UN International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
[Mr Gary Streeter in the Chair] 2.30 pm Dawn Butler
(Brent Central) (Lab) I beg to move, That this House
has considered the UN International Day for the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination. I am pleased to be having this debate
on the...Request free trial
UN International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
[Mr in the Chair]
2.30 pm
-
(Brent Central)
(Lab)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered the UN International Day for
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.
I am pleased to be having this debate on the day that the
United Nations has declared an international day for the
elimination of racial discrimination. The theme this year
is racial profiling and incitement to hatred, including in
the context of migration. I wonder whether the UN had any
particular person in mind when it came up with that theme.
I hope that, if Donald Trump is watching, he might send us
a tweet.
Why this day? On 21 March 1960, at a peaceful demonstration
in Sharpeville, South Africa, police turned their guns on
protesters and started shooting. They killed 69 people and
injured hundreds more. Therefore, each year, the
international community comes together to observe this day.
In South Africa, it is human rights day, a public holiday
to commemorate the lives lost in the fight for democracy
and equal human rights. Until now, Parliament has not fully
and formally acknowledged this day. As the MP for Brent
Central, the most diverse constituency in Europe, I am
pleased to be leading this debate.
-
(Hampstead and Kilburn)
(Lab)
I thank my hon. Friend and neighbouring MP for bringing
this important debate to the House. She mentions the
diverse constituency that she is proud to represent here in
Parliament. Our constituencies are close to each other and
share areas such as Kilburn High Road, where there is a lot
of racial profiling of black men. I am sure that she will
come to this in her speech, but does she agree that
something must be done about the racial profiling of young
black men in the Kilburn and Brent area? It is adding to
the disillusionment of many in our society.
-
My hon. Friend is absolutely right. Racial profiling is not
a good way to police communities; in fact, it builds
resentment and adds to the problem. On this day when we
acknowledge and try to eliminate racial discrimination,
that issue should and must be addressed.
It is important that our Parliament marks this day. Until
we live in a post-racial world, we must be diligent. I am
sure that that world will happen, but I am also sure that
it will not happen in my lifetime. Our UK Parliament is the
mother of all Parliaments, and we are at our best when we
lead the way. While I am talking about leading the way, I
thank Mr Speaker for allowing us to acknowledge this day in
the state rooms at a wonderful reception last week.
I hear people say all the time, “I’m not racist; I have
black friends. I haven’t got a racist bone in my body.” We
need to wake up. I am not sure how many people watched ITV
last night, but I did. It showed an undercover sting
against a right-wing terrorist group that, although banned
from the UK, still exists. We must be careful. Given the
triggering of article 50 and the election of President
Trump, whom I mentioned earlier, this day is becoming
extremely important.
We are witnessing a surge in intolerance, lack of
understanding of different communities and dehumanising of
individuals. Dehumanising a person makes it easier to
justify inhumane actions towards them: “They’re not like
us. They’re different. They have different colour skin.
They have an accent. How can we trust them?” We should be
embracing differences; they make us stronger, not weaker.
We should be fighting poverty and global warming, not other
human beings.
I sometimes wonder what UKIP expected when it published
that awful “Breaking Point” poster depicting a crowd of
brown-skinned refugees. Yes, UKIP’s side won the
referendum, but racist views have increased, along with
hatred and violence. Sexism, racism, xenophobia,
anti-Semitism, anti-refugee sentiment—all the tools of hate
are on the rise.
-
My hon. Friend is being generous with her time. Does she
agree that the Government should be doing more to take in
refugees, that the abandonment of the Dubs amendment, under
which we were meant to help unaccompanied children around
the world to come to our country, should be condemned and
that we should be doing more?
-
I agree with my hon. Friend. The thing about hate and
racism is that it will stop only when we stop it. The Dubs
amendment was important. It gave hope to people fleeing
circumstances that we too would flee if we were faced with
them. Rowing back on that commitment was hugely
disappointing.
We must stand up for the rights and dignity of all. An
attack on one minority community is an attack on all
communities. Every person is entitled to human rights
without discrimination. Protecting somebody else’s rights
does not in any way diminish our own. Last week, I asked a
question on the Floor of the House using British Sign
Language. I did it to raise awareness for deaf and hard of
hearing people, so that their language could have legal
status. That in no way diminished my rights; it only
enhanced theirs.
Next week, when the Prime Minister triggers article 50,
Parliament will close for two weeks for Easter. During that
two weeks, it is even more important that we are vigilant
for signs of the aftermath. We must look out for our
friends, our neighbours and people we do not even know. We
must not forget that we are all a minority at some point,
and we should treat people as we would like to be treated.
Angela Davis said that
“it is not enough to be non-racist; we must be
anti-racist.”
Hate crimes have spiked since 23 June 2016. Reported hate
crime rose by 57%. Seventy-nine per cent. were race hate
crimes, 12% were sexual orientation hate crimes, 7% were
religious hate crimes, 6% were disability hate crimes and
1% were transgender hate crimes. However, those are just
numbers, which do not tell the full horror of those hate
crimes, so here are a few examples of incidents that have
occurred over the past few months.
Anti-Semitic stickers were plastered on a Cambridge
synagogue. Three young males racially abused a US army
veteran on a Manchester tram, telling him to go back to
Africa. A British Muslim woman was grabbed by her hijab as
she was having dinner in a fish and chip shop. A letter was
sent telling Poles to go home as a fire was started in
their Plymouth home. An Edinburgh taxi driver from
Bangladesh was dragged by his beard. A 40-year-old Polish
national was killed because he was allegedly heard speaking
Polish. A 31-year-old pregnant woman was kicked in her
stomach and lost her baby. On Valentine’s day, a gay couple
were attacked by five men for falling asleep on each other.
I could go on.
-
(Newcastle upon Tyne
Central) (Lab)
I thank my hon. Friend for bringing this critically
important debate. She will know that, in Newcastle, we are
celebrating Freedom City 2017, marking 50 years since
Martin Luther King came to Newcastle to accept an honorary
doctorate and spoke about the three great evils: poverty,
racism and war. The examples that she has given show us, if
we did not know already, that we must embed the legacy of
Martin Luther King’s work and continue the struggle,
because we are far from living in a country where people
are judged by the content of their character rather than
the colour of their skin.
-
I absolutely concur. Martin Luther King was a great orator.
He also said:
“I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you
ought to be...this is the interrelated structure of
reality…all mankind is tied together…in a single garment of
destiny.”
Until we realise that, we will never live in the
post-racial world that we hope for and that was Martin
Luther King’s dream.
Some racial discrimination is from unconscious bias, but
some is overt. There are elected people who hold overtly
racist views, such as the councillor who argued that she
was not racist—even after proclaiming that she had a
“problem” with “negroes” because there was “something about
their faces”. You could not make it up! Racial and ethnic
discrimination occurs every day, hindering progress for
millions of people around the world. Racism and intolerance
take various forms, from denying individuals the basic
principles of equality to fuelling ethnic hatred. At their
worst, they can turn people to violence and even genocide.
They destroy lives and communities and poison people’s
minds. The struggle against racism is a priority, not just
for us in the UK but for the international community.
For anyone who has experienced racism, not much of what I
have said today will shock them, but it highlights just how
far we still have to go and the importance of educating the
young and facing the uncomfortable truth so that history
does not repeat itself. Sometimes we have to fight a new,
mutant strain of racism, so we always have to be aware of
what is going on around us and stand up for other people as
well as ourselves.
My parents were migrants who came to this country and
suffered racism. Actually, I like to call them expats,
because they left their home in the warm, sunny climes of
Jamaica to come to cold England, full of smog and fog, to
help the country to rebuild after the war. When we speak to
our elders, we are acutely aware that racism and hate are
not necessarily new. There are pictures of racists here on
the walls of Parliament. I remember my first office; I had
to look at Enoch Powell’s face every time I walked in,
because it was right there at the entrance. Sometimes I
would make a rude sign at the photo when I walked in, but
in general it upset me. I decided that I did not want to
start my day by being upset, so I insisted that the picture
was moved. If the House authorities had not removed it, I
would have removed it permanently.
We must also remember Britain’s part in the slave trade,
which is the foundation of much of our national prosperity.
It was justified by the empire and the language of racial
superiority, but that is not what defines us. It is a part
of our shameful history, but surely there must come a time
when it stops—when it no longer matters that a person is
different from us and when we appreciate what we have in
common. The Mayor of London has spoken about choosing
“hope over fear and unity over division”.
When we see only hate, that hate becomes so great that it
transforms into something else, where the problem is not
just the colour of someone’s skin, but their accent or the
fact that they are committed to fight for someone else’s
rights.
At the height of the xenophobic atmosphere, an MP and
leading migrants advocate was murdered. The murderer gave
his name in court as “Death to traitors, freedom for
Britain”. That MP, , was my friend and the friend
of others in this place and beyond. Even after the hateful,
despicable crime by that terrorist, her family wanted us to
“love like Jo” and repeat her mantra that
“we are far more united and have far more in common than
that which divides us.”—[Official Report, 3 June 2015; Vol.
596, c. 674-75.]
That is why it is important to acknowledge this day with
the rest of the international community. We must unite
together with one voice and build bridges, not walls. As
William Shakespeare wrote:
“If you prick us, do we not bleed? If you tickle us, do we
not laugh? If you poison us, do we not die?”
My theme tune when I face discrimination is a song written
and recorded by the British singer-songwriter Labi Siffre.
It was inspired by a television documentary on apartheid in
South Africa that showed a film of police killing black
people. It is “(Something Inside) So Strong”. These are the
words:
“The higher you build your barriers, the taller I become
The further you take my rights away, the faster I will run
You can deny me, you can decide to turn your face away
No matter, ’cause there’s something inside so strong
I know that I can make it, though you’re doing me wrong, so
wrong
You thought that my pride was gone—oh no
There’s something inside so strong
The more you refuse to hear my voice, the louder I will
sing
You hide behind walls of Jericho—your lies will come
tumbling
Deny my place in time, you squander wealth that’s mine
My light will shine so brightly it will blind you
Because there’s something inside so strong.”
I hope that the Government commit to marking this day each
year, so we never forget to remember those who gave their
lives for equal rights and to celebrate the beauty of our
diversity. After all, we have only a short time on this
earth.
-
Mr (in the
Chair)
Colleagues, we have about eight minutes for each Back-Bench
speech.
2.46 pm
-
Dr (East Kilbride,
Strathaven and Lesmahagow) (SNP)
It is an absolute pleasure to serve under your
chairmanship, Mr Streeter. I particularly thank the hon.
Member for Brent Central (Dawn Butler) for bringing such an
important debate to Westminster Hall today. Her speech was
delivered so eloquently and with such high emotion, which
is only right, given the topic. It will be remembered in
Parliament for years to come.
Rights to equality and non-discrimination are cornerstones
of human rights law. Today, the Office of the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights is asking people to “Stand up
for Someone’s Rights Today”, which is an important step
that I believe we should all be taking. I will speak
briefly about three main issues today: the impact of
discrimination on the individual, the impact on refugee
communities, which are extremely vulnerable, and why we
must learn lessons from the past and never forget them.
Racial discrimination is surely toxic, not only for the
individual who experiences it, but for society. It has an
impact on people’s self-esteem and it can even lead to
mental health issues, such as depression, loneliness,
isolation or feeling ostracised. Discrimination closes us
to experience, rather than opening our appreciation for
diversity, culture and religion. It is an unhealthy
position to take: it undermines the self-worth of those who
experience it, but it is also unhealthy for those who
discriminate, because it closes them off from experiences
of culture, religion and tolerance that would enhance their
own being.
Education is key, particularly for younger generations at
school and beyond. The internet can widen our horizons, but
it can also be a place where people experience
discrimination and intolerance. Surely we should be looking
at the UK Government’s policy on that and at how they work
with providers. The internet can help us to connect. It can
be positive; it can help us to speak to people from
different nations, understand their experiences and learn
about their lives. It can be a doorway to understanding,
but it must be used appropriately. It can be very important
in the future, given the way in which we can link with
people from right across the world in an interactive
manner.
Secondly, racial discrimination can impact upon
disenfranchised communities, particularly refugee
populations. It is not helpful to ban particular races from
entering countries, and I implore the President of the
United States to reconsider his actions in that regard,
because his policy has no actual basis in risk assessment
or risk management. Such a heuristic measure does nothing
to promote understanding, tolerance or integration, and in
the long run it does little for security.
We must understand that often refugees are fleeing
conflict, torture, starvation, malnutrition or other
significant life-impacting situations—things that we would
never want ourselves or our families to experience. As a
member of the International Development Committee, I was
privileged to visit the refugee camps in Jordan and Lebanon
at the end of last year and to meet and speak with refugee
families and their children. I was able to interact with
the young children in their schools, including those who
were traumatised and had not been able to speak for days or
even weeks, and needed mental health care—those needed
expert help and assistance. I was told about the
difficulties that host communities experienced in
integrating large numbers of refugees, and the strains that
Governments felt were being placed on local jobs and on
education and health systems. Both Jordan and Lebanon have
done much to address these issues, but there is much more
to do.
When Governments do not allow refugees to live, work or
engage properly in local communities, it creates a “them
and us” attitude. It reduces tolerance and understanding.
Integration, tolerance-building and learning from each
other, are key to the way forward. We should encourage
Governments to progress in this manner, but we also need to
look at our own role, particularly over the Dubs amendment,
and our attitude to refugees. Lone children in Europe;
those who need our assistance; those who are vulnerable;
those who may be disabled; those who have no parents to
help to look after them—surely we must be able to open our
hearts to those children and, more importantly, offer them
refuge.
-
(Beckenham)
(Con)
One thing that severely worries me is that I get many
letters from constituents who say that the matter of
children coming into this country is of deep concern to
them. I write back and say, “I have not had one constituent
who has said to me, ‘I will take a child into my house’.”
That really worries me, when we compare it with what
happened in 1938-39 with the Kindertransport. We have
changed in the way we approach this sort of thing.
-
Dr Cameron
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his intervention. We must
open our hearts and our homes to lone children. It is
incumbent upon us as a progressive society to do so, and I
know that local authorities in Scotland are keen to accept
more children and more child refugees.
-
Local authorities, not families.
-
Mr (in the
Chair)
Order.
-
Dr Cameron
I know from speaking to Save the Children that those
children are very much in need. Many of them are going
missing; we do not know what has become of them. As a
country with a responsibility in the world, surely we must
take that very seriously.
Thirdly, learning lessons from the past is important. If we
cannot learn lessons from the holocaust and ensure that
such dehumanisation of a race never occurs again, then
there is little that we can learn in this world at all. It
is incumbent upon us to challenge discrimination wherever
it occurs—in schools, colleges, the workplace and beyond.
Political leaders must lead and ensure that anti-Semitism
and other forms of discrimination are challenged in all of
our systems.
We all have a part to play, from the nursery teacher
teaching our toddlers to the university lecturer to
politicians. We must challenge discrimination at all levels
of society. Only then will we achieve true equality: when
we stand up, stand together and ensure that we are no
longer divided but that we celebrate diversity.
2.54 pm
-
(Bradford West) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr
Streeter.
I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Brent Central (Dawn
Butler) for securing this debate. Her powerful words made
me emotional. This debate is so timely. This day gives us
an opportunity to reflect on the past, the present and the
future, and to address the stark discrimination that so
many people in this country face. While we have made some
strides to improve opportunities for those of all races, we
have to recognise the challenges and the disparity that
remain. We have so much more to do.
The past has been marked by successes—individual successes,
like the police chief superintendent from West Yorkshire
police, Mabs Hussain, who is one of only two officers from
a black and minority ethnic background to attain that rank
in Yorkshire. I recently held an event to celebrate him,
but he said then that he hopes to see a day when there is
no longer a need to celebrate the success of individuals
from BME backgrounds and when people like him are just the
norm, but sadly they are not. He is an exception to the
rule. He has overcome more difficult odds than those faced
by his white counterparts. The truth is that although we
see individual successes that can inspire, they are sadly
only a footnote to the systematic failures that we see.
That is a harsh truth and a harsh reality.
-
My hon. Friend is making an excellent speech. On the
success of some and the lack of success of many, does she
agree that the loss of potential and achievement from which
the United Kingdom suffers because of the challenges faced
by this generation and particularly by the previous
generation—the generation of the parents of my hon. Friend
the Member for Brent Central (Dawn Butler)—means that the
UK suffers economically as well as socially? It is in our
economic interests as well as our social interests to
ensure that everyone can realise their potential.
-
I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. I absolutely
agree with her sentiments.
It is a harsh reality that many young black and Asian
children, and children of other ethnicity, grow up in this
country without the same opportunities as their peers. It
is a harsh truth for those who will work just as hard but
will be paid less—those who have their chances stifled from
birth because of the colour of their skin.
-
Is my hon. Friend aware of the Equalities and Human Rights
Commission report from last year that showed that BME
people with degrees are two and a half times less likely to
have a job than their white counterparts, and are more
likely to be paid less—an average of 21.3% less—than their
white counterparts when they enter the employment world?
-
I thank my hon. Friend for her intervention, and I will
mention that later in my speech—I am very much aware of it
and I agree with her.
Sadly, what I have described is a well-evidenced truth, as
my hon. Friend has just pointed out. We only need to look
at the House of Commons research on representation in
public life from June 2016 to see the scale of the
challenge before us. Those from BME backgrounds are
severely under-represented in all the professions—not only
here, in both Houses, but as judges, teachers, in local
government, in the armed forces, and particularly as
police. BME representation in police forces is 5.5%.
Twenty-four years since Stephen Lawrence and 18 years since
the Macpherson review, we are no closer to having a
representative police force. That is not progress. BME
representation in public life shows marginalisation at best
and pure discrimination at worst.
In August 2016, the EHRC published a major review of race
equality in Britain. It revealed a post-Brexit rise in hate
crime and long-term systemic unfairness and race
inequality, including a justice system where black people
are more likely to be the victims of crime while also being
three times more likely to be charged and sentenced if they
commit a crime. Race remains the most commonly recorded
motivation of hate crime in England and Wales, at 82%. That
is not equality.
Despite educational improvements, black, Asian and ethnic
minority people with a degree are two and a half times more
likely to be unemployed than their white equivalents, and
black workers with degrees are likely to be paid 23.1% less
than their white equivalents. That wage gap exists at all
levels of education, but it increases as people become more
qualified. That is not equality, and it shows that the
challenge is increasing. Since 2010, there has been a 49%
increase in unemployment among 16 to 24-year-olds from
ethnic minority backgrounds compared with a fall of 2%
among those who are white. White workers have seen an
increase of 16% in insecure work, while the rise among
black and Asian workers has been 40%. Pakistani,
Bangladeshi and black adults are more likely to live in
substandard accommodation than white people. Black African
women in the UK have a mortality rate four times higher
than that of white women and are seven times more likely to
be detained under the Mental Health Act 2007. That is not
equality; it is systematic failure.
While we stand here today and mark the UN’s International
Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, we must
be mindful of the challenges. We must remember the reality
that people of ethnicity face, even in developed countries
such as ours. In February 2017, ’s
review of race in the workplace was published. It
demonstrated how unequal our workplaces are, how the
chances of those from BME backgrounds are stifled and how
over-qualified BME workers are less likely to be promoted
than less qualified employees. The review makes 26
recommendations, all of which I call upon the Government to
implement.
Leaving the EU gives us an opportunity to decide what kind
of country we want to be. A report by the Women and
Equalities Committee considered the need for strong
equality legislation after we leave the EU and made key
recommendations, which, I would argue, the Government are
morally obliged to enact. [Interruption.] I am not sure of
the time of my speech.
-
Mr (in the
Chair)
You have plenty of time. Carry on, please.
-
The hon. Member for Beckenham (Bob Stewart), who is no
longer in his seat, mentioned constituencies, and it is
important to touch upon that issue before I close my
speech. He said that we in Britain have changed regarding
refugees, in that families do not want to take Syrian
refugee children. I am very proud to come from Bradford. It
is a city of sanctuary. We have held events in Bradford
specifically aimed at people taking refugee children, and
families are coming forward. I have had numerous messages
from individuals asking how they can take in children from
Syria and play their part. Why has it taken so long? I am a
member of the Home Affairs Committee, and we have taken
evidence from councils that say they have spaces. Regarding
the Dubs amendment and how Britain has changed, I feel
there is a venomous narrative, created by the likes of
parties such as the UK Independence party, but we as
Britain are greater than that. We as people are greater
than that. Post-Trump and post-Brexit, we must concentrate
even more on ensuring that we build those bridges.
I call on the Minister to consider all three of the reports
I have mentioned, as a stepping stone which, if followed
through, could help to steer us on a different path—one of
real, not just imagined, equality. As wrote
in her review, the time for talking is over; now is the
time to act. That will require a concerted and sustained
effort from us all, but the solutions are already there, if
we choose to apply them.
3.03 pm
-
(Glenrothes) (SNP)
Thank you, Mr Streeter. I am very pleased to contribute to
the debate, and I join in commending the hon. Member for
Brent Central (Dawn Butler) on her passionate and deeply
personal speech.
I still vividly remember when I first discovered what race
discrimination was. At the age of eight or nine, I was
watching the TV in my granny’s house and I realised that
there was a lot of stuff in the news about something called
anti-apartheid protests, which at the time I could not even
pronounce. I asked my mum what it meant, and she explained
that it was about a system in which black children and
white children were not allowed to go to the same school or
play against or with each other in football matches, a
system in which black people and white people were not
allowed to go on the same bus or to the same shops.
Basically, they were supposed to live their entire lives
without ever interacting with each other, except, of
course, where black people were working as domestic
servants, or near-slaves, for white people. Even as a wee
boy—I was not an angel; I was still telling the kind of
jokes in the playground that we now try to persuade
children not to tell—I could not imagine anyone wanting to
live in a society like that. Where I grew up there was not
a big ethnic minority population, but I could not imagine
wanting to see people divided by barbed wire fences because
of the colour of their skin, and almost 50 years later I
still cannot understand that. I cannot imagine why anyone
would choose that as a way to run a society.
Sometimes it is not even anything as much as the colour of
someone’s skin. Another clear memory I have, again about
South Africa, is that as a teenager I was watching a TV
documentary about a wee girl whose parents were white
Afrikaners. She was born with white skin, but somehow
manged to get facial features that meant she was classed as
a negro under the South African system. Her parents refused
to let her mix with the blacks, but other white parents did
not want their children mixing with her because they
thought that she was a negro, so the poor wee soul went to
about five different schools as a result of the outcomes of
court cases and education board appeals. I could not
understand why the parents did not see that as an
indictment of the apartheid system under which they lived.
The case even led to a change in the race laws in South
Africa, not to let black children and white children play
together in the playground—that would never have
happened—but to say that if two parents were certified
white Afrikaner, their children could not be classified as
anything else. That completely destroys any shred of
credibility that the argument that people are somehow born
to be superior or inferior ever had. It is a bit like
Crufts having to pass a law saying that it is not permitted
to breed two pedigree springer spaniels and call the
offspring an Alsatian or a poodle. So even as almost a
young man, I was aware that people were trying to put some
kind of scientific justification on racism, and I could
also see that anything approaching common sense said that
that just did not add up.
Something else I saw in that documentary helped me to
understand not where racism comes from but how it can be
perpetuated. A teacher of a class of white six-year-olds
was explaining why the blacks were inferior, talking about
how the “funny” shape of their eyes, ears, mouths and
noses, and the unclean colour of their skin, meant that
they had clearly been made to be inferior. Today, that
would, I hope, horrify even white South Africans, but at
that time it was how one of the wealthiest and supposedly
most developed countries was bringing up its children. It
is not surprising that it is taking a long time for those
children to realise the error of their ways.
Of course, we do not do that these days, we do not bring up
our children to support racial prejudices—except that we
do. Perhaps we do not do it in the same way, by getting
teachers to teach the creed of racism to our children, but
we do it through what we print on the front pages of our
newspapers. If we look back through the past year or two of
front-page headlines in some newspapers, the word “migrant”
appears more than almost any other word, and never in any
context other than to create fear and hatred and continue
to paint the myth that if someone is an immigrant they are
somehow a danger, rather than a benefit, to society. I have
even heard Members of the House of Commons speaking in
debates in the Chamber in such a way that makes an explicit
assumption that we have to vet every single Syrian refugee
because the fact that they come from a predominantly Muslim
country somehow makes them more likely to be a danger to us
than the criminals we are quite capable of growing among
the white working-class and middle-class populations around
the UK’s towns and cities.
It is that kind of assumption that has been identified as
the main theme of this UN international day for the
elimination of racial discrimination. The UN talks about
racial profiling and incitement to hatred, including in the
context of migration, and as someone said earlier, there
are one or two people who could do with heeding those words
very carefully indeed. I do not think it is a mistake to
link racial profiling with incitement to hatred, because I
cannot see any purpose behind such profiling other than
racial discrimination, and I cannot see any way that racial
discrimination can ever avoid going towards incitement of
hatred, racial violence and even worse.
Somebody has already mentioned the New York declaration for
refugees and migrants. It is worth reminding ourselves of
what that says:
“We strongly condemn acts and manifestations of racism,
racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance
against refugees and migrants, and the stereotypes often
applied to them...Demonizing refugees or migrants offends
profoundly against the values of dignity and equality for
every human being, to which we have committed ourselves.”
Those are very fine words. Sadly, too many of the
Governments whose heads signed up to those words show
something different by their actions. Imagine if every
child in America was asked to recite those words as well as
singing the “Star-Spangled Banner” at the start of the
school day. Imagine if every politician in these islands or
elsewhere had to recite those words as part of their oath
of office. Imagine that as well as—some people would say
instead of—a brief period of communal prayer in the
Christian tradition in this Chamber, we all stood on camera
and recited those or similar words each and every day
before we set about our deliberations. That would at least
send a message that what we are here for is to promote the
equality of human beings and not to promote inequality and
discrimination. Why can we not do something like that?
The horrific statistics that the Equality and Human Rights
Commission produced in its report last year have been
mentioned. Although the statistics are based on research in
England and Wales, it would be foolish and complacent to
suggest we would find anything significantly different in
most parts of Scotland or in most parts of the rest of the
United Kingdom. For all the fine words, and for all the
length of time that we have been claiming to be an equal
society, we are not.
I want to finish with some personal comments from in the
foreword to the document that was referred to earlier. She
says:
“Speaking on behalf of so many from a minority background,
I can simply say that all we ever wanted was to be seen as
an individual, just like anyone else.”
There is no reason on earth why that simple dream should
ever be beyond the reach of any human being on God’s earth.
3.11 pm
-
(East Renfrewshire)
(SNP)
It is pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Streeter.
I also commend the hon. Member for Brent Central (Dawn
Butler) for securing this debate and for her truly
excellent speech today.
I was interested to read that the UN high commissioner for
human rights has reminded Governments around the world that
they have a legal obligation to stop hate speech and hate
crimes, and has called on people everywhere to
“stand up for someone’s rights.”
He said:
“Politics of division and the rhetoric of intolerance are
targeting racial, ethnic, linguistic and religious
minorities, and migrants and refugees. Words of fear and
loathing can, and do, have real consequences.”
The hon. Member for Brent Central spoke eloquently about
those killed in Sharpeville, South Africa, when they
demonstrated against apartheid laws. In recognising that
and then proclaiming the international day in 1966, the UN
General Assembly called on the international community to
redouble its efforts to eliminate all forms of racial
discrimination. But here we are, 57 years on, with so much
to do. This issue affects everything. For so many people
all over the world, the spectre of racism and
discrimination looms large over their daily lives.
-
(Rutherglen and
Hamilton West) (SNP)
On that point, in a 2016 ruling the UN Committee on the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination asked the UK
Government to facilitate the Chagossians’ return to their
islands home and also to properly compensate them. Does my
hon. Friend agree that the Government must respect the
rights of the Chagossian people? The Government must uphold
international law and take proper action to allow them to
return home.
-
I thank my hon. Friend for that useful intervention. I
entirely agree with her point.
For many more people racism is an occasional concern, but
that concern still has the potential to destroy their
lives. It stifles their potential and that of their
children. It causes people to live in fear and despair. How
can it be that after all these years, so many people today
still have such cause for concern here and around the
world, and such starkly different life chances, simply
because of their race, their religious beliefs or where
they came from?
I make no apology for repeating today the concerns that I
highlighted in another debate in this Chamber recently. I
said I was worried and fearful in a way I had never been
previously for the future of my children, who are
mixed-race. That speech resulted in my receiving my very
own racist abuse, but that is absolutely nothing to how
people must feel when they are routinely treated
differently and unfairly, and abused, because of their
racial or religious background.
Let us be quite clear. Here and now there is a feeling
bubbling away that it is somehow becoming more acceptable
than it has been in my lifetime to treat people differently
because of the colour of their skin, because they are seen
as different. That needs to be acknowledged and addressed.
There is absolutely no doubt in my mind that the way to
address it is for Governments and people in our position in
Parliaments all over the world to stand up and speak out,
and, as the hon. Member for Brent Central put it, to be
anti-racist. The silence of politicians and the lack of
concern and action is exactly what is needed to let racism
and discrimination grow and take hold.
The politics of Trump and the politics of UKIP are sleekit,
and there is a huge danger that we will allow their nasty
racist nonsense to creep into our daily lives. It is
absolutely our job here to push against that and to make
sure that people know that we will always do so.
The more irresponsible political language and discourse
becomes, the worse the impact on anyone who appears
different or who can so easily be stereotyped and put into
somebody else’s makey-uppy box. As the UN has made clear,
such issues face people all over the world and, as we have
heard, people who are fleeing across the world. Imagine
fleeing persecution, war and terror and meeting with
hostility, suspicion and discrimination. Is that really
what we are all about?
Every time we turn our backs on people who are being
treated badly or fleeing for their lives, we make the
situation worse for many people, even beyond those directly
affected. What about the child refugees, all alone, whom
the UK Government cannot bring themselves to let in?
Turning them away sends a very powerful message: if you are
different, you are not wanted. Thank God they are not my
children.
Every time a politician who should know better—who does
know better—uses race as a political tool, they are not
only failing themselves, but failing so many other people
who deserve for all of us to be focused on fighting
discrimination. Yes, , that is you. I wish that
he would hear the eloquent words of the hon. Member for
Brent Central.
Maybe it would be easy for me to say, “Look at Scotland;
look at the Scottish Government.” It is true that one of
the big things that attracted me to join the SNP was the
focus on diversity and inclusion. It is true that the
Scottish Government have done much to foster a positive
sense of diversity and to welcome those fleeing, and I am
proud of all of that. However, as my hon. Friend the Member
for Glenrothes (Peter Grant) said, this is not an area
where we can have any degree of complacency. For all the
important work that has been done, there is always more to
do and there are always more issues to be addressed. So we
work hard at that all the time because it is important, and
because it is the right thing to do for all of us.
In concluding, I want to reflect on someone who made a big
impression on me, who I was delighted to hear our First
Minister quote in her welcoming and inclusive speech to our
conference on Saturday. The late MSP was a truly
inspirational man. He embodied much of what is best about
our modern, diverse, open Scotland. Born in Amritsar, he
came to Scotland from Pakistan and was elected as our first
Asian MSP in 2003. He campaigned tirelessly to give a voice
to communities that had been little heard from, and we all
benefit now from the steps he took then. When he launched
Scots Asians for Independence, he gave a speech saying:
“It isn't important where you come from, what matters is
where we are going together as a nation."
Now more than ever that should resonate with all of us here
and give us pause for thought as we go about our jobs.
3.18 pm
-
(Glasgow North East)
(SNP)
I congratulate the hon. Member for Brent Central (Dawn
Butler) on making me cry twice in a week. Thanks very much
for that. The first time was last week at the beautiful
event held at the Speaker’s House to mark this day. Today,
it was understandable that there were few dry eyes in here.
On 21 March 1960 an 82-year-old stonemason in Pretoria,
South Africa, wrote a poem in Scottish Gaelic with a
Swahili refrain condemning the bloody massacre in
Sharpeville of 69 black South Africans, many of them shot
in the back. Originally from the isle of Mull, Duncan
Livingstone was a Boer war veteran who had worked and lived
in Glasgow before emigrating to South Africa and spending
the rest of his life there. What was clear to that
Hebridean Glaswegian, whose work is still visible in the
city today, was clear to right-thinking people across the
world, and in 1966 the UN declared 21 March the
international day for the elimination of racial
discrimination.
While we seldom see such blatant and violent racism on such
a scale in developed countries, at least today, pernicious
racial discrimination remains in most if not all societies.
Just because most of us will never experience it and most
of us will rarely witness it, that does not mean it does
not happen. Some of it is in a blatant form. I did not want
to intervene on the hon. Member for Brent Central, because
the point she was making about race hate crimes was too
important, but I will say that the increase in Scotland was
very much less. I say that not to say “Scotland good,
England and Wales bad”; I say it because I think it has an
awful lot to do with the difference in political rhetoric
from each Government. It does make a difference.
We have not eliminated racism in Scotland. Far from it. Let
me fast-forward to Glasgow, 50 years on from when Duncan
Livingstone wrote that Gaelic-Swahili poem. About eight
years ago I accompanied a Sudanese friend to the housing
office, because I could not understand why, as a homeless
person, he had not been offered accommodation—anything at
all—one year on from becoming homeless, which happened as a
result of his refugee status being granted. The housing
office informed me that he was not classed as homeless
because he was staying with a friend. “But he’s sleeping on
a yoga mat on the living room floor, and has been for a
year,” I said. What did they say in response? They told me
that that did not necessarily constitute
homelessness—actually it does—because “lots of Africans are
used to sleeping on the ground. They like it.” That is
blatant. He was denied his legal rights. It was only eight
years ago. That is racial discrimination.
I think the really dangerous racism, other than
institutionalised racism, is that which is under the radar.
It is so subtle that unless you are the recipient, you
probably would not pick up on it. It is not always
intentional—most people do not want to be racist—but I have
heard people speak about black friends of mine not in
critical terms, but saying how they are quite aggressive
and forceful, when they are nothing of the sort—they are
simply expressing themselves. We all need to be honest with
ourselves about it, because confronting our own thinking is
the best way to change it. I am not excluding myself from
that. My partner is black and I have had people telling me
that therefore I must not be capable of racism; but that is
such a dangerous way to think. I am subjected to media
images and propaganda the same as anyone else. None of us
is immune to thinking or acting in a racially
discriminatory fashion, but we are all capable of
challenging our own thoughts and monitoring our actions,
and morally obliged to do so.
When I say none of us is immune, I primarily mean none of
us who are white. I sometimes read comments from white
people who say “But black people are just as racist”. I
keep saying we need to learn and educate ourselves, and I
am going to share something about my education around 20
years ago when I would hear people say that. I did not
really agree with the statement, but I was not sure why. It
did not sound right to me, but I would have agreed at the
very least that there was racism from some black people
towards white people. Then a good friend—a Mancunian
Pakistani with a bit of Glaswegian thrown in—explained that
while there might be prejudice from a black person to a
white person, as that black person probably is not as
propped up by the levers of power, as embedded in the UK’s
institutions, as immersed in the establishment of the UK,
it cannot be called racism. It is simply an opinion that
ordinarily has little impact on the white person’s life.
Racism—I am not trying to define it here—is about the
desire and ability to exercise power over someone because
of the colour of their skin and the colour of one’s own
skin. The world is still weighted in favour of white
people. The UK is still weighted in favour of white people.
That brings me to the biggest problem as I see it, which is
institutionalised racism. Who runs the judiciary? White
people. Who runs the Government? Primarily white people.
The civil service, Churches and media? White people. As for
some sections of the media and the responsibility they
have, we can talk about the irresponsible way they
behave—most Scots will remember when every drunk person in
a TV drama series or a film had to be Scottish. We hated
that, unless it was “Rab C. Nesbitt”, of course, but at
least we had positive role models too. Black children
growing up rarely had positive black role models. It was
not that they did not exist, just that they never got to
see them. Just as importantly, neither did we. Instead,
when black people were on TV it was generally a negative
portrayal. My partner Graham—he is Jamaican, and his mother
is from Grenada—told me that when Trevor McDonald came on
the news, it was an event. There he was, a black man being
listened to and taken seriously. Now, he says, it does not
even register with him when a black person is on TV and
being taken seriously. He did add, however, that it is
absolutely right that the next step has to be for them to
get parity in their industry.
I was going to talk about increasing income disparity
between people of different ethnicities as they become more
qualified, but the hon. Member for Bradford West (Naz Shah)
covered that for me, so I shall take the time instead to
respond to a comment from the hon. Member for Beckenham
(Bob Stewart) about letters he gets telling him that child
refugees should be brought here; he said none of the
letters offers to give them a bed. Who would write to their
MP to go through that process? That is not what people do.
No one writes to me offering to give a bed. It does not
mean that those people are not out there. As we have heard,
local authorities and Governments across these islands have
said that they have places available, and people available
to take children in.
-
I cannot give any personal constituency experience, but I
have good friends in a neighbouring constituency who wanted
to offer their entire house to Syrian refugees. At that
point the reason they could not was that the Home Office
was not planning to let in enough Syrian refugees for
Fife’s quota to fill one big house in North East Fife. That
may be why people have not offered to provide
houses—because there simply were not enough refugees being
allowed in to need the houses in the first place.
-
I sometimes do not know whether to laugh or cry in this
place.
-
In my constituency lots of people want to take in children,
but the sad truth is that the Government have said no more
children are allowed in. Does the hon. Lady agree that
perhaps the hon. Member for Beckenham (Bob Stewart) needs
to have a word with the Government about the Dubs amendment
before he starts talking about how people have changed in
this country?
-
I agree. I wish that the hon. Member for Beckenham had
stayed to listen, but perhaps we shall encourage him to
read Hansard.
To return to the hiding of positive black role models, it
is obviously worse for those who are not just black but
women as well. I want to tell the story of Mary Seacole, in
case hon. Members do not know it. She was a Scots Jamaican
nurse who raised the money to go to the Crimean war and
nurse war-wounded soldiers. What she did was not hugely
different from what Florence Nightingale did, although some
argue it was a lot better; I am not one of them. However,
they were remembered differently. Mary Seacole finally got
a statue last year. It sits outside St Thomas’s Hospital
facing the House of Commons. MPs will remember getting
letters from the Nightingale Society saying “Seacole was no
nurse. Fine, give her a statue, but not there—not in such a
prominent place. Hide it away somewhere.” I thought, given
that she was the first black woman in the UK to be honoured
in such a way, that that behaviour was an absolute
disgrace. What is also disgraceful is the fact that in 2016
she was the first black woman to have a named statue in her
honour. The history books are full of white people—men,
mainly, but white all the same—but history itself is full
of inspiring people of all ethnicities.
I want us to be able to look back in not too many years’
time and be horrified at some of the subtle racism we have
heard about today. I want us to be embarrassed that only a
tiny percentage of the Members of this House were from BME
communities in 2017, and to ask how on earth we allowed our
great institutions to be so white. If future generations
look back at us and shake their heads in disbelief, so be
it, because at least they will be living in a better time—a
time when, I hope, discrimination based on someone’s
ethnicity will have been completely eliminated.
3.29 pm
-
Ms (Ochil and
South Perthshire) (SNP)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr
Streeter. I congratulate the hon. Member for Brent Central
(Dawn Butler) on securing the debate and on setting the
scene so beautifully and eloquently, as always, and so
passionately as we observe this day. It is of course
important to mark this day. She said that we should be
united together with one voice. In turbulent political
times, it is wonderful to find any kind of platform where
we can join together in one voice, so we should embrace
that. My hon. Friend the Member for East Kilbride,
Strathaven and Lesmahagow (Dr Cameron) rightly spoke about
education being key, as it can widen horizons, but there is
an increasing propensity for discrimination online. We
should be concerned about young people’s exposure to that.
The hon. Member for Bradford West (Naz Shah) spoke about
black, Asian and minority ethnic representation in public
life. It is absolutely clear that we need to address that
face on. She also gave some shocking statistics on
employment. My hon. Friend the Member for Glenrothes (Peter
Grant) gave an international perspective and said that we
clearly are not an equal society. We are not, unless women
are given their due and rightful place, are paid
accordingly and have equal representation across society.
My hon. Friend the Member for East Renfrewshire (Kirsten
Oswald) always speaks out on these issues. She faced abuse
when she spoke out for people suffering racial abuse.
Unfortunately, that is what happens when we raise our
voices—we find ourselves also the subject of abuse. She
rightly expressed concern for her children, but she also
spoke, rightly, of the need to help those in need, wherever
they may be. She also spoke of the late , who was my friend
and a friend of my family. He is greatly missed, and his
words ring true today, just as they did so many years ago.
My hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow North East (Anne
McLaughlin), while stealing some of my time—I am always
happy to give it to her—gave her personal insight, as
usual. She has fought for equality all her life and has
never been afraid to speak out. I say to all those who
speak out that it means so very much to us as members of
the BAME community that people are prepared to do so. I
make that point as a BAME MP. I am proud to be standing
here with my fellow parliamentarians from the Scottish
National party, who are all non-BAME parliamentarians but
are happy to raise their voices and speak up for what is
right.
I often face the question, “Where do come from, Tasmina?”,
which is followed up with the question, “No, but where do
you really come from?” I want to take a couple of minutes
to speak about the impact of racism on young people and
children, because it endures and lasts a lifetime. You may
not have considered this to be so, Mr Streeter, but as a
child in Edinburgh—I was one of the first children of mixed
marriage, which started to take place a number of years
ago—I faced an awful lot of racial discrimination. I was
called many names: golliwog, black Sambo, Paki—you name it,
I got all of it. I was bullied at school, beaten up and so
on, and I did my very best to keep it from my parents. My
late father was from Pakistan, and the last thing I wanted
as a young child was for him to feel guilty that it was
because of him that I was facing that abuse. There are
young children who feel the same way today.
What is of even greater concern in relation to my children
and those of Members in the Chamber and those listening in
to the debate is that, as well as that racial
discrimination based on where someone comes from or the
country someone’s parents are thought to come from, there
is religion discrimination, too, which is of great concern
to us all. Discrimination makes people feel inferior. What
is the impact on later life? Women spend their whole lives
working doubly hard to show they are good enough—triply
hard if they are from the BAME community. They feel they
have to do so much more than anyone else to earn their
stripes. That is certainly something that I feel.
Women who have chosen to wear the hijab have experienced
much discrimination, which is unacceptable. As we have
heard from Members from all parties, it is a woman’s right
to wear what she wants, when she wants, whatever that might
be. We should always stand up for women in that respect.
Racial discrimination and racial profiling do exist. I have
been on international trips with fellows MPs, and it might
horrify you to learn, Mr Streeter, that the only person who
gets stopped at immigration is me. I get taken away for
questioning, and it is embarrassing. Let us be honest about
what exists. My colleagues, including one who is sitting
with us in Westminster Hall, have watched it happen.
In her conference speech at the weekend, our First Minister
asked:
“What kind of country do we want to be?”
She has asked that on many an occasion, and a Member here
today asked that. We should continually ask ourselves that
question: what do we want our country to look like? What
kind of impression do we want people to have of us, whether
that is us in the UK or from our perspective in Scotland? I
hope that we want to be an outward-looking country. We in
Scotland pride ourselves on that. At our conference at the
weekend, we had a fantastic session where we highlighted
and profiled our BAME candidates who are standing in the
forthcoming council elections. That was not a sideshow or a
fringe event; it was main stage, because that is where BAME
people should be in public life. I hope and trust that they
found it as fulfilling as I did to watch. I am sure those
in the audience enjoyed their contribution, as well.
The UK Government have allowed an obsession on immigration,
targets and toxic rhetoric to develop. The phrases have
become all too common. Those with power have tremendous
platforms, and they should use their words to impact
positively on people’s lives. If they do not do that, they
impact negatively. They have to talk about being an
inclusive, welcoming society on all the stages and at every
opportunity they have. If they fail to do so, it is the
people from BAME communities who face the consequences—our
children, their children, refugees and people who are
fleeing conflict and war to make this country their
home—not them. We are so much better than that. If we are
in a society where people are questioning whether we should
be taking in refugees, we have to take a good look at
ourselves and wonder, “What kind of platform have we
created? What kind of society have we created that people
even think they can say such things?”
There is much work to do, and I hope we can work together
across the House on that. I ask the Minister to implore his
colleagues in Government to use every platform they have to
engage positively on the importance of immigration and how
people from different backgrounds contribute not only to
the economy, but to tradition, culture and all the things
that should be making Scotland and the whole of the United
Kingdom great.
3.37 pm
-
(Leeds North East) (Lab)
I thank every Member who has contributed this afternoon,
but most especially I congratulate my hon. Friend the
Member for Brent Central (Dawn Butler). Sadly, this debate
is more important than ever before, as we try to eliminate
that which divides us and celebrate that which unites us.
I had the privilege of being born and growing up in my hon.
Friend’s constituency, in Willesden Green. The first 19
years of my life were spent there. Even in the 1960s, it
was one of the most multicultural parts of Great Britain.
It was something that we celebrated. Growing up there in
the 1960s, it was normal to see people of all backgrounds,
faiths, skin colours and religions, whether that was in my
street, my school or my home, where my father operated his
office as a local solicitor. It was a shock to go to the
University of York in 1974, where I seemed to be the
blackest person in the city.
My father’s experience in fleeing Europe in 1934 and coming
to this country unable to speak English was very important
in my upbringing and my understanding of what
discrimination is about. He was fleeing an increasingly
Nazi Europe, increasing intolerance towards Jews and
increasing violence against Jews. He came to this country
seeking sanctuary, which he was given. After school, he
joined the British army. He had become a British citizen,
and by then of course he spoke very good English. Fighting
in occupied France was a lesson for him in why a united
Europe was important and why racism and discrimination must
be eliminated. He never spoke of that time in France, but
he helped to set up the Willesden Friendship Society in the
1960s. People from all backgrounds and from all over the
world came to our house in Jeymer Avenue and talked about
how we could make our community much more multicultural and
less discriminatory.
I am proud to now represent one of the most multicultural
constituencies in Yorkshire, apart from that of my hon.
Friend the Member for Bradford West (Naz Shah), of course.
In north-east Leeds, we have perhaps a greater diversity,
if not a greater majority of people from different
backgrounds. Chapeltown is historically the place where
people have come to seek refuge from other countries and
from persecution to make a better life in Great Britain.
They include Jews escaping the pogroms of the nineteenth
century and people coming from parts of Africa to escape
persecution today.
I was chair of the Leeds City Council race equality
committee for six years and learned how we could adopt
policies to try to bring our citizens together to share
what we had in the great city of Leeds, my adopted home,
and to create a better society for everybody. Chapeltown
has the oldest West Indian carnival in the country; I am
glad to say it is older even than that in Notting Hill, by
one year. We celebrate our 50th anniversary this year. It
is a coming together of people from all different
backgrounds to celebrate carnival among ourselves, even if
we have never visited the Caribbean.
A middle-aged woman, originally from the Philippines, came
to see me shortly after the referendum campaign. She was in
deep distress. This will echo a lot of the contributions
made this afternoon: her distress was based on the fact
that her next-door neighbour came up to her the day after
the referendum, 24 June, and said, “Have you packed your
bags yet?” She explained that she was British and had lived
in this country for 20 years; she works as a nurse at Leeds
General Infirmary. He said, “But have you packed your bags
yet?” She said, “Why? I am not European.” He said, “No. We
voted yesterday for all of you lot to leave the country.”
That is the kind of division that we are seeing up and down
our nation, from Scotland right down to Cornwall, and it is
something that I know everyone in this room and in this
House would agree is entirely reprehensible.
The struggle against apartheid, which many have referred to
this afternoon, galvanised many of us in the ’70s when I
was growing up and when I was at university and becoming
politically aware—many of my friends and family were, too.
South Africa and the struggle against apartheid brought
many people into the Labour party and many other political
parties—I would say all political parties represented in
this House today. It was the struggle against the blatant
discrimination and injustice that we saw on our TV screens
that galvanised many of us into political action. It was
certainly my political awakening.
We have heard some excellent contributions today. I was
also almost in tears listening to the contribution from my
hon. Friend the Member for Brent Central. I thank her very
much for that. She said enhancing other people’s rights
does not diminish our rights. That should be a motto for
all of us. Enhancing other people’s rights does not affect
us—it makes and helps to create the better society that we
are all here to try to create.
In her typically gentle way, my good friend— I hope she
will not mind my calling her that—the hon. Member for East
Kilbride, Strathaven and Lesmahagow (Dr Cameron) made a
powerful point about her visit to the refugee families in
Jordan and Lebanon with the International Development
Committee. I have also made such a visit: I went to Azraq
in Jordan in January, as a member of the Front-Bench team.
She also said something important that relates back to the
Holocaust: that we must learn the lessons of the Holocaust,
to celebrate the diversity of our society. Just last
Sunday, I was with the Holocaust Survivors Friendship
Association, in my constituency in Leeds, meeting with men
and women now in their 90s—the youngest was 88—who survived
the Holocaust and still live today to tell the stories and
to share the experience that they suffered. That is
something we must never forget.
We heard excellent contributions from, for example, my hon.
Friend the Member for Bradford West, who always speaks so
powerfully, on this subject and many others. We heard from
the hon. Members for Glenrothes (Peter Grant), for East
Renfrewshire (Kirsten Oswald) and for Glasgow North East
(Anne McLaughlin). We heard an intervention from the
gallant Member, the hon. Member for Beckenham (Bob
Stewart). I am sorry he is not in his place. I have had
many dealings with him. He is someone I admire enormously
for what he has done in his military career and since he
has been here in the House. He said something interesting
about Syrian children. He said that not one of his
constituents pleading for Syrian children to come and be
looked after here by his constituents or anyone else has
actually offered their home. One contribution this
afternoon pointed out that people would not write to their
MP to offer their home for a Syrian child or family, but I
can tell you that I have received those letters. I am sure
many of us have.
-
Mr (in the
Chair)
So have I.
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Many of us have had constituents saying, “I have spare
bedrooms; come and use my bedroom. I am offering it to
those families.”
Let me conclude so that the Minister can answer the many
excellent points that have been made this afternoon. We
have heard condemnation—rightly so—of Nigel Farage’s
infamous “Breaking Point” poster, which was, of course,
incredibly offensive to all of us, so I will not say any
more about that, but I would like to ask the Minister about
the lack of support for the rights of EU nationals living
in the UK after we leave the European Union. Can he can say
something about whether he believes that that has
contributed to an increasingly hostile environment for EU
nationals still living in the UK? What are the Government
going to do to ensure that a message of zero tolerance
towards racially motivated crimes in general gets
broadcast? I know that the Minister is committed to that,
but I would like to hear more about what he is going to do.
We have heard that the Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor
Orbán, has adopted, like Donald Trump, vitriolic rhetoric
towards refugees and migrants, threatening to refuse entry
to any non-Christian, while also putting up barbed wire
fences and using tear gas to disperse crowds of refugees
and migrants. Yet Hungary is still in the European Union. I
hope the EU is able to do something about that.
It is worth remembering that, in many Western societies, it
is still often the case that racial and religious
minorities are one and the same. We need to adopt an
approach to foreign policy challenges such as the refugee
crisis that is based on a fundamental rejection of
religious bias as well as racial bias.
Finally, I press the Minister to set out in more detail how
the Government plan to co-ordinate with the European Union
after Brexit on major foreign policy issues and potentially
on asylum reform. Those should be key issues in the article
50 negotiations, but to date the Government have said next
to nothing about them—a concern that was highlighted last
week by the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs, among
others. In our society, there is no place for racism. We
believe—I am sure we all believe—that there is one race:
the human race.
3.47 pm
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The Minister for Europe and the Americas (Sir Alan
Duncan)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr
Streeter. I congratulate the hon. Member for Brent Central
(Dawn Butler) on securing the debate. I genuinely commend
her for the moving way in which she presented her case and
the words of her song—I have to say there was a moment when
I thought she was going to sing it.
I was pleased to hear the hon. Member for Glasgow North
East (Anne McLaughlin) mention the great Mary Seacole. It
is right that we remember her contribution. We remember her
in Government too. The Home Office building in Westminster
is made up of three buildings—one is named after Robert
Peel, one after Elizabeth Fry and the other after Mary
Seacole—so Ministers and officials are reminded of her
every day as they go about their work, much of which may
well be on the issue we are debating today.
On the international day for the elimination of racial
discrimination—a day on which my right hon. Friend the
Prime Minister has made a very definitive statement—we also
remember what happened in the township of Sharpville in
South Africa in March 1960 and those who died in what was
supposed to have been a peaceful protest. We express our
total solidarity with all victims of racism and reiterate
our determination to challenge discrimination in whatever
form it takes, at home and abroad. Combating all forms of
racism remains an important part of this Government’s
international human rights policy. I would like to set out
some of the work that we are doing around the world.
The UN convention on the elimination of all forms of racial
discrimination underpins international co-operation to
prevent, combat and eradicate racism. Effective
implementation of the convention is essential if we are to
achieve its aims. That is why the UN General Assembly
reviews that implementation through a UN resolution. As a
co-sponsor of the resolution, the UK takes a leading role
in the United Nations’ work to counter racism worldwide.
Through the UN, we work to ensure the international
community focuses on strengthening national, regional and
international legal frameworks to make a reality of the
protections contained in the convention. During the current
Human Rights Council session in Geneva, we are working very
hard to build international consensus about the importance
of fighting racism and the best ways to do it.
The UN is not our only channel for that work. We are also
working through other key international institutions. For
instance, through the Organisation for Security and
Co-operation in Europe we are supporting countries with a
disaggregation of hate crimes data. It is fair to say that
the UK has become a world leader in this area. Furthermore,
last year we co-hosted, with Poland, an OSCE event in which
we shared the lessons learned in our response to the
absolutely unacceptable spike in reported hate crime
following the EU referendum.
We are also supporting projects that tackle anti-Semitism.
For example, we are funding the translation into Polish and
Romanian of the “Police Officer’s Guide to Judaism”. That
guide to Jewish religious practice is published by the
Community Security Trust to help police officers to
effectively and sensitively investigate anti-Semitic
crimes. As part of our continued commitment to fight
anti-Semitism, we remain an active member of the
International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance.
The UK is also represented by our independent expert,
Michael Whine, on the European Commission against Racism
and Intolerance. That organisation monitors racism,
xenophobia and other forms of hate crime, and prepares
reports and issues recommendations to Council of Europe
member states. Having the UK represented by an expert
ensures that the UK’s approach to race equality issues is
heard and properly understood in the Council of Europe.
The UK’s strong international reputation in the fight
against racism is underpinned by our long and proud
tradition as an open and tolerant nation. Although work
remains to be done, we can credibly claim that Britain
today is a successful multi-ethnic country. Members of our
African, Caribbean, Asian and other ethnic minority
communities are represented in every area of British
society—in business, academia, sport, the arts and
politics.
The UK also has some of the strongest equalities
legislation in the world, but we know that on its own it is
not enough. We have to recognise and challenge racism and
discrimination whenever they occur. The Prime Minister has
made clear her determination to do just that. One of her
first acts in office was to launch an unprecedented audit
of public services to reveal racial disparities. That audit
is being conducted right across our public services, from
health, education, employment, skills and criminal justice.
It may reveal difficult truths, but we should not be
apologetic about shining a light on any injustice. It is
only by doing so that we can make this a country that works
for absolutely everyone.
As has been mentioned today, the despicable rise in racist
incidents after the EU referendum highlighted even more
strongly the need to tackle the scourge of hate crime. That
is why in July we published a new hate crime action plan
that focuses on reducing incidents, increasing reporting
and improving support for victims. It was accompanied by an
additional £1 million for prevention work. We will review
the plan next year to ensure it is delivering on its
commitments. In January, my right hon. Friend the Secretary
of State for Communities and Local Government announced a
further £375,000 of new funding to tackle hate crime. The
new package will support a range of organisations working
with faith and minority communities that have historically
faced challenges in reporting hate crime.
As part of the Government’s continued commitment to
building strong, united communities, we have spent more
than £60 million since 2010 on our integration programme to
bring communities together. We have provided more than £5
million since 2010-11 to the Holocaust Memorial Day Trust
as part of our ongoing commitment to holocaust remembrance
and education, and just under 6,000 local commemorative
events took place in January. We are also proud to fund
Tell MAMA—Measuring Anti-Muslim Attacks—the first service
to record anti-Muslim incidents and support the victims. So
far, we have provided more than £1 million to fund it. In
the coming months, the Government will bring forward plans
for tackling the issues raised in Dame Louise Casey’s
report into integration and opportunity in isolated and
deprived communities.
Once again, I thank the hon. Member for Brent Central for
initiating this debate. I and the Government believe that
every individual, regardless of their racial or ethnic
origin, should be able to fulfil his or her potential
through the enjoyment of equal rights, equal opportunities
and fair responsibilities. The Government reiterate our
commitment to stand up against injustice and inequality
wherever it occurs. As the Prime Minister said, it is by
tackling the injustice and unfairness that drives us apart
and by nurturing the responsibilities of citizenship that
we can build a shared society and make it the bedrock of a
stronger and fairer Britain that truly works for everyone.
3.56 pm
-
It has been a pleasure to serve under your stewardship, Mr
Streeter. I am disappointed that the Minister has not
committed to ensuring that we mark this day every year in our
calendar in the UK. The Government have some programmes, but
I can tell the Minister that the audit will find that the
system is flawed, and Government legislation is compounding
the situation for people from minority communities. The cost
of tribunal fees is stopping people getting justice when they
deserve it. I can also tell the Minister that most of the
laws for promoting equality were passed under a Labour
Government.
I thank the Minister for agreeing that we will mark this
day—the Government are willing to mark it—every year. I may
have missed it, but I hope he will write to me at a later
date to confirm that the Government are indeed committed to
marking this day as the UN international day for the
elimination of racial discrimination. I thank everybody who
contributed to the debate. Their excellent contributions show
that there is a deep understanding of the issue and what
needs to be done to work towards achieving our goal of
fairness in society.
Question put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That this House has considered the UN International Day for
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.
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