’s father, who I do not think shares
Boris’s views any longer. The Prime Minister has reflected
today on the role of the European Parliament. I am sure she
will agree that while it is one of three important
institutions with which negotiations will take place, at
the end of the day it has the power of veto, and that is a
very important power. If the European Parliament were to
invite her—as it does invite Heads of State and Prime
Ministers—to appear before it, give her views and answer
some questions, would she agree to do so?
-
The Prime Minister
The right hon. Lady is right to say that the European
Parliament will play an important role in the process.
Obviously, the structure of the negotiations that has been
established means that the key negotiator will be the
European Commission, operating under the mandate of the
European Council, but arrangements are made for interaction
with the European Parliament as part of that as well. I
know that Heads of Government are, from time to time,
invited to address the European Parliament, and were I to
receive such an invitation, I would of course consider it
very seriously.
-
(Colne Valley)
(Con)
This is indeed a momentous day. On behalf of the whole
House, may I pass on our congratulations to our hon. Friend
the Member for Morley and Outwood (Andrea Jenkyns) on the
birth of a baby boy this morning, Clifford George?
The Prime Minister has spoken of more decision-making
powers for the devolved Assemblies. With that in mind, does
she agree that now is the time to turbo-charge devolved
powers to Yorkshire and the north, and to give real backing
to the northern powerhouse?
-
The Prime Minister
rose—
-
Mr Speaker
Order. In congratulating the hon. Member for Morley and
Outwood (Andrea Jenkyns) on the excellent news to which the
hon. Member for Colne Valley (Jason McCartney) has just
referred, I think it right also to congratulate the hon.
Member for Filton and Bradley Stoke (Jack Lopresti), who I
think had some hand in the matter as well. [Laughter.]
Well, he had a role, anyway.
-
The Prime Minister
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I am glad that I did not have to
give clarification of your statement. I congratulate both
my hon. Friends on the birth of Clifford George this
morning, and I am sure that the whole House will send its
best wishes to mother and father, and to their baby son.
As others have said in the House, it is important for us to
take into account the views of the various parts and
regions of the United Kingdom. We have some very important
deals, including a number of city deals, around the
country, and the devolution deals. The directly elected
Mayors will be in place on 4 May. We will also, of course,
look into how we can further boost the economies throughout
the United Kingdom, including the northern powerhouse and
the midlands engine. I was in Birmingham yesterday to
discuss exactly that issue.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
-
Mr Speaker
Order. I heard the hon. Member for Coatbridge, Chryston and
Bellshill (Philip Boswell) earlier from his seat, and I
think that it is now time to hear him from his feet.
-
(Coatbridge, Chryston
and Bellshill) (SNP)
Having recently come from a Public Accounts Committee
sitting on care for people with learning disabilities, may
I ask whether the Prime Minister can tell us when the
national health service will start receiving its extra £350
million a week?
-
The Prime Minister
I am pleased to say that we are putting record levels of
funding into the national health service, and—as my right
hon. Friend the Chancellor announced in his Budget
statement—putting extra funding into social care. Decisions
on how we spend our budget in the future, once we have
completed the negotiations and left the European Union,
will be decisions to be made here in the United Kingdom.
-
(South Leicestershire)
(Con)
In less than half an hour, the Italian Foreign Secretary
will visit Parliament to sign the book of condolence and
lay some flowers on behalf of the Republic of Italy. May I
warmly commend some words in the Prime Minister’s
statement? It was the first time that she had said this to
the House: “I will represent every person in the United
Kingdom…and, yes, those EU nationals who have made this
country their home.” That includes my parents, my sister,
some of my constituents, and 3 million other European Union
nationals. I thank the Prime Minister for using those warm
words. Today marks a coming of age for her: she is showing
the House and the country that she is the right leader at
this momentous time for the country.
-
The Prime Minister
I thank my hon. Friend for his remarks. He has, of course,
taken a particular interest in the position of EU citizens
living here in the United Kingdom. I am pleased to confirm
that, as I negotiate, I will be negotiating for everyone in
the United Kingdom, including those EU citizens. As I have
repeated in the letter to President Tusk, I hope and expect
that we shall be able to look at the issue of the rights of
EU citizens living here—and UK citizens living in the EU—at
an early stage of the negotiations.
-
Mr (Huddersfield)
(Lab/Co-op)
May I remind the Prime Minister that, at one stage, both
she and I were remainers? I remain very much a remainer; I
am a passionate European, and I believe that she should
take careful note of the fact that a large number of people
in this country valued European citizenship. They did so
because it delivered over many years peace, prosperity and
security. Will she assure this House that those priorities
will be maintained in all the negotiations going forward?
-
The Prime Minister
I simply say to the hon. Gentleman that it is, of course,
possible to be a passionate European without believing that
the UK should be a member of the European Union. This is a
difference in terms of the values that we share. Working
together co-operatively, across Europe, on the issues that
he raises is important. Of course, I do believe, as those
on the Conservative Benches do, that the key determinant of
security and defence across Europe has been NATO. We
continue to play our part in NATO, but I recognise that
there are those on the continent of Europe who very much
feel that for them, the EU has been part of that process of
delivering security and peace into the future. I want to
ensure that we can continue to work together, so that we
continue to see peace and security across our European
continent.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
-
Mr Speaker
I call the fellow wearing the Elgar tie: .
-
(Aldershot)
(Con)
Although the Prime Minister did indeed support the remain
side during the referendum campaign last year, she has
demonstrated outstanding leadership of our country in
implementing the will of the British people. So on this
historic day, and recalling, of course, Sir Edward Elgar,
and having campaigned myself in 1975 to leave the Common
Market, may I salute the Prime Minister for her
determination to unite the country in securing the very
best deal not only for the United Kingdom, but for our
European partners as well?
-
The Prime Minister
I thank my hon. Friend for his remarks. I know that he has
been campaigning long and hard on this issue over the
years, and it is right that we should come together now and
get that best possible deal for the UK.
-
(Feltham and Heston)
(Lab/Co-op)
I also want to put on record how proud I am of what we have
achieved as members of the EU, not just for our security
and the economy, but also as regards peace between our
nations, which twice in the last century have been at war.
We know that there is more than one way to Brexit, and over
the next two years there will clearly be a big debate about
the trade-offs we will need to make. We also know that the
Prime Minister wishes to ensure the future prosperity of
Britain. So far, however, there has been no economic
assessment of the Government’s plans. Will the Prime
Minister confirm that an economic assessment will be
published with the final deal, and that it will compare the
expected outcome both to what we have now, and to the
prospect if there is no deal?
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Lady asked me to make a comparison with what we
have now. Of course, we have decided to leave the EU and
therefore to change our relationship with it, but we will
make sure that Members have the necessary information when
we come to the vote in Parliament on the deal we are
putting forward.
-
(Bath) (Con)
This is a day that neither I nor the vast majority of my
constituents wanted to see. However, may I commend the
Prime Minister on her statement and her tone in the letter
to President Tusk? I fully support the Prime Minister’s
objective of delivering a comprehensive free trade deal
with the EU on goods and services—and let us be clear that
no deal would be a bad deal—but what more can this House do
to help her deliver her aims, in the interests of both
Britain and the EU?
-
The Prime Minister
The task that this House will have of putting through the
great repeal Bill and other necessary legislation will, of
course, be an important part of the process of delivering
on the deal that we need at the end of this negotiation
that we are entering into. I have every confidence that
Members from all parts of the House, of all views and from
all sides of the argument in the past, will come together
and ensure that we work together to get the best possible
deal.
-
Mr (Na h-Eileanan
an Iar) (SNP)
With us having a maximum of 72 weeks in which to negotiate
a UK-EU trade deal, the future for Scotland is very clear:
independence in Europe, or go it alone with Westminster.
Have the Government thought of rejoining the European Free
Trade Association, or will the Prime Minister totally go it
alone and be in absolutely no regional trade agreement at
all—a situation shared only by East Timor, Somalia, South
Sudan, Mauritania and São Tomé and Príncipe in the gulf of
Guinea—because that is where she is taking the United
Kingdom?
-
The Prime Minister
I have said right from the beginning that, given the
position of the United Kingdom, we want to negotiate a deal
that is right for the United Kingdom. That means not taking
off the shelf an arrangement that other countries have, but
asking what works for the UK and the EU, given the
relationship we have had, given that we have been members
of the EU, given the size of our economy, and given the
benefits to us and the EU of getting such a comprehensive
free trade deal.
-
(Eddisbury)
(Con)
I warmly welcome the tone of the Prime Minister’s letter to
President Tusk, and wish her every success in achieving
free and frictionless trade, but when it comes to returning
sovereignty to this Parliament, will she undertake to this
Parliament that she will limit any Henry VIII powers and
allow MPs to vote on legislation that will affect the
future of their constituents?
-
The Prime Minister
We will try to ensure that we have the best possible way of
putting legislation through this House to enable necessary
debate and discussion to take place. Obviously, as we come
to the debates on the great repeal Bill, that will be part
of the discussions, but I also ask hon. Members to
recognise the very many changes that will need to take
place that are very technical, and that are not about
policy but are necessary, because of the intertwining of
our legislation over the years, if we are to ensure that
when we reach the point of leaving, we can have that clean
break and have dealt with all the legislative consequences.
-
(Stoke-on-Trent
Central) (Lab/Co-op)
I am sure that when the Prime Minister went to the polling
station on 23 June last year and cast her vote for remain,
at the forefront of her mind was stability for British
industry, and in the recent by-election in my constituency,
the Prime Minister wrote to thousands of my constituents
highlighting the plan she said her party would have for the
ceramic industry. The ceramic manufacturers of
Stoke-on-Trent make the best pottery in the world, but what
they now need is stability and confidence, so that they can
reach their growth targets and create jobs. Can the Prime
Minister confirm, here and now, that our future
relationship with the single market and the customs union
will deliver exactly the same benefits as it currently
does, so that when I return to Stoke-on-Trent this weekend
I can give my major employers the confidence they need?
-
The Prime Minister
I have to say to the hon. Gentleman that the answer I give
him will be the answer I have given throughout this
statement, and indeed have given in the past: we will be
working for that comprehensive free trade agreement that
will enable businesses to trade freely with the European
Union single market, and to trade in both goods and
services with the European single market. That is what we
want to achieve. I recognise the need for business to have
as much certainty as possible as soon as possible. One of
the things in the letter that I know business has been
asking for is the concept of the implementation period, so
that there is not a cliff edge when we leave, and so that
they are able to put any new arrangements in place and have
notification of that. That is exactly what I have suggested
to President Tusk we should, at an early stage, agree will
be a principle that we will abide by.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
-
Mr Speaker
I call a Canterbury knight: Sir .
-
Sir (Canterbury)
(Con)
Thank you, Mr Speaker. In strongly welcoming my right hon.
Friend’s statement, may I particularly welcome what she
said about remaining good Europeans, and does she agree
that the fact that we are committed to NATO and its 2%
undertaking, have troops deploying to eastern European
neighbours who are embattled, and have troops fighting
Daesh, which has brought horror to European cities, shows
just what a good European country we are?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend makes a very important point: it is not just
about what we stand up and say; it is about what we
actually do. As he says, what we are doing in NATO, the
commitments we have given to our eastern European allies,
and the work we are doing to counter Daesh—not just the
military work we are doing, but also the co-operation
between our intelligence services across Europe—are all
important symbols of our commitment to ensuring that we
play our part in maintaining security in Europe.
-
Ms (Ochil and
South Perthshire) (SNP)
The Prime Minister has stated that she will not provide a
running commentary on negotiations. Earlier this week in
the Financial Times, stated:
“The unity of the 27 will be stronger when based on full
transparency and public debate.”
I ask the Prime Minister: what exactly does it say about
this so-called team approach if Members of this Parliament,
and indeed devolved Governments across these islands, are
set to hear more about the outcome of these vital talks
from those on the other side of the negotiating table than
from this Tory Government?
-
The Prime Minister
No. I have said clearly that when we are able to provide
clarity, as we have done up until now and look to do in the
future, we will do so. However, it is absolutely the case
that if we are to get the best deal for the United Kingdom,
we should not reveal every detail of our hand at every
stage in the negotiations. We will be looking to ensure
that clarity and information are available where that is
appropriate.
-
(Hertsmere)
(Con)
While seeking to protect and enhance workers’ rights, will
the Prime Minister also seize the opportunity afforded by
leaving the European Union for greater sectoral
deregulation so that businesses are able to create wealth
and prosperity, which we all need and upon which our public
services ultimately rely?
-
The Prime Minister
At the point at which we leave the European Union, the
acquis will be brought into UK law, which will provide
businesses with certainty. It will then be up to the UK
Government and the UK Parliament to determine what
regulations remain in place in the future and what
deregulation should take place.
-
(Lewisham East)
(Lab)
In her letter to Donald Tusk, the Prime Minister refers to
the treaty on European Union and the treaty establishing
the European Atomic Energy Community. She makes no
reference, however, to the European economic area
agreement, which underpins our membership of the single
market. When and how does the Prime Minister intend to
withdraw us from the EEA?
-
The Prime Minister
Membership of the EEA is linked to our membership of the
European Union, and our notification in relation to leaving
the European Union also covers the EEA.
-
Mr (Bury North)
(Con)
I warmly thank my right hon. Friend for, and congratulate
her on, carrying out the wishes of the majority of my
constituents in Bury, Ramsbottom and Tottington by
triggering article 50 today. After 40 years of membership,
the negotiations ahead could be long and difficult, but
does she agree that what matters is the big picture? We are
taking back control for this Parliament. We are taking back
control of our borders. We are taking back control of our
contributions.
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The negotiations will
be detailed, but we must always keep in our vision the big
picture, as he describes it, that this is about control of
our laws, control of our borders and control of our
budgets. That was what people voted for when they voted to
leave.
-
(South Down)
(SDLP)
, who will be
directly involved in the negotiations, has put Northern
Ireland at the top of his agenda because he was directly
involved in the negotiations to establish the Special EU
Programmes Body. Will the Prime Minister outline how she
will ensure the protection of our fragile economy in
Northern Ireland, and ensure tariff-free and continued
access to the single European market, which is vital to the
growing economy of the island of Ireland?
-
The Prime Minister
In overall terms, negotiating a comprehensive free trade
agreement with what we want to achieve, which is
tariff-free trade with the European single market, will
cover the whole of the United Kingdom, including Northern
Ireland. However, due to the land border between Northern
Ireland and the Republic, we are conscious of the need for
us to look carefully at the customs arrangements that will
be put in place. We want to be able to have trade
agreements with other countries around the world, and that
has implications for the current rules in relation to
membership of the customs union, but we are working
actively with the Government of the Republic of Ireland to
ensure that arrangements can be put in place that maintain
the economy in Northern Ireland. As we have consistently
said, and as the Taoiseach and others have said, we do not
see a return to the borders of the past.
-
Mr (North West
Cambridgeshire) (Con)
I commend my right hon. Friend’s comments about the need
for us all to work together to secure the best possible
deal for our country at this momentous time in our history.
She will be aware of the Supreme Court’s unanimous decision
that matters relating to relations with the European Union
are to be dealt with exclusively by the UK Government and
the UK Parliament, and are not for the devolved
institutions. Given that this country regularly speaks to
the rest of the world about the need to respect the rule of
law, does she agree that it is important that politicians
from all four nations of our country respect the rule of
law themselves?
-
The Prime Minister
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. As he says, it is the case
that the Supreme Court found that there will be no veto for
the devolved Administrations, but it is interesting that
the SNP argues that a decision to remain in the European
Union by Scottish voters should somehow be dealt with
differently from the overall result of the referendum. When
we had the referendum in Scotland in 2014 on membership of
the United Kingdom, I note that the SNP argued the exact
opposite. It argued that the result as a whole was the only
one that counted and that if parts of Scotland such as
Orkney and Shetland voted differently, that should not be
taken into account.
-
(Hove) (Lab)
The Prime Minister has rightly spoken of unity. How will
she respect and give a voice to the people and businesses
who are extremely anxious about the journey on which the
country has now embarked?
-
The Prime Minister
Of course we want to give certainty to businesses and
others as soon as possible about the arrangements that will
be put in place, but this will be a negotiation and there
will be a degree of uncertainty. We cannot completely take
away that uncertainty, but we can give clarity when we are
able to do so, as we have been doing in the past few
months.
-
(Macclesfield)
(Con)
I welcome the approach that my right hon. Friend is taking
to secure a positive outcome in the negotiations ahead.
Does she agree that Brexit is now a spur to action to
tackle the long-standing economic challenges of
productivity, skills and export performance? Will the
Government’s modern industrial strategy help in achieving
those important objectives?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. As I have said before,
the vote was not just about leaving the EU; it was about
changing how the country works—and changing that
forever—and about getting a stronger economy that works for
everyone in which everybody plays by the same rules. We
want growth and prosperity in every part of the United
Kingdom, which is an important part of the future and of
our plan for Britain. Our industrial strategy is absolutely
right at the heart of delivering that.
-
(East Lothian)
(SNP)
Will the Prime Minister explain why, in her long and
detailed letter to President Tusk, which clearly took weeks
to prepare, she somehow forgot to mention Gibraltar? Is it
a case of out of sight, out of mind?
-
The Prime Minister
We are absolutely steadfast in our support of Gibraltar,
its people and its economy. Our position has not changed.
We have been firm in our commitment never to enter
arrangements under which the people of Gibraltar would pass
under the sovereignty of another state against their
wishes, nor to enter into a process of sovereignty
negotiations with which Gibraltar is not content. The
letter is a notification in relation to our withdrawing
from the European Union. Gibraltar is not a separate member
of the EU, nor is it a part of the UK for the purposes of
EU law, but we are clear that it is covered by our exit
negotiations. We have committed to involving Gibraltar
fully in the work that we are doing. We have been having
regular discussions with the Government of Gibraltar, and
we will continue to work with them in the future.
-
Dr (Sleaford and North
Hykeham) (Con)
As the representative of a constituency that voted
overwhelmingly to leave, as I did, I congratulate the Prime
Minister on her leadership on this historic day. Much of my
beautiful constituency is rural farmland, and local farmers
would like reassurance that their livelihoods will be
protected as we leave the EU. Will my right hon. Friend
confirm that she will do all that she can to support
British farming during the negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
Yes. We have already been able to give some reassurance to
farmers with our commitment on funding through to 2020 but,
of course, we will then need to look at the arrangements
that are put in place after the UK leaves the European
Union. I assure my hon. Friend that my right hon. Friend
the Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural
Affairs is working with farmers in all parts of the United
Kingdom to look at what are the best arrangements for the
way ahead.
-
(East Ham) (Lab)
There is a very big economic challenge ahead. Does the
Prime Minister recognise that securing anything like the
barrier-free access to the single market that she has
rightly set as her goal will require some compromise—some
middle ground—to be found on the question of free movement
of people?
-
The Prime Minister
The decision that was taken on 23 June in relation to free
movement was that it should be the UK Government who
determine the immigration rules for people coming to the
United Kingdom from the European Union. We will be putting
forward proposals to the House in due course on what those
future arrangements should be. We will not be stopping
immigration from the European Union—we will not stop people
coming into the United Kingdom—and we recognise that people
will still move from the EU into the United Kingdom, but
the important point is that the rules governing that
movement will be determined by the UK Government.
-
(Crawley) (Con)
The Prime Minister is right that the UK is leaving the
institutions of the European Union, not Europe itself. She
is also right to talk of this country as “global Britain.”
This nation is one of the world’s leading aviation powers
and is an island trading nation. May I seek an assurance
that, as we increasingly become a conduit between the rest
of the world and Europe, the importance of aviation will be
paramount?
-
The Prime Minister
Obviously a key element of the negotiations will be
ensuring that we see no disruption to aviation arrangements
so that people are able to continue flying between the UK
and other parts of the European Union and elsewhere in the
world. We recognise the importance of our aviation industry
in terms of not just the work of the airlines themselves
and our airports, but aviation manufacturing, which is also
important to us.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
-
Mr Speaker
Order. There must be some relief from the toil of being a
Whip. I call Mr .
-
(Angus) (SNP)
The Prime Minister talks grandly about self-determination,
so why is she so determined not to allow the Scottish
people to exercise that very right when the details of the
deal are known but before we are taken out of the EU?
-
The Prime Minister
As I have said before, now is not the time to talk about a
second independence referendum. I simply remind the hon.
Gentleman that, of course, in 2014 the SNP was clear that
it was a once in a generation—indeed, a once in a
lifetime—vote.
-
Mr (Ribble Valley)
(Con)
This is truly a red, white and blue letter
day—[Interruption.] Shut up. The letter represents all the
constituent parts of the United Kingdom, including
Scotland, and sending it ambassador class was a nice touch.
In her letter, the Prime Minister talked about the
Brexpats—EU citizens living in the UK, and British
citizens, including Scots, who live and work in other parts
of the European Union. I know that she has said that she
will not give a running commentary on the negotiations, but
will she give us an assurance that, once a deal is reached
on the Brexpats, she will inform them in order to ease the
anxiety that they are currently feeling?
-
The Prime Minister
I can give that assurance. The point of trying to achieve a
deal at an early stage is precisely so that we can tell
people the nature of that deal, so that they can be
reassured and do not have to worry about their future.
-
(Hammersmith)
(Lab)
On days such as this, the Prime Minister should speak for
the whole country, but she has chosen to speak for little
more than half. Beyond empty rhetoric, what reassurances
can she give to the 70% of my constituents who voted to
remain, and to the one in six who are citizens of other EU
countries and have real fears for their livelihoods,
businesses and security?
-
The Prime Minister
As I indicated in response to my hon. Friend the Member for
Ribble Valley (Mr Evans), the question of the status of EU
citizens living here, and of UK citizens living in EU
member states, is one that we hope to be able to address at
an early stage of the negotiations so that we can give
people security and an assurance for the future. Of course
I recognise that there will be a degree of uncertainty for
businesses until the future arrangements have been
concluded and they know what they will be. I hope that we
will be able to give businesses the certainty of
implementation periods so that there will not be a cliff
edge for them, but they can be assured that we will try to
ensure that we get the most comprehensive free trade deal
that is possible.
-
(South East
Cambridgeshire) (Con)
Many people voted to leave the EU because they felt
disengaged with politics and that the institutions did not
work for them. Over the next 18 months, will the Prime
Minister therefore not only work to ensure that we retain a
place in the world, but deliver on our domestic agenda to
ensure that people feel our Government are working for
them?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. and learned Friend makes the important point that
although there will be complex negotiations in relation to
Brexit, it is important that the Government continue to put
in place our plan for Britain and our domestic agenda for a
stronger economy, a fairer society and a global outlook for
the United Kingdom. Our work on trade with other nations
around the world will be an important part of that.
-
(Midlothian)
(SNP)
The Prime Minister told us that Brexit meant Brexit. Now
that the Scottish Parliament has voted for a second
Scottish independence referendum, will she realise and
acknowledge that Scotref means Scotref, and agree to any
section 30 application?
-
The Prime Minister
If we are to make a success of Brexit, we will all need to
pull together at this time to ensure that we get the best
possible deal for the United Kingdom. Of course, Scotland
voted in September 2014 to remain a member of the United
Kingdom.
-
(York Outer)
(Con)
I draw attention to my entry in the Register of Members’
Financial Interests.
I welcome the Prime Minister’s statement, her tone in
embracing the whole United Kingdom and her emphasis on
pursuing a Brexit that works for everyone. Will she
reassure me that agriculture and the environment, which are
closely linked, will not become a sacrificial lamb in any
future trade negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
In our trade negotiations with the European Union and
others around the world, we will be very conscious of the
need to ensure that we respect the requirements for our
environment, and for our agriculture, food and farming
industry here in the United Kingdom. I assure my hon.
Friend that we will continue to maintain our commitment to
both those issues.
-
(Leicester East)
(Lab)
I congratulate the Prime Minister on her stamina, as she
has been at the Dispatch Box for two and a half hours and
we are only halfway through. At the Home Affairs Committee,
we at least gave her a chair to sit on throughout our
sessions.
I congratulate the Prime Minister on her appointment of
as the new national
security adviser. He will be a loss to the Home Office, but
an asset to her. May I press her on policing and security?
We have seen the headlines in the letter to Donald Tusk,
but will we remain a full member of Europol throughout the
negotiations? Will we have full access to the criminal
databases of the EU, and is one of her ambitions that we
retain that access when we leave the EU?
-
The Prime Minister
While we remain a member of the European Union, we will
continue to have the access and membership arrangements on
those various issues that we currently have. It is
certainly my expectation that we will look to negotiate
continued access to the various ways in which we share
information with EU member states today. That is in not
just our interest, but the interest of the EU.
-
Mr (Rayleigh and
Wickford) (Con)
This is a great day for our country as we take back full
control of our national destiny. Historically, we have been
a free trading nation that has been outward looking with a
global perspective. Does the Prime Minister agree that that
which is historically in our national DNA will stand us in
good stead as we go through these critical negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
I absolutely agree with my right hon. Friend, which is why
I am optimistic and ambitious for the United Kingdom. That
spirit of trading around the world—that outward-looking
spirit we have always had in the UK—will indeed stand us in
good stead in the future.
-
(Stalybridge and
Hyde) (Lab/Co-op)
Will the Prime Minister confirm her understanding of what
will need to happen on the European side to ratify the new
deal with the UK, which we all want to see? Will this be a
decision, as part of the exit negotiations, by the Council
of Ministers and by the Commission, or will this require
ratification by every remaining EU member state national
Parliament and, in some cases, regional Parliament?
Clearly, that could cause a lot of uncertainty if just one
member state opposes the terms we have negotiated for our
exit.
-
The Prime Minister
The extent to which any part of the deal requires full
ratification by every individual member state and every
constituent part of the European Union will vary according
to the nature of the aspect of the deal, but overall it
will be necessary for the European Parliament and for the
nation states to ratify.
-
(Cleethorpes)
(Con)
For those of us who campaigned and voted for Brexit not
just last year, but in 1975 this is a great day and one for
celebration. Some 70% of my Cleethorpes constituents and of
those in neighbouring Grimsby voted for Brexit last June,
partly as a result of continuing anger and resentment at
the sell-out of the fishing industry in the original
negotiations. The Prime Minister has already reassured me
that the fishing industry will be looked after, but the
associated seafood industry is very much dependent on the
fishing industry. I have already met industry leaders in my
constituency who see both opportunities and concerns, so
will she reassure me that the seafood processing industry
will be a key part of the negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
I can give my hon. Friend the assurance that we want to
ensure not only that we get a good future for our fishing
industry, but that those parts of industry that rely on
fishing will also have a good future here in the UK. We
will be taking that into account.
-
(Banff and Buchan)
(SNP)
Thousands of EU nationals who are doing essential and
useful jobs in our agriculture and fisheries sector, and in
our public sector, still do not know what their status is
going to be two years from now. Is the UK Government’s
position so weak that they need to use these people as
bargaining fodder in their negotiations? Why will the Prime
Minister not make a good-will gesture and guarantee their
rights?
-
The Prime Minister
As the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and as the
Parliament of the United Kingdom, I think we should all
have care not just for EU citizens living here, but for
United Kingdom citizens living in the European Union. We
want to ensure reciprocal arrangements guaranteeing the
rights on both sides.
-
(Totnes) (Con)
I welcome the Prime Minister’s clear commitment to a
positive, constructive and respectful approach to the
negotiations that lie ahead. May I press her further on
behalf of the fishing community in my constituency and
around the United Kingdom? She will know that in the past
these people have been badly let down during negotiations,
so will she give an equally clear commitment that the
fishing community will receive a sufficiently high priority
during the negotiations ahead?
-
The Prime Minister
I can confirm to my hon. Friend that we are very conscious
of the needs of the fishing industry. The Department for
Environment, Food and Rural Affairs has been talking to the
fishing industry. The Secretary of State and others have
been looking carefully at the arrangements that will need
to be put in place in the interests of the fishing
industry, and that will be an important part of our
considerations in future.
-
(Stretford and Urmston)
(Lab)
Young people are very distressed and sad that we are
leaving the European Union. Many of them did not vote for
it and many did not even get a say in this decision, but
they are the generation most greatly affected by it. What
will the Prime Minister do to ensure that she listens to
and engages with the next generation?
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Lady makes an important point, because decisions
we take now about how we leave the European Union, what our
arrangements are in future and what we do here in the
United Kingdom in things such as technical education and
our industrial strategy are about the next generation. I
want to ensure that we are ambitious for the whole of this
country and ambitious to ensure that bright future for the
next generation, and that is what this Government will be
working for.
-
(South Dorset)
(Con)
May I thank my right hon. Friend for the resolute way in
which she has pushed through the will of the British
people? Does she agree that the logical conclusion to
invoking article 50 will be regaining control of our
destiny? That means that all the rules and regulations that
govern our lives will be made in this place or in these
islands, and not by unelected bureaucrats in Brussels?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend has put his finger on the issue that I
believe led to many people voting to leave the European
Union: they wanted to feel that decisions about their
future were being taken here in the United Kingdom and not
in Brussels.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
-
Mr Speaker
From among the ranks of the boisterous bunch of the
Scottish National party, I think we should hear a voice of
serenity and good conduct. I call .
-
(Edinburgh West)
(Ind)
Thank you, Mr Speaker. The Chair of the European
Parliament’s Committee on Constitutional Affairs has spoken
clearly in saying:
“We have also taken note of the fact that UK citizens voted
differently in Scotland and Northern Ireland, and also in
Gibraltar, making it clear that the majority of them would
wish to remain in the Union. It is difficult to imagine
that those differences could be ignored and discarded in
the process of Brexit.”
How is it that our friends and partners in Europe are so
clear about making our voices heard, yet the right hon.
Lady completely ignores and discards them?
-
The Prime Minister
The Government are not completely ignoring and discarding
voices. What we are doing is focusing on the best possible
outcome for the whole of the United Kingdom. I look at that
best possible outcome very simply in terms of: what ends do
we want to achieve? We want that free trade agreement—we
want that free trade arrangement. I understood that a
comprehensive free trade agreement was actually what the
Scottish Government wanted to see, and we will be working
for it.
-
(Carlisle) (Con)
The food and drinks manufacturing sector is the largest
manufacturing sector in the UK; it is innovative, it is a
significant exporter and it employs a lot of people up and
down the country. It is also an area significantly affected
by EU law, so during the forthcoming negotiations will the
Prime Minister be sensitive to the needs of this important
sector and ensure that it is able to compete on a level
playing field?
-
The Prime Minister
I assure my hon. Friend that we are listening to the voices
of various industrial and other sectors around the country
to ensure that we take account of the particular concerns
they have as we look ahead to leaving the European Union,
because we want to ensure that we are able to build on the
success we already have. He talks about innovation and
success, and we want to be able to build on that for the
future, so we will be taking those interests very firmly
into account.
-
(Newcastle upon
Tyne North) (Lab)
The Prime Minister’s letter to President Tusk states:
“In security terms a failure to reach agreement would mean
our cooperation in the fight against crime and terrorism
would be weakened.”
Given that, will she clarify whether she is still
threatening to walk away with no deal if she does not get
the economic deal she wants?
-
The Prime Minister
I go on to make it very clear in the letter that not having
arrangements—not having agreements on these issues—would
not be in the interests of the UK and the European Union,
and we should work to ensure that we secure a deal.
-
(Torbay) (Con)
I thank the Prime Minister for her statement. Will she
confirm that during the Brexit negotiations she will pay
close attention to the concerns of people in Gibraltar,
that we will maintain the effective working of the border
with Spain and their market access to the UK, and that
these negotiations will not be used as a back door to
questions about their sovereignty, given that
Gibraltarians, unlike some separatist movements, want to
respect the result of once-in-a-generation referendums?
-
The Prime Minister
I can give reassurance to my hon. Friend; we have set up a
Joint Ministerial Council with the Government of Gibraltar
to discuss the particular issues they have and to make sure
that their concerns are taken into account as we enter
these negotiations. We are committed to continuing to
engage with Gibraltar as we leave the EU.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
-
Mr Speaker
The hon. Member for Na h-Eileanan an Iar (Mr MacNeil) is a
jovial jackanapes, so I think we should put him out of his
misery and hear from the fella.
-
Mr MacNeil
You already have—
-
Mr Speaker
We have already heard from the fella—I had forgotten. I do
apologise. [Hon. Members: “More!”] No, once is enough. I
call Dr .
-
Dr (Ealing Central and Acton)
(Lab)
Even an ardent remainer like me recognises that we now have
a golden opportunity to reshape immigration policy. The
Prime Minister spoke in her statement of “a truly global
Britain”, so will she apply that principle and, at the
earliest opportunity in the next two years, remove
international students from net migration targets? That
would send out the message that we are a welcoming nation
and stem the plummeting tide of EU applications to our
universities.
-
The Prime Minister
Whether or not international students are included in the
net migration target is not a message about our country and
how we welcome people. We welcome students coming to this
country—we are very clear about that—but in the statistics
we abide by the international definition used by countries
around the world. We want to ensure that the brightest and
the best are indeed able to come to the United Kingdom and
get the value of a UK education.
-
(Stafford) (Con)
I welcome the seven principles in the Prime Minister’s
letter, particularly the first, on constructive and
respectful engagement, and the fifth, about the importance
of the
“UK’s unique relationship with the Republic of Ireland”,
the Belfast agreement and the peace process. Does she agree
that to achieve the best possible outcome for all our
constituents, there should on both sides be the minimum of
red lines and the maximum flexibility?
-
The Prime Minister
I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend. It is important
that we are able to be flexible in the negotiations. The
key thing is that in everything we do we put the British
national interest first.
-
(Glasgow North)
(SNP)
I do not know whether the Prime Minister is yet aware of
reports about the draft European Parliament resolution that
will be discussed this afternoon, but it includes the
recognition that
“a large number of United Kingdom citizens, including a
majority in Northern Ireland and Scotland, voted to remain
in the EU”.
It does not mention Maidenhead, perhaps because the people
of Maidenhead, unlike the people of Scotland, did not have
an independence referendum in which they were told that
voting to remain in the United Kingdom also meant voting to
remain in the European Union.
-
The Prime Minister
The Scottish National party cannot have it all ways; it
wanted to leave the United Kingdom, which would have meant
leaving the European Union.
-
(Gillingham and
Rainham) (Con)
I very much welcome the way the Prime Minister has taken
forward the will of the British people, including the
majority of my constituents. On security and on fighting
terrorism and extremism, in 2014 there were 20
Daesh-inspired or enabled terrorist acts around the world,
and in 2015 there were 60 such events. The United Kingdom
has always had intelligence-sharing arrangements with our
partners around the world, wherever they might be. Does the
Prime Minister agree that there is a moral obligation on
every international partner, whenever they have information
that could prevent a terrorist act, to provide it to their
international partners? We are all in it together to fight
the evil of terrorism.
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend is absolutely right that we are working
together to fight terrorism. Of course, many of the
exchanges that take place on intelligence matters are not
part of European Union structures.
-
(Clwyd South)
(Lab)
Agriculture is devolved to the Welsh Government. Will the
Prime Minister confirm whether any repatriated powers
relating to agriculture will transfer to the Welsh
Government?
-
The Prime Minister
There are powers that are devolved to the devolved
Administrations on the basis that they are subject to
decisions taken at European Union level. Once we leave the
European Union, those decisions will of course come to the
United Kingdom. We want an open discussion with all the
devolved Administrations about what is right to ensure that
we keep a single market operating in the United Kingdom. As
I said in my letter to President Tusk and repeated in my
statement, it is our expectation that we will see
significantly increased decision-making powers moving to
the devolved Administrations when we leave.
-
(South Suffolk)
(Con)
Today, we are embarking on a journey that is undoubtedly
motivated in part by a desire to control immigration, but
is not the reality that as we sit here, the public services
and economy in entire swaths of our country are dependent
on very hard-working EU migrants just to function? Does the
Prime Minister agree that in seeking to control
immigration, many people in this country want to see it at
significantly lower levels? Does she also agree that in
practice that will not be possible until such time as we
reform our welfare state and education system so that we
can replace our reliance on foreign labour with more use of
local talent?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend makes an important point. We do need to
ensure that people here in the United Kingdom have the
skills and incentives to be able to take up the jobs that
are available so that businesses here do not find it so
necessary to rely on bringing in labour from abroad. Of
course we recognise the valuable contribution that EU
citizens are making to our economy and our society, and we
will want to ensure that we take the interests of
businesses and others into account as we shape our future
immigration rules.
-
(Foyle) (SDLP)
The Prime Minister’s letter refers to doing nothing to
jeopardise the peace process, and to the need to uphold the
Belfast agreement. Does she recognise that the Belfast
agreement exists in several strands, including strand two,
which provides a framework for all-island co-operation and
north-south joint implementation in key areas? It was
presumed that all that was going to happen in the context
of common membership of the EU, and using EU programmes. If
that strand is not to be diminished and the agreement is
not to be damaged, how are the Government going to do all
that while at the same time saying that there can be no
differential treatment for Northern Ireland, either inside
the UK or by the EU? They cannot uphold strand two of the
agreement and also put down that red line in respect of
Northern Ireland’s prospects.
-
The Prime Minister
We are very conscious of the arrangements in the Belfast
agreement and of the practical issues that will arise as a
result of the UK leaving the European Union because of the
land border with the Republic of Ireland. We are also very
conscious of the work taking place across the border,
between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, on a
whole variety of areas. That is why we are working very
closely with the Republic of Ireland Government to ensure
that we are able to preserve the developments that have
taken place and the progress that has been made in Northern
Ireland. We recognise the importance of the Belfast
agreement in the peace process and the future of Northern
Ireland.
-
(Tonbridge and Malling)
(Con)
It is a great honour indeed not to be the last Member on
the Government Benches to be called, Mr Speaker.
Will my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister join me in
thanking all those who have done so much to increase the
prosperity and liberty of the European continent over the
past 40 years? On this day, of all days, we should remember
that the change we have seen on the continent is so great
that the President of the European Union is a man born
under tyranny who now leads an impressive Union, which we
have chosen to leave. Like the great democrat he is, he has
taken the sovereign will of the British people quietly and
sensibly, and he is working with our Government to ensure
that the Prime Minister can deliver exactly what the people
voted for. Will my right hon. Friend join me in hoping that
the tone of friendship she has demonstrated today in her
statement and in her letter, and that President Tusk has
demonstrated in his reception of it, will continue through
both negotiating teams and all Ministers?
-
The Prime Minister
I absolutely agree. As we look at the negotiation, it is
important that at every level and in every part of those
negotiations we maintain a constructive and positive
approach. That is the best way of getting the best possible
agreement at the end.
-
(York Central)
(Lab/Co-op)
On 23 June, my constituents were not asked whether they
wanted to leave the single market or the customs unions. If
we do not reach a tariff-free trade agreement with the EU,
does the Prime Minister agree that membership of the single
market and the customs union is better than no deal or a
bad deal?
-
The Prime Minister
Constituents were asked on 23 June whether they wanted us
to remain a member of the European Union, with everything
that membership entailed. The majority of people throughout
the United Kingdom decided to vote to leave the European
Union. That has a number of consequences. I have been clear
that we want to negotiate a comprehensive free trade
agreement that will provide for continuing free trade
between the UK and the European Union, but it will be a
different relationship in future.
-
(Rugby) (Con)
I am sure there is no dishonour in being the last Member on
the Government Benches to be called.
Last week, a new car factory opened in my constituency,
with £300 million of investment to build a new hybrid
London taxi. Will the Prime Minister ensure that her
article 50 negotiations will enable the UK to continue to
secure that kind of valuable and important inward
investment?
-
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend makes an important point. I am pleased to
say that we have seen significant commitments to inward
investment into the UK, not only in the automotive industry
in recent months, but in things such as the SoftBank
takeover of ARM Holdings. At the UK-Qatar business and
investment conference yesterday, the Qataris committed to
setting up a £5 billion fund for investment in
infrastructure here in the UK. That is a real vote of
confidence in the UK.
-
(Ross, Skye and
Lochaber) (SNP)
When the Prime Minister talks about self-determination, may
I say respectfully to her that what is good for the goose
is good for the gander? Will she please respect that the
people of Scotland voted to remain within Europe, and that
our democratically elected Parliament has now also voted on
that and is seeking a section 30 agreement from this
Government so that the people of Scotland, on the basis
that we are being dragged out of the European Union against
our will, have our right to a say? To quote back to us the
2014 referendum is disrespectful, because we were told at
that point that our place in Europe was secure. Prime
Minister, do the right thing: allow the people of Scotland
to have their say.
-
The Prime Minister
I assume that the hon. Gentleman voted to leave the United
Kingdom in that referendum, and that would have been a vote
to leave the European Union.
-
(Sheffield, Heeley)
(Lab)
As well as benefiting from the free trade in goods and
services, we also benefit from the free flow of data across
borders. In the nightmare scenario that we Brexit without a
data adequacy agreement in place, British businesses will
be forced to renegotiate millions of contracts with the
European Union. Is it the Prime Minister’s understanding,
as it is mine, that we cannot begin those negotiations
until we Brexit? Will she make sure that preparing for
those negotiations is a key priority for the future of the
British economy?
-
The Prime Minister
We absolutely recognise that the issue of data—the exchange
of data and the security of data—needs to be addressed,
because it underpins so much of what else happens. As the
hon. Lady will probably know, new arrangements in the form
of a data protection directive are being put in place
inside the European Union. We will need to ensure that,
when we leave, the arrangements are in place to continue to
enable the necessary flow of data, and I would expect them
to be part of the negotiations as we go forward.
-
(Glasgow East)
(Ind)
The European Commission has today confirmed that the
negotiations will be complete by autumn 2018. As we have
heard, the European Parliament Brexit resolution includes
recognition that a majority of people in Scotland voted to
remain in the EU. Yesterday, the democratic will of the
Scottish people was expressed by a democratic vote in the
democratically elected Scottish Parliament for the transfer
of powers to hold a democratic and legal referendum, which
is wholly compatible with the publicly expressed timetables
of the Prime Minister, the European Union and the First
Minister. Today, and in the past few months, we have seen
major EU figures and institutions respect Scotland’s
democratic voice. Will the Prime Minister tell us when she
will do so, too?
-
The Prime Minister
I have been very clear on this, and I can only repeat what
I have said before: now is not the time for a second
independence referendum. It is important that we work
together to ensure that we get the best possible deal for
everybody across the United Kingdom, including the people
of Scotland.
-
(Cambridge)
(Lab)
The Prime Minister expresses confidence that a free trade
agreement with the European Union will be secured, but she
will know that any trade agreement requires a mechanism to
resolve disputes. She does not like the European Court of
Justice, so what does she want to put in its place, how
much will it cost and who will pay for it?
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman is right: if a country has a trade
agreement it is necessary to have a dispute resolution in
place. There are various models for trade agreements around
the world, and, obviously, this will be part of the
negotiations.
-
(Glenrothes) (SNP)
In her letter to President Tusk, the Prime Minister has
promised that negotiations will take
“due account of the specific interests of every nation and
region of the UK”.
Will she tell us whose advice she will listen to to make
sure that she is fully appraised of the specific interests
of the region of which my constituency forms a part?
-
The Prime Minister
We will work with the devolved Administrations, but we will
also listen to businesses and others from across the United
Kingdom as they make clear to us their interests as the
negotiations go forward.
-
(City of Chester)
(Lab)
Like the Prime Minister, I supported the remain campaign in
the referendum. Unlike the Prime Minister, I have been
consistent in my view about how damaging Brexit will be,
while she careers towards the hardest of Brexits,
presumably a prisoner of the right-wing ideological
Brexiteers on her own Benches. May I ask her about the
executive agencies that will need to be established to
replace, for example, the European Aviation Safety Agency,
Euratom, or Medicines Control? Has she identified how many
of those agencies we will need to have up and running in
the next 18 months, how much they will cost and whether we
have the capacity to staff them?
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman is wrong in the premise of his question.
When he says that the Government are going for the hardest
of hard Brexits; we are not. I have been very clear in my
letter to President Tusk, in my statement today and in
everything else that I have said in this Chamber that we
are looking for a comprehensive free trade agreement with
the European Union. We can achieve that and that is what we
will be working for.
-
(Stirling)
(SNP)
When will Scotland receive the enhanced powers, including
over immigration, that were promised during the EU
referendum by the then Secretary of State for Justice?
-
The Prime Minister
On the powers that are being repatriated from Brussels to
the United Kingdom, we have been very clear that we will be
entering discussions with the devolved Administrations
about how those powers should best be dealt with—whether
they should remain within the UK framework or be further
devolved. I am clear that significant decision-making
powers will be coming down to the devolved Administrations.
-
(East Antrim)
(DUP)
I wish the Prime Minister well in these negotiations. She
carries a heavy burden on her shoulders, because, of
course, she carries the hopes of millions of people across
the United Kingdom who look forward to the bright future
outside the EU, free from the dictation of how our laws
come and how our money is spent. May I also welcome the
fact that her Ministers have spent so much time on dealing
with the issue of the border between Northern Ireland and
the Irish Republic? Sadly, we may not have a working
Northern Ireland Assembly in place during those
negotiations. Will she specifically tell us how the
interests of Northern Ireland will be represented during
the ongoing negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
First, I hope that we can work to ensure that we do have a
Northern Ireland Assembly and a Northern Ireland Executive
in place, so that we are able to have that interlocutor in
Northern Ireland as we go forward and as we take the views
of Northern Ireland forward in the negotiations. It is in
all of our interests to work for that devolved Government
not just for that reason, but because it is the right
outcome and the right decision for Northern Ireland. In the
absence of such a Government, we will continue to talk to
the political parties within Northern Ireland and to take
wider views, as we are doing, across the whole of the
United Kingdom from businesses and others about their
concerns for their interests within Northern Ireland and
other parts of the United Kingdom.
-
(Argyll and Bute)
(SNP)
For weeks, the Prime Minister made it abundantly clear that
she did not want the Scottish Parliament to vote in favour
of having a referendum on independence. No one could have
been left in any doubt as to what her position was on that
matter, but given that the Scottish Parliament last night
voted by a clear and unambiguous majority in favour of
having a referendum on independence, my question is this:
regardless of her personal preference, and recognising her
commitment for constructive and respectful dialogue, will
she now respect that democratic decision?
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right: the Scottish
Parliament was very clear when it came to consider that
issue. As I understand it, there was a majority in favour
of article 30, but I was very clear that now is not the
time for a second independence referendum, or to be talking
about that. Now is the time for the United Kingdom to come
together and to focus on the historic decision that we have
taken and the negotiations that we now have to ensure the
right deal for the whole of the United Kingdom, including
the people of Scotland.
-
(Airdrie and Shotts)
(SNP)
The Prime Minister said in July, at the same time as
promising a UK-wide agreement, that she wanted to make this
country work for everyone. This week we see cuts to
disability support in the form of personal independence
payments and employment and support allowance. Will she
explain how Brexit Britain will be any different in
delivering the socially just society that she keeps on
promising?
-
The Prime Minister
In my plan for Britain, I have set out our plans for a
fairer society. I have also looked ahead to the various
things that we will put in place to ensure that we have a
society in this country where people are able to succeed on
merit and not on privilege, where we have a stronger
economy, and where people play by the same rules. The hon.
Gentleman mentioned issues relating to welfare, but powers
relating to welfare have been given to the Scottish
Government in certain areas, and I understand that they
have yet to use them.
-
(Glasgow North West)
(SNP)
This morning I witnessed a construction worker telling some
eastern European workers, “You lot can go home now.”
Without guarantees for our EU national friends, colleagues
and family, this xenophobic behaviour and rhetoric will
only increase. Does the Prime Minister agree that now is
the time to show leadership in granting unilaterally the
rights of our EU national friends?
-
The Prime Minister
None of us wants to see xenophobic behaviour from people
here in the United Kingdom. We have welcomed EU citizens,
they have worked alongside us and lived alongside us, and
they contribute to our economy and our society. Looking
ahead, I want to ensure that we get a reciprocal agreement
for EU citizens living here and for UK
citizens—[Interruption.] The hon. Lady shakes her head.
This is the Parliament of the United Kingdom. We have a
duty to have a care for UK citizens.
-
(Berwickshire, Roxburgh
and Selkirk) (SNP)
The Prime Minister’s commitment to get the best possible
deal for the UK offers little reassurance to those in rural
Scotland, because their experience, from the allocation of
convergence farm payments to Scottish fishing being
expendable, shows where they are in the Conservative
Government’s priority list. We understand the need for UK
frameworks, but will she offer those in rural Scotland
reassurance today by confirming that powers over Scottish
agriculture and Scottish fishing will go to the Scottish
Parliament and that Scottish officials will represent
Scottish interests in negotiations?
-
The Prime Minister
I have been very clear about the process that we will be
undertaking for the repatriation of powers. We want to
ensure that we have a continuing single market within the
United Kingdom. The hon. Gentleman speaks up for Scottish
fishing and, of course, a number of my hon. Friends have
spoken up for the fishing industry in other parts of the
United Kingdom. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that
agriculture and fishing will be taken into account, as we
recognise their importance for the whole of the United
Kingdom.
-
(North Ayrshire and
Arran) (SNP)
Given that the Prime Minister earlier compared the nation
of Scotland to the constituency of Maidenhead, I am not
clear that she fully understands that the UK is composed of
four nations and not one. Will she outline exactly what
practical concessions the UK Government have made to the
devolved Governments’ concerns as part of the UK-wide
approach to article 50? Or is it a case of “Lemmings Unite”
as we leap off the Brexit cliff together?
-
The Prime Minister
There is a very simple point, which is that across the
United Kingdom people voted in the referendum in different
ways. But the majority of the UK electorate voted to leave
the European Union, and the Government are respecting that
vote. We will continue to work with the devolved
Administrations and have taken them into account. There are
many areas in which we have common ground with the Scottish
Government, such as in wanting comprehensive access to the
European single market, wanting to protect workers’ rights
and wanting to recognise the importance of science and
innovation. We have common ground with the Scottish
Government on all those points; it is just unfortunate that
they do not seem to recognise where we have common ground
with them and that they are not willing to acknowledge
that.
-
(Inverclyde)
(SNP)
Today’s statement was full of clichés, platitudes and
jingoism, but no answers. When will the Government of
Scotland, democratically elected to represent the nation of
Scotland—a nation that voted to remain in the EU—be given
the opportunity to contribute by supplying the facts and
the figures that are so lacking? We have had one vacuous
vow; we do not need another one.
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman talks about representation from
Scotland. Of course, he and his colleagues represent
Scottish constituencies in the United Kingdom Parliament;
he is a constituent part of that Parliament and will be
part of the discussions as we go forward.
-
(Aberdeen South)
(SNP)
In an act of self-determination, the Scottish Parliament
voted yesterday to hold an independence referendum. The
Prime Minister has repeatedly said that now is not the
time, which is interesting as nobody is planning to hold a
referendum now, only at the conclusion of the negotiations
that commence today. To paraphrase , what part of
“now” does the Prime Minister not understand?
-
The Prime Minister
I have answered questions on this throughout this
afternoon, and my position has not changed.
-
(Inverness, Nairn,
Badenoch and Strathspey) (SNP)
While the Prime Minister was delivering her Battenberg
address earlier, she indicated that she would continue to
ignore Scotland. Is she aware of the comments of Tory MSP
, who says that she does
not respect the sovereignty of the Scottish Parliament, and
will the Prime Minister distance herself from those
remarks?
-
The Prime Minister
I did not say that I was going to ignore the views of
Scotland. In fact, we make it very clear in the letter that
was sent to President Tusk that the views of all the
constituent parts of the United Kingdom will be taken into
account in our negotiations.
-
(Glasgow South West)
(SNP)
As the Prime Minister has had difficulty with
constitutional issues, let me ask about another issue dear
to conservatism: workers’ rights. Will the Prime Minister
pledge that employment rights for women that derive from EU
legislation and ECJ rulings on equal pay, pregnancy and
maternity and protection against discrimination will be
retained and, if so, will she outline the processes to
maintain those protections?
-
The Prime Minister
I set out the objectives of our negotiations in the speech
I gave at Lancaster House in January, and the protection of
workers’ rights was one element in that speech. In the
further statements that I have made, today and at other
times, I have been very clear that this Government want to
protect workers’ rights and to enhance them.
-
Dr (East Kilbride,
Strathaven and Lesmahagow) (SNP)
Ploughing on regardless, does the Prime Minister feel that
she can simply ride roughshod over the will of the Scottish
people on the EU and now the mandate of the Scottish
Government? Is the Prime Minister in denial, or is this a
deliberate policy of disrespect?
-
The Prime Minister
There is no question of riding roughshod over the votes of
anybody in the United Kingdom. The United Kingdom held a
referendum. This Parliament agreed that the decision to
leave the European Union or not should be given to the
British people across the whole of the United Kingdom, and
they chose to vote to leave the European Union. The
Government are now respecting the result of that
referendum.
-
(Kilmarnock and Loudoun)
(SNP)
Despite her having a majority in this House, there are a
few facts that the Prime Minister needs to remember about
the 2015 general election. First, the Tories only got 36%
of the vote in the UK. They got less than 15% of the vote
in Scotland and only one MP—their worst performance since
1865. In last year’s Scottish Parliament election, the
party was still
only third in the constituency votes. By contrast, the SNP
Government were re-elected with the biggest vote share of
any Government in western Europe, and in their manifesto
was a pledge to hold a referendum if Scotland was dragged
out of Europe against its will. The Prime Minister says
that she has answered this question but why, then, with
absolutely no mandate in Scotland whatsoever, does she
think that she can continue to stand at the Dispatch Box
and try to take control of the timing of the referendum?
-
The Prime Minister
This is the United Kingdom Parliament and as Prime Minister
of the United Kingdom I have said, and I continue to say,
that I think that now is not the time for a second
independence referendum. Indeed, now is not the time to be
focusing on a second independence referendum. At this time,
we should be focusing on working to ensure that we get the
best deal for the whole of the United Kingdom as we leave
the EU.
-
(Paisley and
Renfrewshire North) (SNP)
In both her statement and her letter to President Tusk, the
Prime Minister speaks of the expectation that the devolved
Governments’ powers will be increased. I am sure that she
will want to honour the promises made to win the
referendum, so will she confirm that the powers devolved to
Scotland will include immigration, as promised by the then
Justice Secretary during the campaign? Or is now not the
time?
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman will be aware that the issue of
immigration was considered by the Smith commission but was
not determined by the commission as one of the issues that
should be delegated. I repeat what I said in the letter and
what I have said again today: I think that as a result of
the repatriation powers we will see significant
decision-making powers being given to the devolved
Administrations, over and above what they have today.
-
(Motherwell and
Wishaw) (SNP)
The stated position of the UK Government was that
“the UK is a family of nations, a partnership of equals”.
Why then, are the UK Prime Minister and her Secretary of
State for Scotland so disrespectful of the people and
Parliament of Scotland, and why are they running so scared
of a Scottish referendum 18 months to two years down the
line?
-
The Prime Minister
There is no disrespect for anybody. What there is is
respect for putting into place the vote that was taken by
the people of the United Kingdom on 23 June last year.
-
(Edinburgh East)
(SNP)
Last year, the Prime Minister gave her word that she would
seek an agreed United Kingdom approach to Brexit with the
devolved Administrations. In order to assist us in making a
judgment about what her word is worth, can she give the
House a single example of a suggestion or request made by
the Scottish Government that she has taken on board—a
single one; any one?
-
The Prime Minister
I have already set out that there are many areas of issues
that the Scottish Government have raised in their paper on
which we agree, as will become clear when we respond to
that paper.
-
(Cumbernauld,
Kilsyth and Kirkintilloch East) (SNP)
rose—
-
Mr Speaker
Patience rewarded—.
-
Thank you, Mr Speaker. I wonder, how would the Prime Minister
have responded if Donald Tusk had simply said, “Now is not
the time”?
-
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman, with his background, will know that the
treaty on European Union enables the member state to trigger
article 50 in the way in which we have done. It is then for
the European Union to respond to that by setting out the
basis of two years of negotiations.
-
Mr Speaker
May I thank all 113 Back-Bench Members who questioned the
Prime Minister? May I also thank the Prime Minister, who has
been with us for the past three hours and 21 minutes, and
attending to this statement for the past two hours and 46
minutes? In the name of courtesy, we ought to say a big thank
you to her.
-
The Lord Privy Seal (Baroness Evans of Bowes Park)
(Con)
My Lords, with the leave of the House, I will now
repeat a Statement made by my right honourable friend
the Prime Minister in another place. The Statement is
as follows:
“Mr Speaker, today the Government act on the democratic
will of the British people and act, too, on the clear
and convincing position of this House. A few minutes
ago in Brussels, the United Kingdom’s Permanent
Representative to the EU handed a letter to the
President of the European Council on my behalf,
confirming the Government’s decision to invoke Article
50 of the Treaty on European Union.
The Article 50 process is now under way and, in
accordance with the wishes of the British people, the
United Kingdom is leaving the European Union. This is
an historic moment from which there can be no turning
back. Britain is leaving the European Union. We are
going to make our own decisions and our own laws. We
are going to take control of the things that matter
most to us. And we are going to take this opportunity
to build a stronger, fairer Britain—a country that our
children and grandchildren are proud to call home. That
is our ambition and our opportunity. That is what this
Government are determined to do.
At moments like these—great turning points in our
national story—the choices we make define the character
of our nation. We can choose to say the task ahead is
too great. We can choose to turn our face to the past
and believe that it cannot be done, or we can look
forward with optimism and hope and to believe in the
enduring power of the British spirit. I choose to
believe in Britain and that our best days lie ahead,
and I do so because I am confident that we have the
vision and the plan to use this moment to build a
better Britain, for leaving the European Union presents
us with a unique opportunity. It is this generation’s
chance to shape a brighter future for our country, a
chance to step back and ask ourselves what kind of
country we want to be. My answer is clear: I want this
United Kingdom to emerge from this period of change
stronger, fairer, more united and more outward looking
than ever before.
I want us to be a secure, prosperous, tolerant country,
a magnet for international talent and a home to the
pioneers and innovators who will shape the world ahead.
I want us to be a truly global Britain, the best friend
and neighbour to our European partners but a country
that reaches beyond the borders of Europe too, a
country that goes out into the world to build
relationships with old friends and new allies alike.
That is why I have set out a clear and ambitious plan
for the negotiations ahead. It is a plan for a new deep
and special relationship between Britain and the
European Union: a partnership of values, a partnership
of interests, a partnership based on co-operation in
areas such as security and economic affairs and a
partnership that works in the best interests of the
United Kingdom, the European Union and the wider world.
But perhaps now more than ever, the world needs the
liberal, democratic values of Europe, values that this
United Kingdom shares. And that is why, while we are
leaving the institutions of the European Union, we are
not leaving Europe. We will remain a close friend and
ally. We will be a committed partner. We will play our
part to ensure that Europe is able to project its
values and defend itself from security threats, and we
will do all that we can to help the European Union
prosper and succeed.
So in the letter that has been delivered to President
Tusk today, copies of which I have placed in the
Library of the House, I have been clear that the deep
and special partnership we seek is in the best
interests of the United Kingdom and of the European
Union too. I have been clear that we will work
constructively and in a spirit of sincere co-operation
to bring this partnership into being, and I have been
clear that we should seek to agree the terms of this
future partnership alongside those of our withdrawal
within the next two years. I am ambitious for Britain
and the objectives I have set out for these
negotiations remain. We will deliver certainty wherever
possible so that business, the public sector and
everyone else has as much clarity as we can provide as
we move through the process. It is why, tomorrow, we
will publish a White Paper confirming our plans to
convert the acquis into British law, so that everyone
will know where they stand, and it is why I have been
clear that the Government will put the final deal that
is agreed between the UK and the EU to a vote in both
Houses of Parliament before it comes into force.
We will take control of our own laws and bring an end
to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in
Britain. Leaving the European Union will mean that our
laws will be made in Westminster, Edinburgh, Cardiff
and Belfast, and those laws will be interpreted by
judges not in Luxembourg but in courts across this
country. We will strengthen the union of the four
nations that comprise our United Kingdom. We will
negotiate as one United Kingdom, taking account of the
specific interests of every nation and region of the
UK.
When it comes to the powers that we will take back from
Europe, we will consult fully on which powers should
reside in Westminster and which should be passed on to
the devolved Administrations. But no decisions
currently taken by the devolved Administrations will be
removed from them. It is the expectation of the
Government that the devolved Administrations in
Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland will see a
significant increase in their decision-making power as
a result of this process.
We want to maintain the common travel area with the
Republic of Ireland. There should be no return to the
borders of the past. We will control immigration so
that we continue to attract the brightest and best to
work or study in Britain, but manage the process
properly so that our immigration system serves the
national interest. We will seek to guarantee the rights
of EU citizens who are already living in Britain, and
the rights of British nationals in other member states
as early as we can. This is set out very clearly in the
letter as a priority for the talks ahead.
We will ensure that workers’ rights are fully protected
and maintained. Indeed, under my leadership, not only
will the Government protect the rights of workers but
we will build on them. We will pursue a bold and
ambitious free trade agreement with the European Union
that allows for the freest possible trade in goods and
services between Britain and the EU’s member states;
that gives British companies the maximum freedom to
trade with and operate within European markets; and
that lets European business do the same in Britain.
European leaders have said many times that we cannot
cherry pick and remain members of the single market
without accepting the four freedoms that are
indivisible. We respect that position, and as accepting
those freedoms is incompatible with the democratically
expressed will of the British people, we will no longer
be members of the single market.
We are going to make sure that we can strike trade
agreements with countries from outside the European
Union too. Because important though our trade with the
EU is and will remain, it is clear that the UK needs to
increase significantly its trade with the
fastest-growing export markets in the world. We hope to
continue to collaborate with our European partners in
the areas of science, education, research and
technology, so that the UK is one of the best places
for science and innovation. We seek continued
co-operation with our European partners in important
areas such as crime, terrorism and foreign affairs. It
is our aim to deliver a smooth and orderly Brexit,
reaching an agreement about our future partnership by
the time the two-year Article 50 process has concluded,
then moving into a phased process of implementation in
which Britain, the EU institutions and member states
prepare for the new arrangements that will exist
between us.
We understand that there will be consequences for the
UK of leaving the EU. We know that we will lose
influence over the rules that affect the European
economy. We know that UK companies that trade with the
EU will have to align with rules agreed by institutions
of which we are no longer a part, just as we do in
other overseas markets. We accept that. However, we
approach these talks constructively, respectfully, and
in a spirit of sincere co-operation. For it is in the
interests of both the United Kingdom and the European
Union that we should use this process to deliver our
objectives in a fair and orderly manner. It is in the
interests of both the United Kingdom and the European
Union that there should be as little disruption as
possible. And it is in the interests of both the United
Kingdom and the European Union that Europe should
remain strong, prosperous and capable of projecting its
values in the world.
At a time when the growth of global trade is slowing
and there are signs that protectionist instincts are on
the rise in many parts of the world, Europe has a
responsibility to stand up for free trade in the
interests of all our citizens. With Europe’s security
more fragile today than at any time since the end of
the Cold War, weakening our co-operation and failing to
stand up for European values would be a costly mistake.
Our vote to leave the EU was no rejection of the values
that we share as fellow Europeans. As a European
country, we will continue to play our part in promoting
and supporting these values, during the negotiations
and once they are done.
We will continue to be reliable partners, willing
allies and close friends. We want to continue to buy
goods and services from members of the EU, and sell
them ours. We want to trade with them as freely as
possible, and work with one another to make sure we are
all safer, more secure and more prosperous through
continued friendship. Indeed, in an increasingly
unstable world, we must continue to forge the closest
possible security co-operation to keep our people safe.
We face the same global threats from terrorism and
extremism—that message was only reinforced by the
abhorrent attack on Westminster Bridge and this place
last week—so there should be no reason why we should
not agree a new deep and special partnership between
the UK and the EU that works for all of us.
I know that this is a day of celebration for some and
disappointment for others. The referendum last June was
divisive at times. Not everyone shared the same point
of view or voted in the same way. The arguments on both
sides were passionate. But when I sit around the
negotiating table in the months ahead, I will represent
every person in the whole United Kingdom: young and
old, rich and poor, city, town, country and all the
villages and hamlets in between—and, yes, those EU
nationals who have made this country their home. It is
my fierce determination to get the right deal for every
single person in this country.
For, as we face the opportunities ahead of us on this
momentous journey, our shared values, interests and
ambitions can, and must, bring us together. We all want
to see a Britain that is stronger than it is today. We
all want a country that is fairer so that everyone has
the chance to succeed. We all want a nation that is
safe and secure for our children and grandchildren. We
all want to live in a truly global Britain that gets
out and builds relationships with old friends and new
allies around the world. These are the ambitions of
this Government’s plan for Britain—ambitions that unite
us so that we are no longer defined by the vote we cast
but by our determination to make a success of the
result.
We are one great union of people and nations with a
proud history and a bright future, and now that the
decision to leave has been made and the process is
under way, it is time to come together. For this great
national moment requires a great national effort—an
effort to shape a brighter future for Britain. So let
us do so together. Let us come together and work
together, and let us together choose to believe in
Britain with optimism and hope. For if we do, we can
together make the most of the opportunities ahead. We
can together make a success of this moment, and we can
together build a stronger, fairer, better Britain—a
Britain our children and grandchildren are proud to
call home. I commend this Statement to the House”.
3.52 pm
-
(Lab)
My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness for repeating the
Statement. It is now over nine months since the result
of the referendum was announced and the Prime Minister
has sent the letter that starts the process of our
withdrawal from the European Union after a relationship
of over 40 years. Just like any other divorce, there
will be some who rejoice and look forward to new
opportunities, but others will despair over the shared
past and lost love. A few will fondly recall the
marriage, divorces and remarriage of Richard Burton and
Elizabeth Taylor with some hope, but, through it all,
the only people to get rich were those trying to
unravel those 40-plus years of relative harmony—the
lawyers.
Through it all there will be one common
emotion—uncertainty about the future, because the Prime
Minister herself has to concede that no one can yet
know what the final deal or arrangements will look
like. So we now have to focus on what comes next, and
what comes next is complex. While some fear for the
worst, we will all work for the best. As I have said
previously, the debates and negotiations cannot be left
to those who have no doubt. We have to engage the
talent, experience and wisdom of our whole nation
together in the national interest.
Today’s letter specifies our negotiating position with
the European Union. The has set out six
tests by which the Government will be judged on the
final deal. They include migration, national security
and crime, employment and social rights, and the need
to support all regions and nations in the UK as we
develop our future relationship with the remaining 27
countries in the EU. The sixth test is the Government’s
own, as set out by to the House of
Commons on 24 January: that on trade, the Government’s
aim is to deliver,
“a comprehensive free trade agreement and a
comprehensive customs agreement that will deliver the
exact same benefits as we have”.—[Official Report,
Commons, 24/1/17; col. 169.]
That is a pretty high bar, but it is a bar set by the
Government and one that the Government will be held
accountable to.
Today, I set one further test for the Government. It is
not controversial and I hope that it will be willingly
accepted by the Government and the noble Baroness the
Leader of the House. The seventh test is the one that
will set the tone for the debate, the negotiations and
the mood of the nation in accepting and understanding
the outcome. This test is the test of complete honesty.
As the Prime Minister and her team enter into the
negotiations, there will be good days and there will be
difficult days; there will be days when everything
seems possible and days when nothing goes right. The
Prime Minister has, on many occasions, been clear about
her confidence that she can and will negotiate a good
deal in the interests of the UK. But there are others
who are confident that any deal, or even no deal, is
better than where we are now. We totally reject that.
This process must not be so ideologically driven that
the Government accept anything and claim it is a good
deal. That is where honesty comes in. If the Prime
Minister is disappointed or dissatisfied with the
negotiations or the outcome of agreements, she must in
the national interest be prepared to say so. If there
is to be a truly meaningful vote at the end of this
process, it has to be undertaken with the certainty
that Parliament has the information needed to make an
informed decision in the best interests of this
country.
I want to raise some specifics on the Statement and the
letter. On the devolved Administrations, despite the
Prime Minister’s warm words that she intends to
strengthen the four nations of the UK, I have to say
that that is not how it feels at the moment. I have
three questions on the significant increase in the
decision-making powers of the devolved Administrations.
What discussions have there been so far? Can the noble
Baroness give an assurance on the ongoing consultation,
particularly given the concerns already raised by the
First Minister of Wales? Will any of these powers
require primary legislation?
I am pleased that in her letter to President Tusk the
Prime Minister specifically mentions Northern Ireland
and the Northern Ireland border. It is right that she
sets this as a priority, and I believe that the issue,
if not yet the solution, is also understood by the
remaining 27 European countries. However, the Prime
Minister refers in the letter to it being the only land
border with the UK. While that is technically correct,
I remind her that we have a land border between the
British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar and Spain. I
appreciate that a trigger letter could never include
all of our negotiating issues, but I was extremely
disappointed at the omission of any reference to the
people of Gibraltar and their concerns in either the
Statement or the letter. The Prime Minister says that
she will take into account the specific interests of
every nation and region. Can the noble Baroness the
Leader give this House an assurance that we will not
abandon Gibraltar and that its interests will also be
represented?
The commitment to seek an early agreement to guarantee
the rights of EU nationals in the UK and our nationals
in the remaining 27 countries is welcome. The noble
Baroness will be aware of the disappointment of your
Lordships’ House that our amendment to include a
guarantee in legislation was rejected by the Government
and the other place. The Prime Minister confirms in her
letter that making this part of the negotiations is
complex. I hope, therefore, that given the support of
your Lordships’ House, the Government will accept the
Motion in the name of my noble friend Lady Hayter, to
be debated next week, that the Government should report
back to Parliament before the end of this Session on
progress.
I also welcome the assurance in the Statement of what
the Government call the “phased process” of
implementation of the new arrangements and agreements.
I know that the Government do not like talking about
transition and call it instead an implementation phase.
I am equally happy with either. What is important here
is that change is practical, workable and pragmatic and
not ideologically driven towards the cliff-edge
scenario. I welcome that and thank the noble Baroness
and the Prime Minister for their assurances on that
point.
On Euratom, I understand from the letter that the
Government consider that we must come out as part of
our EU exit, but given the importance of this issue, I
would have liked to have seen a commitment to seeking
early agreement for a new practical partnership.
I want to register concerns about the misleading
language where the Prime Minister appears to connect
trade and national security in her letter to President
Tusk. On page 3 of the letter, she makes reference to,
“a deep and special partnership between the UK and the
EU, taking in both economic and security cooperation”,
and I wholeheartedly endorse that. She then rightly
points out that:
“If, however, we leave the European Union without an
agreement the default position is that we would have to
trade on World Trade Organisation terms”.
So far, that is clear. But the very next sentence
states:
“In security terms a failure to reach agreement would
mean our cooperation in the fight against crime and
terrorism would be weakened”.
Because it is unclear which agreement she is referring
to, the letter to President Tusk appears to state that
if we cannot reach an agreement on trade, this will
have an impact on security agreements. I am grateful
for the reassurance and clarity from Downing Street
that that was not the intention, but given the
complexity and sensitivities of the negotiations that
we are about to start, it is essential that there is no
misunderstanding at all or lack of clarity. I suggest
that, for the avoidance of doubt, in future issues such
as trade and security are never linked. They are both
essential in their own right and a responsible
agreement on one is not dependent on the other.
Tomorrow, we wait with some anticipation the White
Paper on repealing the 1972 legislation and enshrining
EU legislation, in which we played our part, into UK
law. However, noble Lords will have seen the comments
from some on the Government Benches about this being an
opportunity for deregulation or cutting so-called red
tape—in other words, doing away with protections and
rights for UK citizens. I seek an assurance from the
noble Baroness that this is not the part of the
so-called great repeal Bill and that the Government
will resist any attempts to bring in such changes by
the back door, thus seeking to avoid proper
parliamentary scrutiny. In that she will have our
support.
Finally, I welcome both the tone of the Prime
Minister’s Statement and the emphasis that she has
placed throughout on partnership. Only the most
ideologically driven have ever suggested that this
process will be easy or problem free. It will not; it
will be difficult and complex. The tone of the Prime
Minister’s remarks about our place in Europe may help
to ease that path, but it will be important that the
Government commit to being open and transparent with
Parliament and the country. As we move forward,
transparency, openness, engagement and honesty will be
expected and will be essential.
Next week, the other Motion that we will debate, in my
name, seeks to establish a Joint Committee of both
Houses to work together to establish the best way to
ensure that Parliament has the best information
possible and the best processes to have a meaningful
vote on the final agreement. I urge the Government to
support this because, as the Prime Minister makes
clear, we must all work together in the national
interest.
4.03 pm
-
(LD)
My Lords, today is for me and my colleagues an
extremely sad day. It marks the point at which the UK
seeks to distance itself from its nearest neighbours at
a time when, in every area of public policy, logic
suggests that we should be working more closely
together rather than less.
But sadness is a passive emotion, and it is not the
only thing that we feel. We feel a sense of anger that
the Government are pursuing a brutal Brexit, which will
rip us out of the single market and many other European
networks from which we benefit so much. We believe that
the country will be poorer, less secure and less
influential as a result, and we feel that at every
point, whether it be the calling of the referendum
itself or the choices made on how to put its result
into effect, the principal motivation in the minds of
Ministers has been not what is best for the long-term
interests of the country but what is best for the
short-term interests of the Conservative Party.
We do not believe that the Government have the faintest
clue about how they are going to achieve the goals that
they set out in their White Paper last month or the
Prime Minister’s Statement today, and we have no
confidence in their willingness to give Parliament a
proper say either as the negotiations proceed or at
their conclusion. We therefore believe that, at the end
of the process, only the people should have the final
say on whether any deal negotiated by the Government
—or no deal—is preferable to ongoing EU membership. We
will strain every sinew to ensure that outcome.
In her Statement today, the Prime Minister makes a
number of rather extraordinary claims. She says that
she is going to build on existing workers’ rights
rather than diminish them. Can the Leader of the House
give just one example, or even a clue, of what that
might mean and how it might be achieved? Can she also
take this opportunity to repudiate the proposal by a
number of leading Brexiters in recent days that the
working time directive be either watered down or
repealed altogether?
The Prime Minister says that the world needs the
liberal democratic values of Europe more than ever. Far
be it from me to claim any knowledge of liberal
democratic values, but can the Leader explain how
leaving the EU can do anything other than reduce
Europe’s ability to protect those values on the
international stage?
The Prime Minister says that she will strengthen the
union of the nations which comprise the United Kingdom.
Given that to date the effect of the Brexit vote is to
threaten the union at every point, what form do the
Government expect this strengthening to take?
She says that membership of the single market will be
jettisoned because it would be incompatible with the
expressed will of the British people. Given that this
proposition was not on the ballot paper, that it is the
opposite of what was said in the Conservative Party
manifesto, that many leading Brexit supporters left
open or actually supported the continuation of our
single market membership, and that all subsequent
polling shows overwhelming support for our continued
membership, on what basis is she making that assertion?
She says that Europe has a responsibility to stand up
for free trade. Does she not think that the EU will
find that a bit rich, coming from this country at the
point when we are leaving the single market and customs
union?
She says that she wants to be a committed partner of
the EU, but when we are walking away from the EU
because of the belief that membership of it is damaging
to the country’s interests, what can commitment mean
other than a shrunken and grudging relationship?
Moreover, does the Leader of the House accept that when
the Prime Minister says that when she sits round the
negotiating table, she will represent every person in
the UK, she is mistaken? She has chosen to promote an
extreme version of Brexit and one which is completely
at odds with her own views of less than a year ago. In
doing so, she has chosen not to speak for the many
millions who voted to remain in the EU and the single
market, and she certainly does not represent them or me
or my colleagues on these Benches.
The Prime Minister claims that Brexit will make us
stronger, fairer and better, but it will not. The
Government’s approach will make us poorer, less
generous and diminished as a nation. It is perfectly
legitimate for the country to go down such a route, but
it did not do so on 23 June last year, and the people
should have the final say on whether this is the fate
they really want.
-
I thank the noble Baroness and the noble Lord for their
comments. On the noble Baroness’s first point, although
the letter makes it clear that if we leave the EU
without an agreement the default position would be that
we have to trade on WTO terms, it also makes it clear
that that is not an outcome that either side should
seek. We want to work very hard to avoid that, and that
is exactly what we will be doing.
I also reassure the noble Baroness that we will be
working closely with all the devolved Administrations
to deliver a Brexit that works for all parts of the UK.
Part of that will mean working very carefully to ensure
that as powers are repatriated from Brussels to the UK,
the right powers are returned to Westminster and the
right powers passed to the devolved Administrations. We
will continue to work closely with our devolved
colleagues.
On the noble Baroness’s points on Gibraltar, I
understand that the reason why Gibraltar was not
mentioned in the letter is that it is not part of the
UK for the purposes of EU law. However, we are very
clear that Gibraltar will of course be covered in our
exit negotiations and will be fully involved. We have
set up a new joint ministerial committee with the
Gibraltar Government to ensure their full involvement.
In fact, my noble friend Lady Goldie met the Chief
Minister and had a very constructive, positive
discussion. The Gibraltarians are very positive about
their engagement with the UK Government so far. We will
continue to ensure that we work closely with them.
The noble Baroness and the noble Lord also mentioned
the status of EU nationals, which we have discussed at
length in this House. I repeat: securing an agreement
to guarantee the status of EU nationals here and UK
nationals in the EU is one of our top priorities.
Indeed, it is set out explicitly in those terms in the
letter. As has said,
this is also a priority for the Commission, so we will
be doing all we can to ensure that we can provide the
clarity that noble Lords have been asking for.
On security, I can absolutely confirm and reassure
noble Lords that we are committed to ensuring that we
continue working closely with our European partners on
security, defence and foreign policy, as I said. We
want a partnership where we can continue contributing
to the security of Europe using our range of defence
and security capabilities as well as our global
standing, networks and influence, input into policy
developments and information sharing. That remains of
key importance to us.
The noble Lord and the noble Baroness referred to
parliamentary scrutiny and involvement. Once again I
reiterate that we have said there will be a Motion on
the final agreement to be approved by both Houses of
Parliament before it is concluded. We expect and intend
that this will happen before the European Parliament
debates and votes on the final agreement. We intend
that Parliament’s vote will cover not only the
withdrawal arrangements but the future relationship
with the EU.
The noble Lord talked about leaving the single market.
I will read from the letter:
“Since I became Prime Minister of the United Kingdom I
have listened carefully to you, to my fellow EU Heads
of Government and the Presidents of the European
Commission and Parliament. That is why the United
Kingdom does not seek membership of the single market:
we understand and respect your position that the four
freedoms of the single market are indivisible and there
can be no ‘cherry picking’”.
We have also been very clear that we will protect
workers’ rights. For instance, I point to the
introduction of the national living wage, which has
ensured an increase in income for some of our poorest
paid.
4.13 pm
-
(Lab)
My Lords, the point has often been made in this House
that people did not vote in the referendum to make
themselves poorer. I believe that they also did not
vote to break up the United Kingdom, threaten the peace
process in Northern Ireland, or worsen the relations
between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
If at the end of these negotiations it seems that there
will be a choice between staying in the EU or breaking
up the UK, will the Government think again and allow
the people to think again?
-
As the letter and the Statement make clear, from the
start and throughout the discussions we will negotiate
as one United Kingdom. Importantly, it is our
expectation that the outcome of this process will
significantly increase the decision-making power of
each devolved Administration. We believe we will get
the best deal for all parts of the UK and all parts of
the UK will be involved in the negotiations.
-
The Lord
My Lords, from these Benches we welcome the Prime
Minister’s Statement, especially the intention of both
sides to work together as a priority to solve the
complex issues of EU and EEA nationals, not least the
many students and academics in our universities.
Indications from earlier this
week implied that the EU will negotiate in full
transparency, publishing all documents relating to the
negotiations. Will Her Majesty’s Government, while not
wanting to give a running commentary, make the same
commitment, enabling Parliament and the public to
follow and scrutinise negotiation materials, given that
such transparency will contribute to maintaining the
strength of our union in the United Kingdom and future
partnerships with the EU?
-
We have been clear that we welcome and anticipate
intensive parliamentary scrutiny, and we will be as
transparent as we can, but we will not give away our
negotiating hand or damage our negotiating stance.
-
(Non-Afl)
My Lords, as chairman of your Lordships’ European Union
Committee, may I very much welcome the tone of the
Government’s Statement and of the letter to President
Tusk, in particular the reference to the very first
principle of negotiation: that we should engage with
one another constructively and respectfully in a spirit
of sincere co-operation? In the same vein, and having
regard to the fact that the triggering of Article 50 is
unprecedented within the membership of the European
Union, will Her Majesty’s Government undertake to sit
down with the scrutiny committees in both Houses and
with other representative parliamentarians and
representative bodies to try to hammer out some
middle-way approach to scrutiny which avoids, on the
one hand, micromanagement or interference in the
negotiating process, which I agree is inappropriate,
but on the other hand does not simply leave us to
comment semi-helplessly long after events have been set
more or less in stone?
-
I thank the noble Lord and once again pay tribute to
the work of the Select Committees of this House, which
have done an invaluable job already in investigating a
number of very important issues and providing some very
useful information. As the noble Lord will know,
tomorrow we will produce the White Paper on the great
repeal Bill, which will be the beginning of the
discussion on the scrutiny of legislation going
forward. I reiterate that key changes to policy will be
brought forward in primary legislation, so this House
will have the opportunity to be involved, but I know
that my noble friend and the Chief
Whip have already been in touch with a number of
committee chairs and will continue to have that
discussion, as we will through the usual channels. I
hope this House will accept that we have tried to be
open; I know it has not always satisfied noble Lords,
but we will do our best.
-
(Con)
My Lords, may I join the noble Lord, Lord Boswell, in
supporting the tone of the Prime Minister’s Statement?
I draw my noble friend’s attention to the admirable
article by my noble friend in the Times
today, which describes a successful negotiation as one
in which both sides regard themselves as the winners.
Does my noble friend agree that, in order to achieve
such a negotiation, sometimes it will be necessary to
ignore the advice of those who think that any element
of disagreement means the end of the world, and of
those who believe that any element of compromise or
agreement will represent betrayal?
-
My noble friend is right: these are going to be
extremely complex negotiations, but we will approach
them with the full intention of securing a deal that
delivers the best possible outcome for the UK. Of
course, as we enter negotiations, we will hear people
saying—we have heard it already—“That is not workable;
it is not achievable”. But we are confident that we can
secure a good deal, and we will go in optimistically.
As noble Lords have previously said, the European
Council has stressed that it wishes to work
constructively for us, so I think we are starting off
on the right foot.
-
(Lab)
My Lords—
-
(Lab)
My Lords—
-
(LD)
My Lords—
-
(Con)
I am sorry, my Lords, but we do have a custom of going
round the House, and it is the turn of the Liberal
Democrats.
-
My Lords, the Statement repeats the mantra that we are
going to “take back control”, but the Brexit Secretary,
Mr Davis, expects the Government to use this control to
continue with a large volume of EU migration. The
Statement admits that the consequence of breaking the
manifesto pledge to stay in the single market will mean
UK companies having to abide by rules over which we
have no influence. If we lose the right to the single
market, including free movement for British citizens,
at the price of less control and a series of betrayals,
how is that a gain?
-
I am afraid that I completely disagree with the noble
Baroness, who I know approaches this subject with a
pessimistic view. We have an optimistic view and I
believe that we will prevail.
-
I welcome the tone of the Prime Minister’s letter to
the President of the European Council. However, there
are still key confusions on key issues in the
Government’s position. , Secretary of State
for Exiting the European Union, told us that this deep
trade agreement or partnership would achieve exactly
the same benefits as the single market. This morning,
the Prime Minister talked about the best possible
access to the single market. Those things are very
different indeed. Which is the policy? While I welcome
the statement in the letter that we should work very
hard to avoid no deal, the Foreign Secretary last week
claimed that that would all be okay. What is the
Government’s policy? Is it okay if we have a hard
Brexit, or are the Government committed to avoiding
that at all possible cost?
-
We have been clear that we want the best possible deal
with the EU and free and frictionless trade, and that
we want a comprehensive and ambitious free trade
agreement. The letter, of which I read out the relevant
section, stated that if we did not come to an
agreement, we would go to WTO terms on default, but it
is not an outcome that either side should seek. We must
therefore work hard to avoid it.
-
(CB)
My Lords, while I admire the noble Baroness’s optimism,
I do not entirely share it. I admire the conciliatory
tone of the letter, but the country will judge the
outcome of the negotiations by the words of those on
the Government Front Bench. Before the referendum, Mr
Davis told us that there would be no diminution of
trade with the EU if we left the European Union. This
year, he has told us that the exact same benefits will
be secured as if we had remained in the single market
and the customs union. Before the referendum, Mr
Johnson told us that there would be no change at the
Irish border. This year, Mr Brokenshire has told us
that there will be a “frictionless” border, even though
that will be the border of the EU’s customs union and
it will be for the EU to decide the regime on it. Does
the noble Baroness understand that, as this negotiation
proceeds, the country will not forget what it was told,
and Ministers will be judged by their own words?
-
As I have said on many occasions, we are seeking an
ambitious and comprehensive free trade agreement with
the EU, which includes free-flowing trade in goods and
services as part of a new, deep special relationship.
We want Britain to have the greatest possible
tariff-free and barrier-free trade with its European
neighbours and to be able to negotiate its own trade
agreements. There is a strong commitment between the UK
Government, the Irish Government and the Northern
Ireland Executive to make sure that we do not return to
the borders of the past. I think that they are quite
clear statements.
-
(Con)
My Lords, does my noble friend accept that while
everyone who cares about the future of our country must
wish the Prime Minister success, those of us for whom
this is a sad day are concerned particularly about the
future of the union of the United Kingdom? I urge my
noble friend to speak to the Prime Minister and to draw
her attention to what was said in this Chamber only
yesterday: that she should give a degree of priority to
the very delicate, fragile situation in Northern
Ireland, because if the union begins to crumble there
we could all live to regret it.
-
First, we are absolutely committed to protecting and
strengthening our union. I assure my noble friend that
this Government take extremely seriously the issues in
Northern Ireland and we are working with all parties
concerned to try to ensure that we can come to a swift
resolution. None of us wants to see that fantastic
country go backwards. It has moved so far forwards over
so many years.
-
(PC)
My Lords—
-
My Lords—
-
My Lords, I am sorry but I think we ought to hear from
Plaid Cymru.
-
My Lords, does the noble Baroness understand that for
some of us this is the blackest of black Wednesdays and
that we will not rest until we have persuaded the
people of these islands to reverse this retrograde
step? Having said that, she mentioned—as the Prime
Minister did—that the negotiations will be conducted on
a UK basis but that they will listen to the devolved
Administrations. Can she confirm in those circumstances
that where discussions arise in relation to things such
as the sheep meat regime and the beef regime so
important to Welsh agriculture that the Welsh
Agricultural Minister can be part of the UK team in the
same way as he and she have been in the past—on behalf
of the UK but speaking as Welsh Ministers?
-
I can reassure the noble Lord that we are working
closely with the devolved Administrations. We have
already taken forward technical discussions with both
the Scottish and Welsh Governments on their proposals,
in the White Papers they produced, to more fully
understand and analyse their plans so as to get the
best deal for Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and
England. We will continue to do that and we will work
closely with them because we are absolutely committed
to achieving the best deal for all parts of the UK.
-
My Lords—
-
(LD)
My Lords—
-
My Lords, it is the turn of the Lib Dems.
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The European Union has brought an unprecedented 71
years of peace to western Europe. Have the Government
given any thought to this historical reality?
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We certainly have. Indeed, when the noble Lord reads
the letter sent to President Tusk he will see that that
is explicitly recognised.
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My Lords, if the present Brussels responsibility for
subjects such as agriculture is repatriated to it, will
there be full financial recompense to Cardiff,
Edinburgh and Belfast?
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My Lords, we are at the beginning of these
negotiations. We said that we will devolve and expect
further powers to be devolved. I cannot go into the
outcomes of the negotiations but, as I said, we will
look for the best deal for all parts of the UK. We will
work closely with the devolved Administrations. I
believe that we will come to a deal that works for all
parts of the United Kingdom.
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of Dalston
(CB)
My Lords, the Statement makes much of the Government’s
desire to represent the whole nation in their
negotiating strategy. However, would the noble Baroness
the Leader of the House not agree that although many
things could be said about the Government’s Brexit
strategy, the one thing that cannot be said is that it
reflects the concerns of the whole nation? It certainly
does not reflect the concerns of the 48%. It does not
even reflect the concerns of the 52% now that the
Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union has
conceded that immigration cannot be expected to reduce
consistently once we exit the EU.
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The Statement acknowledged the fact that for some
people this is a day they have waited for but for many
it is a day of great disappointment. The Statement also
said that we need to bring the country together now and
work for the best deal. We need to have an optimistic
outlook for Britain because we are a great country and
we can make a great success of our future.
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My Lords—
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(Con)
My Lords—
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I apologise to the noble Lord but it is in fact the
turn of the Conservative Benches so I think we will
hear from my noble friend Lady Wheatcroft.
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My Lords, the Prime Minister has made much of her
intention to agree trade agreements around the world.
Will my noble friend assure the House that Parliament
will be able to scrutinise these deals before they are
signed? After all, a bad deal may be worse than no
deal.
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We have been very clear that we will be as transparent
as we can, but we will not give away our negotiating
hand.
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The Statement mentions opportunities on several
occasions but does not say what opportunities the
Government have in mind. It just provides a string of
vacuous adjectives and, in true PR style, mentions the
word “together” about 15 times. Will the Leader concede
that actually a very large number of opportunities are
being destroyed—the opportunity to live and work in 27
other countries, the opportunity to travel in those
countries while having the benefit of the local
healthcare system, the opportunity for educational
exchanges, the opportunity for leading scientific
research programmes funded by the EU, the opportunities
presented by 35 free trade agreements between the EU
and other parts of the world, and the opportunities of
the single market itself? Do the Government hope that
the public will just forget about these important
opportunities that are now being wantonly abandoned?
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As I have said, we are looking for a new, deep and
special relationship with the EU and we believe it will
be a very fruitful relationship. In terms of other
opportunities, we are looking for excellent trade
agreements with countries across the world. We have
fantastic bilateral agreements with countries across
the world. We are looking to be a global nation.
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(CB)
My Lords—
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(LD)
My Lords—
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(Con)
My Lords—
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We did say that we would try to do this in order. It is
the Lib Dems’ turn, and then perhaps we will hear from
the Cross Benches.
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My Lords, it is axiomatic that Britain’s withdrawal from
the European Union will weaken it. Is it not all the more
curious, therefore, for the Prime Minister to be
extolling the virtues of European values at the same time
as undermining the very institution that embodies them?
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Not at all. We have made it very clear that we share the
same values and we want to see them remain strong. That
is one of the things that we have in common and one of
the things that will ensure that we continue to have a
strong relationship with our European counterparts.
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My Lords, I am one of those who think that today is a
pretty sad day but I also do not think it is a day to
carp or criticise. The Prime Minister and the Government
are setting off down a road which can best be described
as a magical mystery tour, the destination of which they
have no clue—any more than the rest of us do. But I wish
them well in this thing, and I would like to put two
questions. First, while I very much welcome the very
strong emphasis the Government have put on the mutual
benefit of maintaining and, indeed, strengthening the
co-operation against all forms of international crime,
can the Leader say by what process of adjudication any
disputes on those matters will be resolved? Secondly,
yesterday the Prime Minister urged us to,
“get out into the world”.
Can the Leader give us one example of circumstances where
we are prevented from doing that by our present
membership of the European Union?
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On the latter point, obviously we will be looking to
negotiate new free trade agreements with countries across
the world. On the noble Lord’s first point, that will be
a matter for negotiations.
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