Class 4 National Insurance Contributions 2.02 pm The
Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr Philip Hammond) With
permission, Mr Speaker, I wish to make a statement on national
insurance contributions paid by the self-employed. As I set
out in the Budget last Wednesday, the gap between benefits
available to the self-employed and those in employment has
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Class 4 National Insurance Contributions
2.02 pm
-
The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr Philip Hammond)
With permission, Mr Speaker, I wish to make a statement on
national insurance contributions paid by the self-employed.
As I set out in the Budget last Wednesday, the gap between
benefits available to the self-employed and those in
employment has closed significantly over the last few
years. Most notably, the introduction of the new state
pension in April 2016 is worth an additional £1,800 to a
self-employed person for each year of retirement. It
remains our judgment, as I said last week, that the current
differences in benefit entitlement no longer justify the
scale of difference in the level of total national
insurance contributions paid in respect of employees and
the self-employed.
Right hon. and hon. Members will be aware that there has
been a sharp increase in self-employment over the last few
years. Our analysis suggests that a significant part of
that increase is driven by differences in tax treatment.
Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs estimates that the cost
to the public finances of this trend is around £5 billion
this year alone, and the Office for Budget Responsibility
estimates that the parallel increase in incorporation will
cost more than £9 billion a year by the end of the
Parliament. That represents a significant risk to the tax
base, and thus to the funding of our vital public services.
The measures I announced in the Budget sought to reflect
more fairly the differences in entitlement in the
contributions made by the self-employed. The Government
continue to believe that addressing this unfairness is the
right approach. However, since the Budget, parliamentary
colleagues and others have questioned whether the proposed
increase in class 4 contributions is compatible with the
tax lock commitments made in our 2015 manifesto.
Ahead of last year’s autumn statement, the Prime Minister
and I decided that however difficult the fiscal challenges
we face, the tax lock and spending ring fence commitments
we have made for this Parliament should be honoured in
full. I made that clear in my autumn statement to this
House. As far as national insurance contributions are
concerned, the locks were legislated for in the National
Insurance Contributions (Rate Ceilings) Act 2015. When the
Bill was introduced, it was made clear by Ministers that
the lock would apply only to class 1 contributions. The
measures I set out in the Budget fall within the
constraints set out by the tax lock legislation and the
spending ring fences. However, it is clear from discussions
with colleagues over the last few days that this
legislative test of the manifesto commitment does not meet
a wider understanding of the spirit of that commitment.
It is very important both to me and to my right hon. Friend
the Prime Minister that we comply with not just the letter
but the spirit of the commitments that were made.
Therefore, as I set out in my letter this morning to the
Chair of the Select Committee on the Treasury, my right
hon. Friend the Member for Chichester (Mr Tyrie), I have
decided not to proceed with the class 4 NICs measures set
out in the Budget. There will be no increases in NIC rates
in this Parliament.
For the avoidance of doubt, and as I set out in the Budget,
we will go ahead with the abolition of class 2 national
insurance contributions from April 2018. Class 2 is an
outdated and regressive tax, and it remains right that it
should go. I will set out in the autumn Budget further
measures to fund, in full, today’s decision.
I undertook in the Budget speech to consult over the summer
on options to address the principal outstanding area of
difference in benefit entitlement between the employed and
the self-employed: parental benefits. We will go ahead with
that review, but we now intend to widen the exercise to
look at the other areas of difference in treatment,
alongside the Government’s consideration of the forthcoming
report by , chief executive
of the RSA, on the implications for employment rights of
different ways of working in a rapidly changing economy.
Once we have completed these pieces of work, the Government
will set out how we intend to take forward and fund reforms
in this area.
Reducing the unfairness of the difference in the tax
treatment of those who are employed and those who are
self-employed remains the right thing to do, but this
Government set great store in the faith and trust of the
British people, especially as we embark on the process of
negotiating our exit from the European Union. By making
this change today, we are listening to colleagues and
demonstrating our determination to fulfil both the letter
and the spirit of our manifesto tax commitments. I commend
this statement to the House.
2.08 pm
-
(Hayes and Harlington)
(Lab)
This is chaos. It is shocking and humiliating that the
Chancellor has been forced to come here to reverse a key
Budget decision announced less than a week ago. If the
Chancellor had spent less time writing stale jokes for his
speech and the Prime Minister less time guffawing like a
feeding seal on the Treasury Bench, we would not have been
landed in this mess.
Let us be clear: this was a £2 billion tax hike for many
low and middle earners, and a clearcut and cynical breaking
of a manifesto promise. Sickeningly, at the same time that
the Chancellor was cutting taxes for the rich and
corporations, large numbers of self-employed people have
been put through the mangle over the past week, worried
about how they would cope with this tax increase, yet today
there is not a word of apology. Nobody should be too
arrogant to use the word “sorry” when they blunder so
disastrously.
Let me thank all those who helped to force this reversal.
My right hon. Friend the leader of the Labour party was the
first to raise the matter in his response to the Budget.
Labour MPs, many other Members across the House, the
Federation of Small Businesses and several trade unions
forced the Chancellor to see sense, but this blunder has
consequences that he now has to address. The £2 billion
that would have been raised was to go some way to tackling
the social care crisis. We need to know where these
desperately needed funds will come from now. We need
guarantees from the Chancellor that no working people will
be hit, either now or in the autumn statement, with stealth
or other tax rises, and that there will be no further cuts
to public services to pay for this blunder.
The Prime Minister and the Cabinet would have been briefed
on the contents of the Budget in advance. Did the Prime
Minister or any Cabinet Member raise their concerns with
the Chancellor before he announced the measure? The
Chancellor has announced a review. We need him to set a
clear deadline for that review, and to give a commitment
that its findings will be reported and debated on the Floor
of this Chamber. We need him to address the real issues
facing the self-employed: the scourge of bogus
self-employment; the exploitation that goes on under that
guise; the pressure from large corporations to reduce costs
relating to the self-employed unrealistically; the problem
of late payments; the lack of access to maternity pay; no
paternity pay; no adoption pay; no sick pay; no
compassionate leave; and no carer’s leave. That is the real
agenda that should have been addressed last week, not tax
hikes.
We welcome this reversal, but we now need an honest and
forthright commitment that the self-employed agenda will be
addressed. These people are the engine of our economy. They
deserve to be respected, not attacked in the way they were
seven days ago.
-
Mr Hammond
To echo what my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said
in Question Time, I am rather reluctant to take lessons
from the right hon. Gentleman on anything except, perhaps,
chaos theory; he certainly knows something about that. He
talks about being forced to make a decision. We have
listened to our colleagues and the voices of public
opinion. In my view, that is how Parliament should work. We
listen to what our colleagues say and make our decisions
based on that. As I said to the House a few moments ago, we
remain clear that the issue needs to be addressed. We have
recognised that there is a legitimate view that the
commitments that were made need to be interpreted widely;
we have said that we will interpret them in that way and
not go ahead with any national insurance contributions
increases in this Parliament.
The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the leader of the Labour
party, who, apart from in his performance today at Prime
Minister’s questions, has scarcely mentioned class 4
national insurance contributions; he scarcely did so in his
response to the Budget. I do not know whether the right
hon. Member for Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell) is
even aware of this, but the Labour party actually has a
self-employment commission, which it established last
November. At the time it was established, the hon. Member
for Oldham East and Saddleworth (Debbie Abrahams), the
shadow Secretary of State for Work and Pensions,
acknowledged the need to address the discrepancies in
access to entitlements and the contributions that pay for
them. Despite the understandable tone of the right hon.
Member for Hayes and Harlington, I hope that he agrees
that, on the substantive underlying issues, there is a
significant degree of agreement across the House that there
is a discrepancy and a threat to the tax base that will
have to be addressed over time.
The right hon. Gentleman talks about additional benefits
for the self-employed. Of course we will review the issues
around parental benefits, as I said in the Budget—we will
actually take the review wider than that—but I hope that he
agrees that if additional benefits are to be made
available, we will have to look at how to pay for them, and
it will not be done by borrowing half a trillion pounds
that the country cannot afford and our children will be
left paying for.
-
Mr (Chichester)
(Con)
This announcement bolsters trust in the Government’s other
commitments, and removes the perception of a cigarette
paper between No. 10 and No. 11, so it is doubly welcome.
Does the Chancellor agree that a differential should, none
the less, remain in the long run to reflect the additional
risk taken by the self-employed when they are doing their
job?
-
Mr Hammond
In the Budget speech last week, I made very clear that we
were seeking to close the gap a little. We were not seeking
to equalise the contributions treatment of the employed and
self-employed, as there are very good reasons why there may
well need to be a gap. That is why we will look at this in
the round—contributions, entitlements and the way the whole
package works for the self-employed. Let us come back to
this once we have completed the review, have the work and can look
at the problem in the round.
-
(Dundee East)
(SNP)
I said last week that this decision would come back to
haunt the Chancellor, and it has, but little did I expect
that when it did, No. 10 and No. 11 would be briefing
against each other. It is almost as if the halcyon days of
and never really went
away. However, I welcome the U-turn today, not least
because about 140,000 Scottish self-employed people would
have been affected by it, and many of them would have
earned slightly below, on or only slightly more than the
average wage. I am delighted that the Scottish National
party went in to bat for the squeezed middle against this
Chancellor.
Today’s U-turn has all the characteristics of the pasty
tax, the caravan tax and the omnishambles Budget. The
Chancellor said that he would fill the gap in the autumn,
and I will listen carefully to what he says then, but will
he give us an assurance today that he will not simply find
another clever way of dipping into the pockets of modestly
paid self-employed people? More importantly, if he changes
the tax or national insurance regime for self-employed
people in the future, will he have proper consultation in
advance with their representatives, so that they are not
hit with the uncertainty that they have faced over the past
week?
-
Mr Hammond
On the last point, we will, of course, consult people
widely over the course of the summer as we carry out the
review. The hon. Gentleman will know that it is intrinsic
in the Budget process that it is difficult to have any kind
of proper consultation when preparing a Budget. He asked
about measures in the autumn Budget. I said that all
spending measures in the spring Budget would be fully
funded by revenue raises or reductions in spending
elsewhere in that Budget, so that it was broadly fiscally
neutral. As a result of the decision I have announced
today, the spring Budget is no longer broadly fiscally
neutral, but I am committed to addressing that issue in the
autumn. The intention remains to balance the measures that
we are delivering between spending and taxation.
-
Mrs
(Berwick-upon-Tweed) (Con)
I thank the Chancellor for listening to the voices of
colleagues and deciding to reverse the proposals. The
genuinely self-employed carry real financial risk by
working for themselves. I know that a Conservative
Government really want a tax system that will support
risk-takers and growth-creators, so will the Chancellor
commit to working over the coming months with colleagues
who believe it is time to take a holistic and simplifying
view on personal taxation for the self-employed that will
support wholeheartedly those who build new businesses and
take a risk?
-
Mr Hammond
Yes, I can assure my hon. Friend that this Government will
always be on the side of those who genuinely strive to take
risks, to innovate, to grow businesses and to contribute in
that way to the economy. However, the right hon. Member for
Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell), in his response to
the statement, addressed the issue of bogus
self-employment, and he is right: there is a problem of
bogus self-employment. There is a problem of employers who
are refusing to employ people, requiring them to be
“self-employed”. There is a problem of individuals being
advised by high street accountants that they can save tax
by restructuring the way they work. We do believe that
people should have choices, and we do believe that there
should be a diversity of ways of working in the economy—we
just do not believe that that should be driven by unfair
tax advantages.
-
Several hon. Members rose—
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Mr Speaker
Order. I remind the House that colleagues who arrived in
the Chamber after the start of the statement should not
stand or expect to be called. That is a very long-standing
convention of the House.
-
(Nottingham East)
(Lab/Co-op)
This is obviously an acutely embarrassing episode for the
Chancellor, but will he not acknowledge that it is also
quite embarrassing for those of his colleagues, including
the Prime Minister, whom he sent out there to defend this
breaking of the manifesto commitment? Has he already
apologised to the Prime Minister and to his colleagues, or
will he take this opportunity to say sorry to them from the
Dispatch Box?
-
Mr Hammond
I find it a bit extraordinary that that should be the hon.
Gentleman’s intervention. He, after all, is the one who
said that Labour would fund its £500 billion plans by
doubling income tax, doubling national insurance, doubling
council tax and doubling VAT. He is the one who sounded the
alarm on the Opposition side.
Look, I have had extensive conversations with colleagues
since the Budget, over the weekend, and in the Lobby last
night and on Monday. I have had lots of discussions with
the Prime Minister over the last few days, as the hon.
Gentleman would expect. As he would also expect, I am not
about to give the House the full detail of those private
conversations.
-
(Loughborough)
(Con)
I commend my right hon. Friend for his statement today and
for recognising what colleagues and others have been saying
to him. I also commend him for recognising that the
employment market in this country is changing: there are
more people who are self-employed, and that needs to be
addressed. Does he not think it is right that it is the
Conservative party that is asking those questions about how
we balance our books, rather than the Labour party, which
has no clue whatever about how to pay off the deficit or
pay off our debt?
-
Mr Hammond
I am grateful to my right hon. Friend. We have, absolutely,
recognised the view of colleagues on the crucial issue of
the manifesto commitment. However, on the substantive issue
of the differences in treatment of people who are employed
and people who are self-employed, there is a fundamental
structural challenge that will have to be addressed, and
that includes the question of how we extend appropriate
benefits to people who are in self-employment, so that they
get the full range of entitlements, as well as contributing
in an appropriate way. We are clear that the right thing to
do now is to rule out any increases in national insurance
contributions during this Parliament, but that does not
mean that we should not do the work, carry out this review
and present our findings in due course, and we will do so.
-
Ms (Wallasey) (Lab)
Of 28 measures in this Budget, the Chancellor has had to
come in a humiliating fashion to the House today to cast
away the one that actually raised money. He has just told
us that £14 billion of tax revenue is at risk because of
the way national insurance is encouraging people to become,
apparently, self-employed, and encouraging other abuses. He
has told us he is not going to deal with that in this
Parliament, so what is he going to do to safeguard the tax
base in the meantime, while he does his review and
belatedly puts into effect the manifesto commitment on
which he fought the last election?
-
Mr Hammond
I have to say that that was an extraordinary contribution,
because the hon. Lady cannot have it both ways or, to put
it another way, have her cake and eat it. She wants me to
adopt a broad interpretation of manifesto commitments and
to adhere to it, and she wants me to protect the revenue
base by addressing the difference in contribution treatment
between the employed and the self-employed. I say to her,
as I have just said to my right hon. Friend the Member for
Loughborough (Nicky Morgan), that we will have to address
that difference in due course. However, given the
interpretation that is clearly out there of the manifesto
commitment that was made, our priority now is to show that
we will deliver on the spirit as well as the letter of that
commitment, and we will not increase national insurance
contributions in this Parliament.
-
Sir (West Dorset)
(Con)
I am sure my right hon. Friend is right to deal with this
issue in the round, but I hope he will not allow that in
any way to deflect him from the very sensible Budget
judgment he made in respect of fiscal neutrality or from
the need for the structural reforms he is putting forward.
Did he notice, as I did, that the shadow Chancellor asked
him to fill the gap without reducing spending or increasing
taxes? Does he know how that could be fulfilled?
-
Mr Hammond
The straight answer to my right hon. Friend is that only in
the la la land that the Labour party occupies is that trick
is possible. Of course, my right hon. Friend is right to
draw attention to the issue, and I emphasise again my
commitment in this Budget to fiscal neutrality—the right
hon. Member for Hayes and Harlington (John McDonnell), of
course, does not believe in fiscal neutrality.
-
Oh, dear me. You just, in a week, reversed a decision—
-
The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr Philip Hammond)
The right hon. Gentleman says, “Dear me”. I repeat: he does
not—[Interruption.]
-
Mr Speaker
Order. We cannot have these shouting matches across the
Chamber. [Interruption.] It is not for me to tell anybody
to do anything. I am asking people not to do things that
they should not do: shouting across the Box. I now exhort
the Chancellor to continue with his response.
-
Mr Hammond
Thank you, Mr Speaker.
The right hon. Gentleman does not believe in fiscal
neutrality—that is a fact. He believes in borrowing £500
billion of additional money, and saddling our children and
our grandchildren with that debt. However, I very much take
my right hon. Friend’s advice on maintaining fiscal
neutrality and dealing with the structural issue that
underlies this statement.
-
(Birkenhead) (Lab)
To make up the loss in revenue, might the Chancellor
consider bearing down on those employers who force their
employees into self-employment against their wishes,
destabilise their lives and thereby get out of paying
national insurance contributions, which all good employers
do pay?
-
Mr Hammond
The right hon. Gentleman is right. As I have said, there
is, as the economy changes shape, an increasing tendency
for employers, effectively, to drive people out of
employment and into what is thinly disguised employment,
badged as self-employment. That is one of the issues that
is looking at in
his review. I have had the opportunity to have a
preliminary meeting with him. We are very much looking
forward to receiving his report in due course, and we will
respond to it.
-
(Rossendale and Darwen)
(Con)
I declare my interest as a self-employed solicitor. I
commend the Chancellor on coming to the House today and
putting forward his views about changes in self-employment.
Will he join me in commending the literally thousands of
people across Rossendale and Darwen who go out, start
businesses, make money and are self-employed? When they
voted in the last general election, they knew that a
Conservative Government would not only protect their tax
rates, but create the economic environment in which they
could start and grow their business.
-
Mr Hammond
My hon. Friend is absolutely right: it is about the
environment being conducive to people starting and running
small businesses. I congratulate those in Rossendale who do
that—who get up every morning and who are prepared to take
those risks. They will now benefit from the abolition of
class 2 national insurance contributions, making them that
little bit better off.
-
(Leeds West)
(Lab)
Will the Chancellor confirm when the decision to make this
U-turn was made? Is not the truth that this was the Prime
Minister’s decision, not his?
-
Mr Hammond
Clearly, that is the story the hon. Lady would like to
believe, but, unfortunately, it is not true. As Members
would expect, I have been discussing the Budget and these
issues with the Prime Minister since last Wednesday, just
as I have discussed them with many colleagues over the
weekend, and we have had several meetings over the last few
days. The final decision to make this announcement to the
House was made this morning—just after 8 o’clock—and I have
come here at the earliest reasonable opportunity to inform
the House.
-
Mrs (St Albans)
(Con)
There are 7,000 self-employed individuals in St Albans,
representing 16% of the economically active. I thank the
Chancellor for listening to the representations that I made
in my letter to him. Those people will welcome the
three-year end-of-Parliament commitment that he has made on
this matter, which gives certainty. He is absolutely right
to look at this issue. He is a very honourable man in
coming here and honouring our manifesto today, and he
should ignore the criticisms from the Opposition.
-
Mr Hammond
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. I have to say that I
generally find it much more fruitful listening to the
advice and thoughts of my hon. Friends than listening to
the comments from the Opposition.
-
(Gordon) (SNP)
We all noted that the Chancellor brought along the First
Lord of the Treasury today for support, solidarity,
counselling and hand-holding as he made his abject
statement. Who first realised that the Government were in
flagrant breach of their manifesto commitment—was it the
Chancellor or the Prime Minister? If manifestos are now
paramount and all parties must seek to implement them, will
the Chancellor confirm, since he intends to go ahead with
these changes, that they will appear in the Conservative
manifesto at the next election so that the self-employed
can vote accordingly?
-
Mr Hammond
I have made a statement today about the Government’s
intentions: no national insurance contribution rate
increases for the remainder of this Parliament. I am not
making a statement about the Conservative party’s manifesto
for the next general election; the right hon. Gentleman
will have to contain himself for a while on that particular
issue. On the question of who first raised the issue of the
manifesto, I think, to give credit where credit is due,
that it was Laura Kuenssberg on the BBC shortly after my
comments in the Budget speech.
-
(Hendon) (Con)
I commend the Chancellor for coming to the House today. He
is entirely correct to assert that the National Insurance
Contributions (Rate Ceilings) Act 2015 applied only to
class 1 contributions. I do not recall Labour’s Treasury
Front Benchers at the time ever mentioning any other
contributions. Once again, I thank him for coming here,
because he is a listening Chancellor who will continue to
listen to those on the Conservative Benches—the sensible
side of the House—unlike some previous Labour Chancellors
who not only did not listen to anyone but brought the
economy to its knees.
-
Mr Hammond
My hon. Friend is right. I did not mention this because it
is not something that I particularly want to make a big
issue of, but it is true that when the National Insurance
Contributions (Rate Ceilings) Bill was debated in this
House, Ministers made it clear that they were legislating
to lock class 1 only. No amendments were tabled and no
issue was raised. Indeed, the hon. Member for Salford and
Eccles (Rebecca Long Bailey), who was then a shadow
Treasury Minister, said at the Dispatch Box that this Bill
discharged the Conservative party’s commitment on national
insurance contributions in the manifesto. [Interruption.]
Well, the hon. Lady might want to check Hansard.
-
(Bishop Auckland)
(Lab)
I know that the Chancellor of the Exchequer will want an
endorsement from me like a hole in the head, but I am
rather disappointed because there is a lot wrong with
national insurance. In the wider review, will he also look
at the absurd way in which it kicks in at £8,000, well
below the personal tax allowance, and at the very unfair
top 2% rate?
-
Mr Hammond
I am grateful to the hon. Lady for her comments. It is
important to separate the two issues involved: the
substantive underlying issue about the way in which
national insurance contributions and entitlement to
contributory benefit work, and the equally important but
separate issue of the way in which manifesto commitments
work. The review that we will conduct will look
specifically at the differences between the self-employed
and the employed, and the access of the self-employed to
contributory benefits, so her suggestion is beyond the
scope of that particular piece of work. However, as she
especially will be aware, all these things are routinely
reviewed by the Treasury in the run-up to fiscal events.
-
Mr (North East
Somerset) (Con)
May I thank my right hon. Friend for his wisdom in being
open to changing his mind, which shows the
serious-mindedness of Her Majesty’s Government; and for his
propriety in telling this House first and doing it himself,
not sending someone else on his behalf? May I also commend
him for his singular achievement of converting a number of
desiccated socialists to support for lower taxation?
-
Mr Hammond
I am grateful to my hon. Friend, but what I see on the
Opposition Benches these days is very often not so much
desiccated socialists as dedicated opportunists.
-
(Leeds North West)
(LD)
This Budget was disappointing and unambitious, and is now
mired in this chaos. Is it not now time to properly
consider having an NHS tax specific to funding our NHS,
which did not receive enough funding? As the Chancellor
knows, this has the support of the majority of the British
public.
-
Mr Hammond
What we need to fund our NHS is a strong economy and a
Government who have the political will to make the
commitment that we have made to a £10 billion
post-inflation increase in NHS spending. It is very nice to
have a contribution from the Liberal Democrat Benches. I do
not know whether that is a precursor of the Liberal
Democrat manifesto for the next general election—we shall
wait to see.
-
(Broxtowe) (Con)
I commend the Chancellor for his statement. As somebody who
was self-employed for many years, I know that the current
system undoubtedly needs reform, in terms of contributions
and benefits, so I look forward to ’s report. Given
that so many of the self-employed are sole traders and
micro business owners, may I urge the Chancellor to look at
the great work that Angela Knight has done on how the whole
system could be improved? I am very happy to have a meeting
with one of his junior Ministers, if he cannot have any
such meeting himself, to discuss that further.
-
Mr Hammond
Angela Knight is the chairman of the Office of Tax
Simplification, and we will of course seek its advice in
this matter. I am grateful to my right hon. Friend.
-
(Normanton, Pontefract
and Castleford) (Lab)
May I just confirm the slightly astonishing thing that the
Chancellor said a few moments ago—that the first person to
raise the Tory manifesto with him was the BBC’s Laura
Kuenssberg? Is it actually the case that nobody in No. 10
and nobody in No. 11 checked the Conservative manifesto
before he wrote the Budget?
-
Mr Hammond
I did say that, but let me be clear: I think that Laura
Kuenssberg was the first person after I spoke to raise the
issue outside. The Government have always been clear, as I
said on Wednesday evening and on Thursday, many times, and
the Prime Minister said on Thursday evening, that we have
always regarded the legislated tax locks as being the
commitment we were working to. Our whole approach in the
Treasury—all the work we do—is based around the tax locks
that are in place. I accept, however, that there is a gap
between the specific tax locks that were legislated and the
wording that was used in the manifesto. We have today
accepted that the more expansive interpretation should be
the one that prevails, and that is why I have made the
statement that I have.
-
(Stroud) (Con)
I certainly welcome this statement because it underlines
very strongly the case for fairness and also salutes the
important work that self-employed people do. Does the
Chancellor of the Exchequer agree that if we enter a period
of turbulence for whatever reason, it is fundamentally
necessary to have a strong fiscal basis, and that is what
he is achieving through acting in this way?
-
Mr Hammond
As I said in the Budget speech and previously in the autumn
statement, we are seeking to do three things: to keep
Britain on track for balancing the budget as early as
possible in the next Parliament through fiscal discipline;
to invest in Britain’s future to raise our productivity and
ensure a decent standard of living for everybody across
this country, on which we made further steps in this Budget
by investing in skills; and to ensure that we have enough
fiscal headroom in our fiscal position to allow for any
events that arise over the coming years. We need the
ability to manoeuvre as we go through what will be a period
of unusual uncertainty in the planning of our economy.
-
(Ilford North)
(Lab)
More than 10,000 people in Ilford North will welcome the
Chancellor’s damascene conversion to the novel idea that
parties might keep the promises in their manifesto. What
does it say about the competence of this Government, on a
day when they reveal that there are no costings for a hard
Brexit, that this year, on his watch, we will have two
Budgets, two policies on national insurance in a week, and
a £2 billion black hole in his Budget? Whatever happened to
the long-term economic plan?
-
Mr Hammond
I have set out our long-term plan. The hon. Gentleman knows
the fiscal figures, because they were published last week.
As I have said, I do not resile at all from the commitment
that I have made that we will, overall, be broadly fiscally
neutral. I will introduce additional
measures—[Interruption.] Well, it would not be appropriate
for me to do so today, but I will bring forward additional
measures in the autumn Budget to address the cost of the
changes that I have announced today. By the way, if I could
just give him a piece of advice, before he goes in too hard
on keeping manifesto promises, he might just want to check
his own party’s record in government on that particular
score.
-
(St Austell and Newquay)
(Con)
On behalf of the 9,000 self-employed people in St Austell
and Newquay, may I thank the Chancellor for his statement
today and for being willing to listen to the sensible
voices of Conservative Members and the business community
in making this change? Will he confirm that there is
absolutely nothing wrong in someone legitimately choosing
to be self-employed and in charge of their own work
destiny, and that this party will always be on the side of
the entrepreneurs, who are the heart of our economy?
-
Mr Hammond
Yes. I can say to the self-employed of St Austell and,
indeed, more widely across the UK that this Government will
always support enterprise and those who start and grow
businesses. As I said in the Budget speech, we believe that
people should have choices about the way they work. There
are very many good reasons for choosing self-employment,
and there are many good reasons for choosing to
incorporate. It is incumbent on us to make sure that unfair
tax benefits are not one of the things that drive people to
make such decisions.
-
(East Antrim)
(DUP)
The 130,000 self-employed people in Northern Ireland, who
make up a seventh of the workforce, will welcome this
change of heart by the Government. Does the Chancellor
recognise, however, that the imposition of quarterly tax
returns, which has been delayed for one year, and the
closing of the flat-rate VAT system will also have an
impact on self-employed people? Instead of targeting those
who are genuinely self-employed and who have contributed to
today’s low unemployment figures, should he not concentrate
his efforts on the large corporations, such as the BBC,
that abuse the tax system and have self-employment
contracts to avoid paying tax?
-
Mr Hammond
As the hon. Gentleman will know, this Government have
introduced a raft of measures over the years to target the
avoidance of tax by large corporations, and we have raised
a very substantial amount of additional tax—well over £100
billion—through those measures. The VAT flat rate scheme,
which he mentioned, was introduced to assist the smallest
businesses, but it had been turned into a systematic route
for abuse, and I am afraid that we had to deal with it to
make sure that the tax base was not eroded. However, we
will always seek to support the genuinely self-employed
hard-working people who are the backbone of this country’s
economy.
-
(Chippenham)
(Con)
On behalf of all the hard-working self-employed people in
Wiltshire, I thank the Chancellor for his announcement
today and welcome it. The introduction of a new state
pension marks a significant increase in retirement
provision for the self-employed, but without any
auto-enrolment scheme, they still do not have parity on
pensions. Will the Chancellor please remember that and look
at it?
-
Mr Hammond
Yes. As we have now cast more widely our review of the
differences in how employees and the self-employed are
treated, it is right that we should look at that particular
aspect as well, and we will do so.
-
(Barrow and Furness)
(Lab/Co-op)
Can we just be clear: is the Chancellor saying that he was
not aware that he was breaking his own manifesto promise
until the BBC pointed it out, or that he was aware of it
but was just hoping no one noticed?
-
Mr Hammond
Neither. We understand the commitment that we made to have
been discharged by the passage through the House of the
National Insurance Contributions (Rate Ceilings) Act 2015,
which set out very clearly the scope that the then
Chancellor decided to apply to the national insurance
contributions lock. That is how the Treasury has worked
since 2015, with the locks and ring-fences that were put in
place. They are part of the everyday workings of the
Treasury, and that was what we worked to in this case.
However, I have accepted today that there is a broader
interpretation—based on the manifesto itself, not the
legislation that implemented it—and that is why I have come
to the House and made this statement.
-
(Harrow East)
(Con)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on listening to the
self-employed and to representations from Conservative
Members in particular. Will he confirm that the
announcements he has made today about the abolition of
class 2 national insurance contributions and their transfer
to class 4 contributions mean, in effect, that every single
self-employed person in this country will experience a tax
cut over the next two years?
-
Mr Hammond
Yes. It will not be over the next two years, but in one go,
with a tax cut of about £130 a year in April 2018. That is
because class 2 is a regressive tax—it is a flat-rate
reduction for everybody who is self-employed, regardless of
the level of their income.
-
Ms (Ochil and
South Perthshire) (SNP)
This is of course a welcome U-turn, but if it is right to
rethink this decision, is it not also right to look at the
decisions that were overlooked last week? The Chancellor
spoke in his statement about unfairness in treatment. May I
remind him of the thousands of WASPI— Women Against State
Pension Inequality—women who protested outside the Chamber
last week, and ask him when his Government will redeem in
full their contractual obligations to them?
-
Mr Hammond
We have already addressed the concerns of women affected by
the change in pension age. Of course I am aware of the
residual concerns being expressed by that group of people,
and we hear those concerns, but we have addressed the
principal issue.
-
Mr (Wellingborough)
(Con)
I very much welcome the Chancellor’s statement. In
Wellingborough, we had a parliamentary meeting on Saturday
morning, when the view on the general principle in the
manifesto was mentioned. Will he look to the future,
however? He may be able to narrow the difference between
the employed and the self-employed by reducing the
contribution that the employed make, so will he do that
from the Brexit dividend?
-
Mr Hammond
My hon. Friend never misses an opportunity to bring us back
to his agenda. I have had suggestions from various parties
that the gap between the contributions of the employed and
the self-employed could be narrowed by the device of
lowering the contributions of the employed. However, 85% of
the working population are employed, and any reduction in
the contribution of the employed would be a huge fiscal
cost and would—in our world—have to be paid for, although
the right hon. Member for Hayes and Harlington may have a
different view.
-
(City of Chester)
(Lab)
The clear impression given by today’s announcement is of a
reactive Government who are not in control of their own
agenda. Following on from the question of my hon. Friend
the Member for Barrow and Furness (John Woodcock), may I
specifically ask the Chancellor whether he knew that his
policy contradicted the 2015 Conservative manifesto? If he
is such a good listening Chancellor, why did he not listen
to representations before he made his statement and not go
ahead with his announcement last week?
-
Mr Hammond
Because those representations were not made before the
statement. In fact, as the hon. Gentleman will remember,
there was quite a lot of speculation in the media in the
week before the Budget about a possible increase in class 4
national insurance contributions, but I did not see any
reference to the manifesto in any of those media
discussions. We believe that the National Insurance
Contributions (Rate Ceilings) Act put into law the lock
that we put in place, and I did not hear anybody suggest
anything to the contrary during the press speculation in
the week before the Budget.
-
(Derby North)
(Con)
I want to add my congratulations to the Chancellor on his
announcement. Self-employment is key to our economy and to
the people of Derby. We have many great examples of
successful and thriving businesses, thanks to the ongoing
polices of this Government. Will my right hon. Friend
assure me, however, that he will look at all the ways in
which he can encourage the continued growth of those
essential businesses?
-
Mr Hammond
Yes. It is precisely growing small businesses that we must
seek to encourage. The subset of the self-employed who
employ people—it is actually quite a small subset—are very
much to be encouraged, because that is a way of promoting
growth and creating job opportunities in our communities.
-
(Pontypridd) (Lab)
May I commend the Chancellor for the bravery of his
statement? I ask him to pass on our sincere thanks to Laura
Kuenssberg for pointing out to him that it was a duff
decision and to the Prime Minister for forcing him to
reverse it before breakfast.
-
Mr Hammond
I have explained to the House what happened and what the
view is inside Government about the tax locks that we put
in place. The hon. Gentleman is entitled to his opinion and
he has expressed it.
-
(Amber Valley)
(Con)
I thank the Chancellor for his change of mind today. I urge
him to carry on with some parts of the proposal, namely
considering how we can ensure that the very highest
earners, who tend to be self-employed, pay the right amount
of tax, including partners in limited liability
partnerships, who have the advantages of limited liability
and of not paying national insurance.
-
Mr Hammond
My hon. Friend is right. It is a relatively small group,
but about 90,000 self-employed people, many of them on very
high earnings, benefit enormously from the way the system
operates, particularly those who use limited liability
partnerships. That is an essential part of the review of
this issue in the round that we have to do.
-
(Hammersmith)
(Lab)
Unlike some of my hon. Friends, I can readily understand
why the Chancellor resisted reading the Tory manifesto
until Laura Kuenssberg drew his attention to it last week,
but I cannot understand his position now. Is it, “I was
absolutely right to raise national insurance contributions
for the self-employed, and that’s why I’m not going to do
it”?
-
Mr Hammond
I think I have made my position quite clear. I have
distinguished between the two issues. On the substance of
the issue, it is absolutely right to address the
discrepancy, which is no longer justified by the difference
in access to benefits. However, it is also right that we
accept the wider interpretation of the manifesto commitment
that my hon. Friends have expressed to me. That is why we
have said that we will continue to review the issue in the
round and will come back to Parliament with our decisions
arising from the review, but we will not increase national
insurance contributions in this Parliament.
-
(Newark) (Con)
My constituents, almost a quarter of whom are
self-employed, will welcome the decision today, but they
also find it extraordinary when they read in the papers
that the chief executive of their local hospital trust is
paid £400,000 a year through a personal service company—a
practice, incidentally, that got completely out of control
under the last Labour Government. Will my right hon. Friend
the Chancellor continue to tackle those issues,
particularly in the public sector?
-
Mr Hammond
I empathise enormously with the self-employed of my hon.
Friend’s constituency. He will know that I once lived among
them. I sympathise with the point he has raised about
public sector employees using personal service companies,
but he will know that we have legislated so that, from next
April, public sector engagers of people who use personal
service companies will be responsible for deducting the tax
and national insurance contributions that those people
would be paying if they were employed directly as
employees.
-
(Islwyn)
(Lab/Co-op)
Will the Chancellor give small businesspeople an assurance
that the three years he talks about is not simply a stay of
execution and that we will not see another Tory tax hike in
three years’ time?
-
Mr Hammond
I have made it clear that there will be no increase in
national insurance contributions during the remainder of
this Parliament. As I have said, I am not setting out today
the Conservative manifesto for the next general election. I
am making a commitment for this Parliament, and I hope the
House will be satisfied with that.
-
(Witney) (Con)
I declare an interest as someone who was self-employed
until a few months ago. [Hon. Members: “Hear, hear.”] Thank
you. As a member of the Federation of Small Businesses and
the chairman of the all-party parliamentary group for small
and micro businesses, I welcome today’s announcement from
the Chancellor and thank him for it, as will the nearly one
fifth of my constituents in Witney and west Oxfordshire who
are self-employed. Will the Chancellor give a little more
detail on the scope of the review he will undertake over
the summer?
-
Mr Hammond
Yes. First we will respond to ’s report, which
looks more widely at employment rights in a rapidly
changing economy. We will look at parental benefits, which
are the principal area where there is still a discrepancy
in what is available for the self-employed and the
employed. There are other relatively minor areas, but we
will look at all of them and seek to, as it were, audit the
differences in treatment between the employed and
self-employed. The House and people outside will then be
able to see in the round the difference in access to
benefits and entitlements and the difference in
contributions, and form a judgment about how we should move
forward.
-
Mr (Delyn) (Lab)
Just so that I do not have to wait 30 years to read the
minutes of the Cabinet meeting, will the Chancellor confirm
that the decision last week was the unanimous decision of
the Cabinet? As he is seeking savings to fill the £2
billion hole, will he start with the £320 million towards
free schools that he announced last week?
-
Mr Hammond
I am sorry to disappoint the right hon. Gentleman, but he
will have to wait 30 years. I am not about to tell him what
happened in the Cabinet, but he will know that all
decisions are the unanimous decisions of the Cabinet.
-
(South Dorset)
(Con)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his wise and
dignified statement today, and thank him for it.
Conservative Members understand that we have to live within
our means. Is it not time to look at the overseas aid
budget and the figure of 0.7% of GDP? I suggest that if we
need some money, that is an area we should look at.
-
Mr Hammond
There again, we have a manifesto commitment to spend 0.7%
of GDP on overseas aid. That commitment has been legislated
for and is therefore locked, unless this House were to
decide otherwise.
-
(Kirkcaldy and
Cowdenbeath) (SNP)
This is another right boorach. The last Chancellor who had
to make a U-turn lasted only a few weeks thereafter, so
before this Chancellor leaves office, will he confirm that,
since he said that this decision was only made at 8 o’clock
in the morning, that means it has not been taken to the
full Cabinet?
-
Mr Speaker
I am very grateful to the hon. Gentleman; I shall add the
word “boorach” to my vocabulary.
-
Mr Hammond
Yes, the decision was made by myself and the Prime Minister
this morning.
-
(Lichfield)
(Con)
I thank my right hon. Friend for reacting so quickly to the
representations made to him by colleagues and, indeed, by
Laura Kuenssberg. But I ask him in all seriousness to
listen on occasion to the Labour party, because there are
lessons to be learned. Labour would have leaked this
statement out at a weekend, not immediately prior to Prime
Minister’s questions. It would not have come to the House
and made an oral statement; there would have been a written
statement. I say to my right hon. Friend that he is really
far too open.
-
Mr Hammond
As you would expect, Mr Speaker, we try, if it is at all
possible, to ensure that the House is always informed first
of these matters. After my right hon. Friend the Prime
Minister and I met this morning, I wrote to the Chairman of
the Treasury Committee and placed a copy of that letter in
the Library of the House, and I have made this statement at
the earliest opportunity available to me.
-
(South Antrim)
(UUP)
We have already heard that Northern Ireland has some
134,000 self-employed people. We also know that it is
critical that we increase the private sector in Northern
Ireland. At the same time, we have 50% fewer new
businesses. Will the Chancellor ensure that the future
consultation on this matter considers all the aspects of
its effects on the Northern Ireland economy?
-
Mr Hammond
Yes; as the hon. Gentleman alluded to, there are specific
issues in Northern Ireland, where the public sector still
occupies a dominant role in the economy. Of course, we all
share the objective of increasing the share of the private
sector in the Northern Ireland economy. Small businesses
can play an important role in that. The lessons of this
review will be generally applicable across the United
Kingdom, but they will certainly play an important role in
Northern Ireland.
-
(Bath) (Con)
Although it might not be palatable to Opposition Members,
as somebody who was self-employed for many years before
entering this place, I think the Chancellor was absolutely
right last week to make his announcement and rebalance the
tax base, as more self-employed people enter the jobs
market. He was also right to listen to the comments of
Government Members. I appreciate that my right hon. Friend
does not want to make comments about the next manifesto,
but does he agree that we should look at proposals to
effectively scrap this very outdated tax and merge it into
a single tax, which would be an awful lot more progressive?
-
Mr Hammond
As my hon. Friend will probably know, ideas about merging
the tax and national insurance systems have been around for
longer than I have. Although it is a superficially
attractive proposition, it is fraught with practical
difficulties. The Office of Tax Simplification looked at it
recently, and I am sure my hon. Friend will have read its
report. I say to the House that all matters relating to tax
are kept continually under review at every fiscal event.
-
(Ilford South)
(Lab/Co-op)
Last week, the Chancellor made what at the time was a very
funny joke about a Chancellor of the Exchequer sacked just
a few weeks after a Budget. Does he, in retrospect, agree
with that this was a
rookie mistake?
-
Mr Hammond
I set out the basis on which we made the difficult decision
to proceed with changes to class 4 national insurance,
packaged with the abolition of class 2 national insurance,
to try to make the system a little bit fairer. We listened
to our hon. Friends and decided to withdraw the proposals,
conduct a wide-ranging review and set out to Parliament
later in the year how we intend to proceed.
-
(South West
Wiltshire) (Con)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend on his statement, and
warmly thank him for listening to colleagues and their
constituents. Notwithstanding his comments to my hon.
Friend the Member for Bath (Ben Howlett), may I invite him
to look afresh at the possibility of hypothecating national
insurance contributions, so that contributors to NICs,
employers and the public can see a clearer link between
their contributions and the services they receive?
-
Mr Hammond
There is a soft hypothecation around national insurance
contributions: 20% of the fund goes to the national health
service. They fund the state pension to which self-employed
people now have full access for the first time—an
extraordinary enhancement in the entitlement. I am told
that, for a 45-year-old man, the enhanced pension in
retirement, £1,800 or more a year, would cost about £50,000
as a capital sum to purchase an annuity in the marketplace.
That is an extraordinary expansion of the entitlement
offered to the self-employed.
-
(Dewsbury) (Lab)
Well, well. They do say a week is a long time in politics
and I am sure the Chancellor would agree with me on this
occasion. Now, £2 billion would account for over 10,000
police officers, 10,000 teachers, 12,000 nurses and 5,000
doctors. Will the Chancellor guarantee that none of those
posts will be cut as a result of his Government’s gross
incompetence?
-
Mr Hammond
The hon. Lady might also have remarked that £2 billion was
the amount we put into social care funding in the Budget
last week, alongside additional capital for the NHS,
investment in schools and investment in skills.
[Interruption.] Not enough, she says. I understand why she
says that, because the shadow Chancellor tells her, “You
can borrow for everything you want to do. Don’t worry, the
kids will pick up the tab.”
-
Read your own manifesto.
-
Mr Hammond
I am listening carefully to the right hon. Gentleman, but I
am not hearing anything worth listening to.
-
(Morecambe and
Lunesdale) (Con)
I was self-employed for 27 years before I came into this
House, and I have campaigned long and hard for the
abolition of class 2. My hon. Friend the Member for Harrow
East (Bob Blackman) said that this is a tax cut, which it
is. Will the Chancellor allude to what the self-employed
will be getting? As a self-employment ambassador to the
former Prime Minister, I know the self-employment sector is
very keen to find out exactly what it will get for this
extra annuity.
-
Mr Hammond
The self-employed benefit from increased personal
allowances, taking 3 million people out of tax altogether
and a tax cut for 29 million people. From April this year,
the self-employed, like the employed, will have access to
tax-free childcare and the additional childcare offer for
three and four-year-olds. That is a new extension of the
entitlement to the self-employed. As I mentioned, the
extension last year of the state pension to the
self-employed on the same basis as employees really was a
dramatic step-change in the way the system operates. It is
worth noting that with all these enhanced entitlements
there has been no change at all to the contribution asked
of self-employed people.
-
(Rutherglen and
Hamilton West) (SNP)
The Evening Standard delivered a damning verdict on its
front page today, “Hammond U-turn on Budget Fiasco:
Chancellor’s job on line as he climbs down over tax rise
for entrepreneurs.” It is looking like the last spring
Budget may also be the Chancellor’s last Budget. In fact,
we have heard he has just endorsed Laura Kuenssberg from
the BBC. How does he intend to build trust in his
competence following this utterly shambolic episode?
-
Mr Hammond
I explained how we approached this issue. We have a bigger
job to do here. The country is embarking on a great venture
that will shape the future of this country for many years
to come. National insurance class 4 contributions are
important, but I suggest they are not the only challenge
facing the country today. It is important that we focus on
the other issues that are vital to get right.
-
(High Peak)
(Con)
I applaud my right hon. Friend on three counts: his ability
to understand, listen and act. He understands that the
changes can be seen as a break with a manifesto commitment,
he listened to colleagues on the Conservative Benches, and
he acted swiftly and with certainty to give self-employed
people the clarity that people in business want. In the
review, will he ensure that we never lose sight of the fact
that the self-employed are the risk takers and the
entrepreneurs who power our economy, at great risk and
uncertainty to themselves?
-
Mr Hammond
As I have said many times today and am very happy to say
again, we will always support those who are taking risks to
grow and found new businesses. Our job—I take this very
seriously and my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister takes
it very seriously—is to do what is right for the country.
When it becomes apparent that we have to do something
because it is the right thing for the country—that is what
has become apparent to us over the past couple of days—we
will do it, however difficult it is. That is what I have
done today.
-
(Swansea West)
(Lab/Co-op)
I realise that the Budget has now become a consultation
exercise. Will the Chancellor confirm that at the time he
and his colleagues put together the manifesto commitment
not to put up national insurance, VAT or income tax, there
had been no economic impact assessment of Brexit; and that
the economic cost of Brexit, from hard Brexit and tariffs,
will fall wholly on public services and the poor?
-
Mr Hammond
It is certainly the case that at the time of the last
general election the referendum had not taken place.
Indeed, if a Conservative Government had not been elected a
referendum would not have taken place. The hon. Gentleman
knows and understands that very well. I have explained
today how we approached the manifesto commitments, how we
delivered them into law and how we have reviewed the way
they are seen in the light of representations from
colleagues.
-
(Bexhill and Battle)
(Con)
There has been much talk about the manifesto. This is the
manifesto that promised to protect the elderly. In
delivering an extra £2 billion for social care, does the
Chancellor agree that those of us on the Government Benches
need to support him when he makes difficult decisions to
raise the cash? The alternative is putting future
generations into horrendous debt.
-
Mr Hammond
My hon. Friend is exactly right. As I have already said
several times today, we will not adopt the convenient ruse
the right hon. Member for Hayes and Harlington has of
pretending that we can borrow for everything without any
cost. If something needs doing, such as funding our social
care system, we have to be prepared to pay for it. Simply
pretending that we can borrow for it and pass the debts to
our children is not a credible fiscal position.
-
(Kilmarnock and Loudoun)
(SNP)
This farce has come about partly because of the lack of
transparency in the estimates and Budget process. The
Government should look at it again. Given that the
Chancellor admits his spring Budget is no longer fiscally
neutral, I have a few suggestions for what he can look at
again: the higher rate threshold, nearly £3 billion;
lifetime ISA up to £20,000, £3 billion; corporation tax
giveaway, £23.5 billion; and inheritance tax giveaway,
nearly £3 billion. That is £32 billion worth of giveaways
over the next few years in this Budget. Why does he not
look at those measures again when he talks about balancing
the books?
-
Mr Hammond
We know that the Scottish National party believes in higher
taxes, because everyone earning more than £45,000 will be
paying £314 a year more tax in Scotland next year than in
England.
-
(Dover) (Con)
I commend the Chancellor for his statement and urge him to
take firm action on fake self-employment, which is tax
dodging by big businesses that are shirking their
responsibilities and should know better. Will he also
consider the case for a wide-ranging reform for a new deal
for the self-employed, not just on the tax side of the
ledger, but in respect of workplace support, so that we
could have fairness and a level playing field between
different types of worker?
-
Mr Hammond
That is the purpose of the report that is writing to
look at the differences in treatment as the economy changes
shape. My hon. Friend is absolutely right that there are
examples of employers egregiously forcing employees into
bogus self-employment, but there are also much more complex
cases—for example, where new digital platforms are allowing
people to work in different ways. Are they employees; are
they self-employed; are they something else in between? We
need to ask those questions because, as the economy changes
shape, this will become an increasingly important issue for
us to address.
-
(Foyle) (SDLP)
The Chancellor now accepts that the shape, pace and burden
of the change that he announced were going to be
problematic, and he makes the case for longer-managed and
balanced change. He has told us that he needs to consider
the issues in the round, looking at contributions and
entitlements. Why cannot that same benchmark extend to the
WASPI women, who find themselves victimised by the pace and
shape of change? He describes their outstanding grievances
merely as residual concerns. If Laura Kuenssberg does a
report that points out that the WASPI women’s grievances
are much more than residual concerns, will he reconsider?
-
Mr Hammond
As I have said, we have considered the issue of women
affected by the pension age changes and we have provided
some transitional funding. I am aware that there are people
who believe that that is not sufficient and who would like
more. I understand that, but the role of Government is
always to balance the claims of individuals against the
interests of the taxpayer, who has to fund these things in
the end, and we think we have got that balance right.
-
Mr (Kettering)
(Con)
Away from the Chamber of the House of Commons, out there in
the real world, there is an army of self-employed people
who are working their socks off from dawn to dusk and often
longer. They often take great personal risks. They are the
heroes and heroines of wealth creation. Without their
efforts, we simply would not be able to afford the public
services that we all enjoy. On behalf of the self-employed
people of Kettering, I commend my right hon. Friend’s
statement and thank him for thinking again.
-
Mr Hammond
I am grateful to my hon. Friend, and I extend my sincere
good wishes to all the people of Kettering—self-employed or
otherwise—and everywhere else.
-
(Batley and Spen)
(Lab)
Although the freelance cultural industries and the
self-employed of Batley and Spen are very grateful for this
U-turn, it is the slashing of the dividend drawdown from
£5,000 to £2,000 that makes a massive difference. Some
people are living on this when they cannot get work for
month after month. Will the Chancellor do a U-turn on that
as well?
-
Mr Hammond
I hear what the hon. Lady says, but this is a measure that
will affect only people who have a share portfolio worth
typically more than £50,000. It is a measure that affects a
relatively small number of people. If we want to fund things
such as social care with additional cash injections, we have
to raise the money from somewhere. I am sorry if that is a
hard lesson. I know it is one that the right hon. Member for
Hayes and Harlington will avoid at all costs, but fiscal
discipline requires us to find a way of funding the
high-value public spending that we need to do. I believe that
the Budget measures we have announced are an appropriate way
to raise the funding needed to support our social care, the
national health service, skills and schools as our economy
goes forward.
-
(Stafford) (Con)
I welcome the Chancellor’s statement and the fact that he is
the first Chancellor to see the budget deficit fall below 3%
in at least 10 years, building on the work of his
predecessor. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Salisbury
(John Glen), who I believe must have had quite a busy week
since the Budget, for all the work he has done on this. Does
the Chancellor agree that, if we are to have the first-class
services that we all need, we have to raise the revenue? The
time for raising revenue to pay for these, rather than for
cuts, is now.
-
Mr Hammond
Yes, although I remind my hon. Friend that we have embarked
on an efficiency review, seeking to make a further £3.5
billion of efficiency savings in departmental expenditure, of
which I have committed to reinvest £1 billion in our
priorities. Getting the balance right between taxation,
efficiency in public expenditure and borrowing where it is
right to do so is important. I have borrowed for
infrastructure investment and for productivity-enhancing
infrastructure in the autumn statement. Where it is right to
do so, we will borrow, but it is not right to borrow for
everyday expenditure in the way that the right hon. Member
for Hayes and Harlington suggests.
-
(South Suffolk)
(Con)
Auto-enrolment has been a great success story for the
employed, but there is a major practical barrier in selling
it to the self-employed, who do not normally have one single
payroll controller. However, is my right hon. Friend aware
that, with the rise of the Gig economy, millions of workers are
self-employed and, effectively, working for one big company?
Is he also aware that, when I asked representatives of
Hermes, Deliveroo, Amazon and Uber in the Select Committee
whether they would be willing to consider such a scheme for
their gig workers, they were very positive about the prospect
of the Government bringing one in?
-
Mr Hammond
As I have said, we will include looking at auto-enrolment in
the broader review that we are going to undertake of the
differences in treatment between employees and the
self-employed, which is clearly a significant area.
-
(Con)
My Lords, with the leave of the House, I shall now
repeat a Statement made in the other place by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, the right honourable
. The Statement is
as follows:
“With permission Mr Speaker, I wish to make a statement
on national insurance contributions paid by the
self-employed. As I set out in the Budget last
Wednesday, the gap between benefits available to the
self-employed and those in employment has closed
significantly over the last few years. Most notably,
the introduction of the new state pension in April 2016
is worth an additional £1,800 to a self-employed person
for each year of retirement. It remains our judgment,
as I said last week, that the current differences in
benefit entitlement no longer justify the scale of
difference in the level of total national insurance
contributions paid in respect of employees and the
self-employed.
Honourable and right honourable Members will also be
aware that there has been a sharp increase in
self-employment over the last few years. Our analysis
suggests that a significant part of that increase is
driven by differences in tax treatment. HMRC estimates
that the cost to the public finances of this trend is
around £5 billion this year alone and the OBR estimates
that the parallel increase in incorporation will cost
more than £9 billion a year by the end of the
Parliament. This represents a significant risk to the
tax base and thus to the funding of our vital public
services.
The measures that I announced in the Budget sought to
reflect more fairly the differences in entitlement in
the contributions made by the self-employed. The
Government continue to believe that addressing this
unfairness is the right approach. However, since the
Budget parliamentary colleagues and others have
questioned whether the proposed increase in class 4
contributions is compatible with the tax lock
commitments made in our 2015 manifesto. Ahead of the
Autumn Statement last year, the Prime Minister and I
decided that however difficult the fiscal challenges we
face, the tax lock and ring-fenced spending commitments
we have made for this Parliament should be honoured in
full.
I made that clear in my Autumn Statement to this House.
As far as national insurance contributions are
concerned, the locks were legislated for in the
National Insurance Contributions (Rates Ceilings) Act
2015. When the Bill was introduced, it was made clear
by Ministers that the lock would apply only to class 1
contributions. The measures I set out in the Budget
fall within the constraints set out by the tax lock
legislation and the spending ring-fences. However, it
is clear from discussions with colleagues over the last
few days that this legislative test of the manifesto
commitment does not meet a wider understanding of the
spirit of that commitment.
It is very important both to me and to my right
honourable friend the Prime Minister that we comply not
just with the letter but also with the spirit of the
commitments that were made. Therefore, as I said in my
letter this morning to the chairman of the Select
Committee, my right honourable friend the Member for
Chichester, I have decided not to proceed with the
class 4 NICs measures set out in the Budget. There will
be no increases in national insurance contribution
rates in this Parliament.
For the avoidance of doubt, as I set out in the Budget,
we will go ahead with the abolition of class 2 national
insurance contributions from April 2018. Class 2 is an
outdated and regressive tax and it remains right that
it should go. I will set out in the Autumn Budget
further measures to fund in full today’s decision.
I undertook in the Budget speech to consult over the
summer on options to address the principal outstanding
area of difference in benefit entitlement between
employed and self- employed, which is in parental
benefits. We will go ahead with that review. We now
intend to widen this exercise to look at the other
areas of difference in treatment alongside the
Government’s consideration of the forthcoming report by
, chief
executive of the Royal Society of Arts, on the
implications of different ways of working in a rapidly
changing economy for employment rights. Once we have
completed these pieces of work, the Government will set
out how they intend to take forward and fund reforms in
this area.
Reducing the unfairness of the difference in the tax
treatment of those who are employed and those who are
self-employed remains the right thing to do. But this
Government set great store in the faith and trust of
the British people, especially as we embark on the
process of negotiating our exit from the European
Union. By making this change today, we are listening to
our colleagues and demonstrating our determination to
fulfil both the letter and the spirit of our manifesto
tax commitment. I commend this Statement to the House”.
4.08 pm
-
(Lab)
My Lords, I am fairly sure that the House will not be
taking the Statement in quite the positive way in which
the Minister clearly hopes. Conservative Party Budgets
and U-turns seem to come hand in hand these days, but
this is one of the outstanding ones. Scrapping the
centrepiece of the Budget in less than a week is going
some, even by Conservative Chancellors’ standards. When
Chancellors make really egregious mistakes they are
always compared with Hugh Dalton, who was fired almost
immediately on the spot for the leak to the lobby
correspondents as he walked in to deliver his Budget.
When I think about other errors that Chancellors have
made, this one comes pretty close to that. As the
Chancellor has obviously been in close contact with the
Prime Minister, I imagine that his hair has stood on
end these last few days—brushed well though it normally
is.
The changes announced today amount to a £325 million
revenue loss in 2018-19 and a further loss of £645
million in 2019-20. They raise a number of questions,
not only about the obvious gaping hole left in our
country’s finances but also about the critical
relationship between the Prime Minister and the
Treasury. After all, we all know there is a connecting
route between Nos. 10 and 11; they are adjacent
properties. It therefore seems that the Prime Minister
is bound to have been consulted on the Budget.
What we need to know is this. In his letter to
Conservative Back-Benchers, said:
“The cost of the changes I am announcing today will be
funded by measures to be announced in the Autumn
Budget”.
That is not good enough. At a time of already
considerable uncertainty over our future relationship
with the EU and the terms that we will obtain, the
impacts that that will have on trade and the whole
issue of business confidence in this period, this is
just about the last thing we need—a mess-up on a
Budget.
If past Budgets or Autumn Statements are anything to go
by, waiting for months only to hear that welfare
spending or local council funding has been cut even
further is not acceptable, yet we know both of those
have been in the Government’s firing line in recent
months. Furthermore, can the Minister assure this House
and the public that the £2 billion announced for social
care will be safeguarded? Informed opinion thought the
emergency needs of social care were £2 billion a year,
so we were already critical enough about the
Chancellor’s decision to award it £2 billion over three
years—that is, about one-third of what is necessary.
The House will want an assurance today that that money
at least is to be safeguarded.
The Prime Minister has said it was the Government’s
decision to U-turn on national insurance contributions,
but whose decision was it to put it in the Budget in
the first place? In the consultation, were people not
aware of the manifesto commitment? Surely the
Government are not seriously saying that the Chancellor
spoke to no one except officials before the Budget was
produced. What about these other significant figures,
his Treasury Ministers, who line up with their boxes in
photographs and take pride in the Budget? No one among
them appears to have recognised the manifesto
commitment, leaving the public suspecting that it was
the Prime Minister who put the Chancellor right. There
will probably be consultations over a number of issues
in the future and if they are at the informed and
perceptive level of the construction of this Budget
then we are all in for a rather bumpy ride.
This after all was one of the Chancellor’s major
announcements in his first Budget. Surely he must have
consulted people. We and indeed the country are at a
loss as to why no one recognised what is now regarded
as an important block—namely, that at the last general
election the Conservative Party made a series of
promises, not all of which have been fulfilled, though
the ones that have been fulfilled are the ones that we
on this side of the House find most onerous. It turns
out that as far as this Budget was concerned this
promise was the critical one, yet the Chancellor went
blissfully on to deliver the Budget.
As the IFS has made clear with regard to self-employed
people on low incomes, the NICs uprating was only ever
small in comparison with the more significant changes
that the Government are making to universal credit, yet
this is the one that has shaken the Chancellor. I hope
the Minister recognises that the self-employed will
remain worried about what they will be taking home at
the end of the month following this fracas. On the
abolition of NICs 2, which the Chancellor has today
confirmed will go ahead, how will the rights of those
previously obtained by class 2 contributions be
ensured?
There is now a gaping hole in the Budget and the
Chancellor needs to reassure the nation that he will
cope with the financial problem represented by this
blunder. Finally, if no action on NICs 4 is to be taken
in this Parliament, what on earth is the purpose of
’s work? If
there is such a block on action on this one crucial
area—the Government have after all emphasised how
crucial it is in terms of changing patterns of
work—until after the next general election, we are all
left to wonder just what will be the purpose of that
work.
-
(LD)
My Lords, what a climbdown. And what a spat between No.
10 and No. 11. The Chancellor has always had a tin ear,
but did the Prime Minister not recognise that the NICs
change was, in effect, a tax increase on the plumber,
white van man, the entrepreneur and women working from
home because of children—people who are typically “just
about managing” and whose income fluctuates, is low and
is often unreliable?
Yesterday, in the Budget debate, the noble Lord,
, spoke of the
now discarded NICs change as a way to combat companies
that, to benefit from tax arbitrage, push people out of
employment into less certain self-employment. I
suggest, as I did then, that if the NICs changes had
been focused on those companies seeking that tax
arbitrage, rather than on the self-employed
then—manifesto pledge or no manifesto pledge—the
response would have been very different. Were the Tory
Government following their usual pattern of protecting
big companies and big business and hitting the little
people?
It is crucial, as I think everyone in this House would
agree, that the increase of £2 billion for social care
remains, inadequate though it is, being spread over
three years. How will the Government fill the gap in
the public finances when the Chancellor is so
constrained by expected blows from hard Brexit? Can the
Minister give us today a guarantee that it will not be
filled by more severe spending cuts to public sectors
already under extraordinary pressure? Do the Government
agree that the whole Victorian structure of business
and employment taxes needs re-examining? The former BIS
Secretary, Sir , is chairing such a
review for the Liberal Democrats. Will this Government,
among their many reviews, take on frankly a review of
similar scope, because it is vital?
When spreadsheet Phil decides to shoot from the hip, we
surely have a Government puffed up in hubris. I am
afraid that this exactly reflects the arrogance that
led the Government to hard Brexit. If they have a tin
ear over their own self-employed, how bad is the tin
ear that they will take into EU negotiations?
-
My Lords, I say to the noble Lord, Lord Davies, that we
are reluctant to take advice from the on promoting
harmony between No. 10 and next door. He will recall
that Budget measures introduced by the Labour
Government subsequently had to be revised. For the
Liberal Democrats, the noble Baroness was cautious
enough not to mention manifesto commitments—there are
certain issues from her party that would be brought to
mind.
We have made it absolutely clear that we will make good
the fiscal impact of this decision in the Autumn
Statement. We are not minded to borrow more, which has
sometimes been suggested. However, in response to the
serious issue raised by both the noble Lord and the
noble Baroness, I can give a firm assurance that all
the spending commitments made in the Budget will be
honoured—on skills, on adult social care and on
accident and emergency. We stand by those commitments.
The noble Lord asked about universal credit. There will
be no change to the entitlement to universal credit by
the self-employed. On the broader issues about the
Taylor review, there is an issue here—and the has recognised it
as an issue; it has a commission looking at the issue.
I do not think that it would be right to do what the
noble Lord suggested, which is to ditch the Taylor
review. It is important that we go ahead with it, but
we have ruled out certain responses in how we take it
forward. But there is an issue here—a threat to the tax
base that we need to address.
The Autumn Budget will make good the deficit, in the
normal way, so the hole will be filled, and the
Chancellor remains committed to sound finance, reducing
the deficit and investing in infrastructure and key
public services. Those commitments remain as before.
-
(Con)
My Lords, my noble friend will know that the
Chancellor’s original proposal was widely welcomed by,
for example, a leader in the Financial Times and the
Institute for Fiscal Studies. Would he agree that the
way in which the doctrine of the manifesto has
developed over almost the last century needs further
review now? We find ourselves in a situation where a
manifesto appears at short notice, is subject to
absolutely no consultation with anyone and is not
subject to amendment. In those circumstances, it is not
surprising that it sometimes contains rather
unfortunate proposals. None the less, one must
obviously abide by it in general terms—but one must
surely take into account changes in circumstances. The
result of the referendum means that the Chancellor will
be faced with immense problems in this Parliament. Is
it not a mistake to continue to tie his hands, and
should we at least give him the possibility of not
sticking to the manifesto commitment as it was
conceived at the time of the election because of these
changed circumstances? He ought not to be bound by the
triple lock, which is after all a major aspect of
fiscal policy, when we are trying to deal with all the
problems that a hard or even a soft Brexit may produce.
-
My noble friend gives some wise advice on the number of
commitments in the manifesto. I think that we had 600
in our last manifesto, and I am sure that there are
lessons to be learned. But I cannot agree with him that
we should ditch our manifesto commitments. Confidence
in the political system is not that high and, if any
party, once elected, were to break its manifesto
commitments along the lines that my noble friend has
suggested, it would not enhance confidence in the
political system at all. So we have to stick within the
commitments that we made and find other ways in which
to reduce the deficit.
-
(CB)
Would the Minister agree that, while I welcome the fact
that the Government have backed down on this, the
reason given very clearly is on the spirit of a
manifesto commitment not being broken? Well, the
biggest manifesto commitment that has been broken is
remaining in the single market. Are the Government now
going to back-track on that? We shall wait and see.
The main reason why people—and when I say people I mean
Members cross party in another place and here—objected
to this increase in national insurance contributions
for self-employed people affecting more than 2.5
million people is because the perception that it sends
out is that the Government are going after and hitting
the very people who take the risk to be self-employed
and going against encouraging entrepreneurship. Would
the Minister agree that the main role of government in
this area is to encourage entrepreneurship, which means
encouraging job creation, tax takes and growth, which
will help to get rid of the deficit—not by hurting the
very people who will create that growth?
-
The noble Lord will know that we have taken a number of
measures to promote enterprise. We have reduced
corporation tax and we are investing in infrastructure
and broadband. I do not want to reopen a discussion
that we have had for the last two or three weeks about
the single market and Brexit, but what has happened is
that there was an announcement last week and there were
then discussions with parliamentary colleagues and
others. Against the background of those discussions,
the Government have decided not to proceed. This is not
an unparalleled development in the political system. It
is a measured and proportionate response to some very
real reactions that we got from colleagues down the
other end.
-
(Lab)
Can I give the Minister two messages for the
Chancellor? First, the greatest unfairness in national
insurance—as I look around the House, this will not go
down very well—is the cut-off point at age 65. Whether
people are on salaries and pensions, national insurance
is general taxation and it should cover everybody who
has a relevant income. I cannot see how that could be
covered by this lock. My second message is more
widespread. It comes from the mid-1990s, when some of
us on the Front Bench were sent to Templeton College,
Oxford, on the basis that one day we might be
Ministers. The abiding lesson that I took away from
that seminar was a simple one: it is never too late to
avoid making a bad decision.
-
I am working out the exact impact of that—if you have
made a bad decision, how do you get out of it?
-
Reverse it.
-
If the noble Lord is saying that if you make a bad
decision it is never too late to undo it, I understand
that. On his other point, there is an argument for
harmonising tax and national insurance; this debate has
been going on for some time. It is not without its
consequences. National insurance is a contributory
benefit—you contribute to your state retirement
pension. If you have retired and drawn your pension,
what is the argument for continuing to make national
insurance contributions if your pension is not going to
go up as well? Harmonising is a complex issue, which we
will of course continue to look at. But I have to say,
it is not something that the Labour Government did
while they were in office.
-
(LD)
My Lords, I draw the House’s attention to my interests
as listed in the register, particularly as a member of
Sheffield City Council. As the national insurance
contribution changes were widely briefed by the
Government to pay for extra social care funding and
business rates support, will the Minister now give an
absolute guarantee that local government budgets will
not be raided to pay for the gap that has now been made
by this U-turn?
-
I think I have already given that commitment: the
support that we announced for local government in the
Budget will go ahead and will not be affected by the
announcement today.
-
(Con)
My Lords, I congratulate the Chancellor on his change
of heart. I am sure that he is encouraged by
yesterday’s debate here on the Budget and the
contributions of my noble friends and Lady Altmann
and the noble Lord, , and others. I
welcome this measure for self-employed business, but
can the Minister make representations to the Chancellor
on the subject of dividend tax changes, which will hit
small incorporated businesses particularly hard, and
also on the new proposed probate tax, which has not
come in yet but which will affect current and potential
Conservative voters in London in particular?
-
I am grateful to my noble friend for drawing attention
to the very good debate that we had yesterday on the
Budget Statement. I will ensure that the Chancellor is
aware of the views that were expressed by him and
others, not just on the national insurance issue but
also on probate and the changes to the dividend tax
allowance. Whether it was my noble friend’s speech last
night that caused the Chancellor to change his mind
this morning, I am not quite so sure, but I am grateful
for his support this evening.
-
(CB)
My Lords, does the Minister accept that the Statement
is a brilliant piece of euphemistic improvisation? It
may well be that the man in the street will remind
himself of a line of Victorian poetry, “Someone had
blundered”. However, does he accept that it is entirely
appropriate for the Government to proceed with extreme
caution on this fateful day, the Ides of March?
-
I am grateful to the noble Lord. He said
“improvisation”, but I think he does an injustice to
the minds of the civil servants, politicians and spads
who had to put together the Statement that the
Chancellor made a few moments ago.
-
(Lab)
My Lords, further to the excellent exchange between the
noble Lord, , and the
Minister, is not the moral of this episode—indeed, one
that should be taken by all parties—that manifestos
that read like mail order catalogues are a bad idea and
that manifestos would be better confined to one side of
A4?
-
I have some sympathy with that as a person who has had
to defend manifestos over 10 general elections. It is
important that the public have some idea of the
direction in which a political party will take the
country if it is successful in a general election, and
that manifestos give some idea about the big issues
such as public ownership, tax, defence, the police and
law and order. However, 600 commitments, which I think
is what we made, may be on the high side. By the time
we hit 2020, I am sure everybody will learn that there
is something to be said for brevity.
-
The Lord
My Lords, I think I can paraphrase the remarks of the
noble Lord, , by saying:
“To improve is to change; to be perfect is to change
often”,
as Churchill said. It is a strength that the Government
can change their mind so openly and directly, and I
wish that politicians would more often simply and
openly accept that they have changed their mind in the
light of the evidence. So, in that sense, I welcome
this announcement. My concern is about the further
measures. One of the problems with the triple lock and
the guarantee on tax rates and so on is that tax
increases tend to be stealth taxes of one form or
another. In a healthy democracy, the more open, direct
and progressive taxation is, the better. I wonder
whether the Minister is willing to make some comment,
from his heart, on that suggestion.
-
The right reverend Prelate invites the sinner to repent;
I think that was the gist of his remarks. I am sure the
Chancellor, as he reflects on how to make good the
deficit that we now have in the Budget, will take on
board the suggestion that the right reverend Prelate made
about openness and avoiding stealth taxes. However, I
hope he is not implying that the Government should not
make good the deficit and continue with their policy of
getting it down.
-
(Con)
My Lords, I congratulate the Chancellor on his brave and
sensitive decision to change his mind. I see our Labour
colleagues smiling, but the Chancellor changed his mind
after seven days. They have not changed their minds after
18 months of having the wrong leader. At least our
Chancellor got the message—
- A
noble Lord
Oh yes we have.
-
I bow to the noble Lord’s greater intimacy with those
decisions.
I pick up on the many points made about the value of
manifesto commitments. It seems to me inevitable that
other manifesto commitments will have to be considered:
the triple lock is just one clear example. Can we learn
from this lesson and make sure that the debate is had
before those decisions are made, rather than waiting
until the SAS comes through the window?
-
I am grateful to my noble friend. I think there is
something for all the political parties to learn in terms
of setting up policy reviews well in advance of the 2020
general election and involving party members and other
people, as appropriate, as they develop their policies,
rather than leaving things to the last moment. I
therefore take heart from what he says. I am sure that we
will all learn from what has happened today.
-
(Lab)
My Lords, many of those who are self-employed are also
registered for value added tax. I declare an interest as
such a person. However, the Government, with effect from
1 April, will introduce a flat rate for limited-cost
businesses under the VAT flat rate scheme. This will have
an immediate effect for many people in that position of
increasing the money they pay to HMRC by a margin of 2%
or 3%—in some cases more—of their turnover. Is that
consistent with the spirit of the Conservative manifesto?
-
I assume those measures have already been approved by
both Houses of Parliament, if they are going to come into
effect next month.
-
(Con)
My Lords, I too add my congratulations to the Chancellor
on his very sensible and timely decision. The idea that
self-employed and employed people have opportunities for
arbitrage, and that that needs to be corrected, is
absolutely right. However, the Chancellor should be
applauded for concluding that we should wait until the
review and a
more thorough analysis can be carried out, and then come
back in the autumn with perhaps different proposals that
will achieve the desired impact without breaking
manifesto commitments and recognise the huge importance
to our economy of encouraging self-employment,
risk-taking and the establishment of new businesses.
-
I am grateful to my noble friend for what she has just
said and for her contribution to yesterday’s debate on
the Budget. I am sure she is right in what she says about
the Taylor review and about finding the right way through
the dilemma of continuing to encourage enterprise and
self-employment where it is legitimate while, on the
other hand, removing the opportunity for arbitrage and
abuse, which in some cases is taking place at the moment.
I am grateful for her support.
-
(Lab)
My Lords, a very famous operator in the field of social
security and taxation once said, “When the evidence and
the facts change, I change my mind”. That is very wise
advice for the Government. What concerns me in all this
is that the Government have locked themselves for the
whole of the Parliament into what I would regard as a
rash, ill-judged manifesto commitment. A black hole—not
the first one—now appears in our public finances and will
have to be remedied over time, as the Minister has
already acknowledged. The question for us now is: as
people on benefits, housing benefit and low incomes have
been hurt, who will be hurt by whatever measures emerge
to fill this black hole?
-
I understand the noble Lord’s concern but, as I said when
I repeated the Statement, in his Autumn Budget the
Chancellor will outline the measures that he will take to
make good the revenue lost by this decision. Therefore,
the noble Lord will have to wait until the Autumn
Statement for the answer to his question, but I know that
the Chancellor will take on board his concern for the
lower paid and the less well off as he addresses those
issues.
-
(Con)
My Lords, I congratulate the Chancellor on his rapid
reverse but might it be worth reminding the what a long time it
took for it to drop the absurd selective employment tax,
invented by Professor Kaldor? It hung round Labour’s neck
for a very long while. As for filling the gap, did my
noble friend notice the suggestion that I made yesterday
that one of the easiest things to do is to reverse the
freeze on road fuel duty, which would do less than make
up for inflation? An increase of 10p a litre would
produce £4.6 billion of revenue this year, next year and
every year.
-
I am grateful to my noble friend for reminding us about
the selective employment tax, which I had totally
forgotten about until he reminded me a few moments ago. I
am also grateful to him for making a suggestion as to how
the gap might be filled —something that we have not had
from many other contributors. I know that as the
Chancellor approaches his Autumn Budget he will take on
board my noble friend’s suggestion, but I give no
guarantee at all that he will implement it.
-
(Lab)
Without wishing to sound a sour note, does the Minister
accept that, in the view of many of us, no
congratulations to the Chancellor are necessary on what
is in fact a humiliating U-turn? As former Whips in the
other place, the Minister and I both know that the reason
the Chancellor has backed down is that he does not have a
majority for this measure on his own Back Benches. That
is the simple explanation. As far as the welcome advice
that the Chancellor is now going to take from Mr
, I
recollect—and I hope that the Minister does too—that Mr
Taylor was a distinguished adviser to Mr during his time as
Prime Minister. If his involvement indicates that we are
about to return to that golden era, it will be long past
time.
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I am sure that will be able to
build a consensus between the various parties that he has
served over a period of time. As the noble Lord knows,
Whips do not speculate about how they go about they
trade. The reasons for the decision were as I set out in
the Statement some 20 minutes ago.
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(LD)
I thank the Minister for his very clear statement about
the continuing commitment to social care additional
funding, but will he give us an equally clear and
unequivocal statement to satisfy lots of worried people
in local government that he will not be raiding existing
funding for local government in order to offset the
social care funding that has been provided?
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The settlement for the current year has been made and the
additional funding that was announced in the Budget will
stand, so all the commitments that have been made in the
Budget will remain.
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(Lab)
My Lords, there is an air of inevitability about this
decision today. We have seen it built on the folly of
those manifesto commitments referred to by the noble
Lord, . There is another
issue that has run through lots of Budgets, which is the
internal process of government and the checks and
balances that are applied to Budgets, which are much
weaker than one would see in most legislation. Anyone
producing a Bill in government has to go round every
department getting input into it, and there is challenge.
That process irons out some of the problems that we have
seen emerge not only in this Budget but, to be fair, in
previous Budgets and announcements as well. On the
specific commitment today about no changes to class 4
contributions, does that apply to the basis of
calculation of thresholds as well as the rates?
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That is a good question. The manifesto commitment was
actually about the rates. So far as the thresholds are
concerned, our policy has been to uprate them each year
in line with CPI, I think. We have no plans to change
that.
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