The Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Affairs (Mr David Lammy) With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a
statement on the middle east. On taking office in July, I told the
House that this Government's priority in the region will be to
advance the cause of peace. That continues to be our mission on
every front: in Israel, in the west bank, in Lebanon, in the Red
sea and, of course, in Gaza, where we need an immediate ceasefire,
the protection...Request free trial
The Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Affairs (Mr )
With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a statement on the
middle east.
On taking office in July, I told the House that this Government's
priority in the region will be to advance the cause of peace.
That continues to be our mission on every front: in Israel, in
the west bank, in Lebanon, in the Red sea and, of course, in
Gaza, where we need an immediate ceasefire, the protection of
civilians, the immediate release of all hostages and more aid
getting into Gaza.
Over the summer, we faced the prospect of full-scale war breaking
out between Lebanese Hezbollah and Israel. On each of my three
visits to the region, including alongside my right hon. Friend
the Defence Secretary and, most recently, my joint visit with
French Foreign Minister Séjourné, I have urged Lebanese
Hezbollah, the Lebanese Government and Israel to engage with the
US-led discussions to resolve their disagreements diplomatically
and to reach a peaceful resolution through the implementation of
UN Security Council resolution 1701.
As we continue to work with our allies and partners to push for a
diplomatic solution, we none the less stand ready for the
worst-case scenario, including the potential evacuation of
British nationals. Our message to those still in Lebanon remains
clear: leave now.
Our common goal of peace in the middle east will never be lasting
until there is safety, security and sovereignty for both Israel
and a Palestinian state. We must all keep at the forefront of our
mind the pain, the anguish and the horror this conflict has
caused for so many ordinary civilians. The victims of the 7
October atrocity. The hostages and all those still enduring
unimaginable suffering, whether they are hoping to see their
loved ones again or are mourning their loss, as the tragic events
of this weekend illustrate with the recovery of the bodies of six
murdered hostages. The Israeli people still living under rocket
fire, not only from Hamas but from other hostile actors
explicitly dedicated to Israel's annihilation, and fighting an
enemy in Hamas whose appalling tactics endanger countless
civilian lives. And the innocent Palestinians, with tens of
thousands killed in the fighting, their numbers growing by the
day, including distressing numbers of women and children. Many
mothers are so malnourished that they cannot produce milk for
their babies, and families are struggling to keep their children
alive—disease and famine loom ever larger.
Heroic humanitarians are putting their lives on the line to help
others, including the brave aid workers I met from the United
Nations agencies and at the Palestine Red Crescent Society
warehouse I visited alongside France's Foreign Minister last
month. Indeed, last Thursday, the UK led a session at the United
Nations Security Council encouraging a continued global focus on
the protection of civilians in Gaza, including the need for
action on polio.
The escalation we are now seeing in the west bank, as well as in
Gaza, is deeply worrying, with many communities facing settler
violence amid an ongoing occupation, and so many on either side
of this terrible conflict convinced that the world does not grasp
the reality of Israel's predicament, or the depth of Palestinian
suffering.
Throughout my life, I have been a friend of Israel: a liberal,
progressive Zionist who believes in Israel as a democratic state
and a homeland for the Jewish people, which has the right both to
exist and to defend itself. But I believe also that Israel will
only exist in safety and security if there is a two-state
solution that guarantees the rights of all Israeli citizens and
their Palestinian neighbours, who have their own inalienable
right to self-determination and security.
As concern at the horrifying scenes in Gaza has risen, many in
this House, as well as esteemed lawyers and international
organisations, have raised British arms export licensing to
Israel. After raising my own concerns from Opposition, on taking
office, I immediately sought to update the review. On my first
appearance as Foreign Secretary in this House, I committed to
sharing the review's conclusions.
We have rigorously followed every stage of the process
established by the previous Conservative Government. Let me first
be clear on the review's scope. This Government are not an
international court. We have not, and could not, arbitrate on
whether or not Israel has breached international humanitarian
law. This is a forward-looking evaluation, not a determination of
innocence or guilt, and it does not prejudge any future
determinations by the competent courts.
However, facing a conflict such as this, it is this Government's
legal duty to review export licences. Criterion 2C of the
strategic export licensing criteria states that the Government
will
“not issue export licences if there is a clear risk that the
items might be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of
international humanitarian law”.
It is with regret that I inform the House today that the
assessment I have received leaves me unable to conclude anything
other than that, for certain UK arms exports to Israel, there
exists a clear risk that they might be used to commit or
facilitate a serious violation of international humanitarian
law.
I have informed my right hon. Friend the Business and Trade
Secretary. Therefore, he is today announcing the suspension of
around 30 licences, from a total of approximately 350, to Israel,
as required under the Export Control Act 2002. These include
licences for equipment that we assess is for use in the current
conflict in Gaza, such as important components that go into
military aircraft, including fighter aircraft, helicopters and
drones, as well as items that facilitate ground targeting. For
transparency, the Government are publishing a summary of our
assessment.
Today, I want to underline four points about these decisions.
First, Israel's actions in Gaza continue to lead to immense loss
of civilian life, widespread destruction to civilian
infrastructure and immense suffering. In many cases, it has not
been possible to reach a determinative conclusion on allegations
regarding Israel's conduct of hostilities, in part because there
is insufficient information either from Israel or other reliable
sources to verify such claims. Nevertheless, it is the assessment
of His Majesty's Government that Israel could reasonably do more
to ensure that lifesaving food and medical supplies reach
civilians in Gaza, in the light of the appalling humanitarian
situation.
This Government are also deeply concerned by credible claims of
mistreatment of detainees, which the International Committee of
the Red Cross cannot investigate after being denied access to
places of detention. Both my predecessor and all our major allies
have repeatedly and forcefully raised these concerns with the
Israeli Government. Regrettably, those concerns have not been
addressed satisfactorily.
Secondly, there can be no doubt that Hamas pay not the slightest
heed to international humanitarian law and endanger civilians by
embedding themselves in the tightly concentrated civilian
population and in civilian infrastructure. There is no
equivalence between Hamas terrorists—or indeed Iran and its
partners and proxies—and Israel's democratic Government, but to
license arms exports to Israel we must assess its compliance with
international humanitarian law, notwithstanding the abhorrence of
its opponents' tactics and ideology.
Thirdly, this is not a blanket ban or an arms embargo. The
suspension targets around 30 of approximately 350 licences to
Israel in total, for items that could be used in the current
conflict in Gaza. The rest will continue. The action we are
taking will not have a material impact on Israel's security. This
suspension covers only items that might be used in the current
conflict. There are a number of export licences that we have
assessed are not for military use in the current conflict and
therefore do not require suspension. They include items that are
not being used by the Israel Defence Forces in the current
conflict, such as trainer aircraft or other naval equipment. They
also include export licences for civilian use, covering a range
of products such as food-testing chemicals, telecoms, and data
equipment. This suspension will not prejudice the international,
collaborative, global F-35 programme that supplies aircraft for
more than 20 countries, which is crucial to wider peace and
security. Indeed, the effects of suspending all licences for the
F-35 programme would undermine the global F-35 supply chain that
is vital for the security of the UK, our allies and NATO.
Therefore, the Business and Trade Secretary has exempted these
licences from his decision.
Fourthly, the Government will keep our position under review.
Commitment to comply with international humanitarian law is not
the only criterion in making export-licensing decisions. We will
continue to work with our allies to improve the situation.
Foreign policy, of course, involves tough choices, but I will
always seek to take such decisions in line with our principles
and I will keep the House updated, in line with my previous
commitment.
Mr Speaker, we do not take this decision lightly, but we note
that, on previous occasions, Ministers from all parts of the
House—Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat—chose not to
license exports to Israel. In 1982, Margaret Thatcher imposed a
full arms embargo and an oil embargo on Israel as it fought in
Lebanon. Conflicts in Gaza prompted to suspend five licences in
2009, and chose not to issue new licences
while conducting a review in 2014. Like them, this Government
take seriously their role in applying export licensing law,
reflecting the published criteria and the specific circumstances.
But let me leave this House in no doubt: the UK continues to
support Israel's right to self-defence in accordance with
international law.
In April, British fighter jets intercepted Iranian missiles aimed
at Israel, preventing significant loss of civilian life. We
supported robust action against the Iranian-backed Houthis in
Yemen, who have attacked Israel directly as well as
Israeli-linked shipping. Iran should be in no doubt of our
commitment to challenge its reckless and destabilising activity
in the region and across the world. We will continue to work hand
in glove with our international partners to stand up to Iranian
aggression and malign activity wherever it is found, and we
continue to hold Iran to account, including through extensive
sanctions.
Today, we are doing so again. We are announcing new sanctions on
four Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps force targets, which have
a role in supporting Iranian proxy actions in Iraq, Syria, and
Lebanon. Through the UK's dedicated Iran sanctions regime we have
sanctioned more than 400 Iranian individuals and entities. And
through our work with partners, we are exposing and containing
Iran's destabilising weapons development, where soon we will be
introducing further regulations to bolster existing bans on the
export of goods and technology significant to Iran's production
of drones and missiles.
Let me be clear: we will continue to work with Israel and our
partners to tackle the threat from Iran across the region. This
Government will continue to stand for Israel's security, and we
will always do so in a manner consistent with our obligations to
domestic and international law. Mr Speaker, I commend this
statement to the House.
Mr Speaker
I call the shadow Foreign Secretary.
4.34pm
Mr (Sutton Coldfield)
(Con)
I thank the Foreign Secretary for advance sight of his statement.
Over the weekend, we were once again reminded of the tragic human
toll of this conflict, with Israel recovering the bodies of six
more innocent hostages murdered by Hamas. The only way this
conflict will be brought to an end, and for the suffering to end,
is through the release of those hostages. This cruel captivity
has lasted almost a year. Their suffering and jeopardy is
intolerable for Israel, and it should be intolerable for anyone
who cares about human rights and human dignity. Many of us in
this House have met with the families of the hostages. Even in
the midst of unimaginable pain and anxiety, they keep the torch
burning for their loved ones, publicly highlighting their plight
and tremendous bravery.
Let us be clear that the onus is on Hamas. They are using the
Palestinian people as human shields. Hamas have no humanity and
no shame. As Hamas inflict terrible suffering on both the Israeli
and the Palestinian people, it should not be forgotten that
another Iranian-backed proxy—Hezbollah—is engaged in continuous
attacks on Israel's northern border, with the risk of further and
yet more dangerous escalation across the blue line. Our support
for Israel's security is rock solid in the face of threats from
those who wish it serious harm, as we showed in April this year
when British personnel and weaponry were used to counter Iran's
massive missile attack. We will look carefully at the limited
arms embargo memorandum that the Foreign Secretary has promised
the House. While he rightly does not publish his legal advice, we
are grateful that he is honouring the promise that I made to the
Business and Trade Committee to publish as much as possible on
this. He will, I know, and as he said, be careful not to
indicate, in any way at all, any moral equivalence between Hamas
and the democratically elected Government of Israel.
In Government, we introduced sanctions to undermine Hamas and
Palestinian Islamic Jihad. We also sanctioned extremist Israeli
settlers who committed human rights abuses against Palestinian
communities in the west bank, and we welcome the new sanctions
that the Foreign Secretary has announced on four IRGC-Quds Force
targets. Implementation of the UN Security Council resolution
1701 remains our best hope of de-escalation and peace along the
blue line. Resolution 1701 provides a road map that everyone
should seek to follow, and we welcome the Government's
reaffirmation of their support for it. In relation to British
nationals in Lebanon, it is very much our hope that since the
House last considered this matter, shortly before the recess, the
number of Brits who have registered their presence in Lebanon and
departed from the country has risen. I reiterate that the
situation in the west bank has also deteriorated and become yet
more tense. While Israel must protect its vital security
interests, we urge the Netanyahu Government to do so in such a
way that minimises the risk of yet further instability and
escalation.
Turning finally to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, we convey our
thanks to the World Health Organisation and UNICEF staff who have
been racing to get polio vaccinations administered across Gaza.
They are doing vital work during this agreed pause. Pauses offer
not only the potential to get much-needed humanitarian aid in but
a window to get the hostages out, and pauses can help to create
the conditions necessary to bring about a sustainable peace. On
the distribution of aid, we strongly support calls for watertight
deconfliction processes and the utmost protection of aid workers.
Humanitarian aid can make a difference only if it is properly and
safely distributed. Guaranteed deconfliction for aid convoys and
other humanitarian work is absolutely essential. It is by road
and truck that aid must be able to reach Gaza by all routes. This
should make humanitarian aid delivery by air and sea unnecessary.
Can the Foreign Secretary provide the House with more detail
about how we are playing our part in international efforts to get
more aid over the border to desperate people?
We all want the terrible suffering of both the Israeli and
Palestinian people to end. It feels as if we are at a point where
this conflict could go in two radically different directions.
Although the region faces a potential conflagration, it is also
possible that cooler heads on all sides might prevail. Britain's
role must be to help facilitate a sustainable end to the current
suffering. It is only then that we can achieve our aim of lifting
people's eyes to the prospect of a different horizon in the
future.
Mr Lammy
I am grateful to the shadow Foreign Secretary for the tone of his
response. He will know as well as anyone that these are complex
and sober questions, and it is right that the House can debate
them in the appropriate tone and spirit this afternoon. I recall
that said that he was concerned
that Israel had violated international humanitarian law. The
shadow Foreign Secretary himself has repeatedly called on Israel
to abide by international humanitarian law and said that in
certain actions it may not have complied with international
humanitarian law. In April, the shadow Minister—the hon. Member
for Rutland and Stamford (), who was in her seat
slightly earlier—said that the UK had no choice but to suspend
arms, so the shadow Foreign Secretary can recognise that this is
not a partisan issue. I am very grateful for the tone that he has
taken in this debate.
I have provided the House today with a summary of the way in
which I have made the assessment. In doing so, I have been more
transparent than any Government have been in the past about such
decisions, because I recognise the exceptional public interest
that there is in this debate. The shadow Foreign Secretary is
right, like me, to underline that there is no moral equivalence
between Hamas, who began this atrocity on 7 October, and Israel's
prosecution of getting the hostages out and defending itself,
even though I have said that there is a clear risk in relation to
our export licensing regime. He is right to talk about the
context in Lebanon and indeed to support the Government's message
that UK nationals should leave. Let me assure him that I have not
just visited Lebanon, now and on many occasions, but spoken with
the Lebanese Prime Minister on three occasions just in the last
few weeks.
In the west bank, of course we recognise the important security
concerns of Israel, but we are deeply concerned with the way that
we have seen these actions being prosecuted over the last few
days, and we call for de-escalation. On the situation in Gaza,
successive Foreign Secretaries have now raised with the
Israelis—I raised it directly with Prime Minister Netanyahu—that
not enough trucks are getting in. It is still the case today,
after 11 months of conflict, that not enough trucks are getting
in. The Minister for Development was assessing the situation from
Jordan, as I was, just before that, with the Red Crescent.
It has been important for us to demonstrate leadership in the UN
and to press for pauses so that the children of Gaza can be
vaccinated against polio. We have that pause in place, I think
between 8 am and 2 pm, so that those children can get the
vaccinations they need so that they do not suffer.
(Brent East) (Lab)
I thank the Secretary of State for his important statement. I
agree with the shadow Secretary of State that it is clear that
Hamas have no humanity and no shame. Some have said that there is
only a pause to vaccinate children because polio may spread
beyond Gaza. With so many children killed in this war, I
understand why some may say that. The World Health Organisation
says that at least 90% of children under 10 must be immunised in
a very short period of time. With that in mind, can the Secretary
of State please tell the House what measures the Government are
taking to ensure further agreements are made to have a pause for
as long as possible and that both sides can adhere to?
Mr Lammy
I was very pleased to meet—alongside the Minister for
Development, my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford East
()—Dr Tedros, who leads the
World Health Organisation, to discuss those issues and his
particular concerns about disease and polio in the area. We
continue to press for a ceasefire and are working with all
colleagues to get it. Just before I came to the House, President
Biden confirmed that the ceasefire is in reach. I urge all sides
now to make that ceasefire happen, bring these horrors to an end
and get the hostages out.
Mr Speaker
I call the Lib Dem spokesperson.
(Oxford West and Abingdon)
(LD)
This week, we received the terrible news of the deaths of six
Israeli hostages. Among them was Hersh Goldberg-Polin, whose
mother Rachel I met when I was last in Jerusalem. I cannot
imagine her pain. That pain is not diluted by the pain of so many
others, including, yes, the families of other Israeli hostages,
but also thousands of families in Gaza, for the dead there. I am
sure we send our deepest condolences to all.
We have seen horrific violence in the west bank. Israeli forces
launched an operation inside refugee camps, terrifying children
in their beds, and have been accused of breaking their own codes
of conduct. The situation seems to go only from bad to worse, so
I welcome the Foreign Secretary's remarks about the suspension of
some licences for arms export to the Israel Defence Forces, but
given the seriousness of the International Criminal Court and
International Court of Justice cases, questions remain about the
many hundreds of other such licences, so I look forward to
reading the published summary. I urge the Government to go
further. Will they ban goods produced in the illegal Israeli
settlements? If the settlements are illegal, why are we allowing
trade with them? Will the Government sanction Ben Gvir and
Smotrich, as the European Union's Josep Borrell is considering?
Can the Foreign Secretary say at least that, when it comes to
violent extremists, nothing and no one is off the table?
Hersh's mother Rachel said to the UN Assembly in December of last
year:
“We are at a crossroads, and when I say we, I don't mean…Jews
Muslims or Christians, Americans, Palestinians, Europeans,
Israelis, Ukrainians, Russians. I mean we humans… We can keep
dividing the world into the paradigm of them versus us or we can
start thinking about those who are willing and those who are
not”.
This could have been so different. Imagine if the world had
listened to her in December. I urge the Government to be bolder.
That is the only way to make that promise of peace a reality, and
it must start, rather than end, with an immediate ceasefire.
Mr Lammy
I am grateful to the hon. Lady. I have now personally spoken to
or met all the families of British and UK-linked hostages and
have heard for myself the suffering that they have endured since
their loved ones were taken on 7 October. There needs to be an
end to this nightmare. I see the tremendous grief, pain and
trauma whenever I visit Israel and meet hostages' families, as I
have continued to do.
The hon. Lady is right to raise the issues on the west bank. We
are deeply concerned about the ongoing IDF military operation in
the occupied west bank and the attacks from Palestinian
militants. We recognise, of course, Israel's need to defend
itself against security threats, but we are deeply worried about
the methods that Israel has employed and by reports of civilian
casualties and the destruction of civilian infrastructure in
particular. It is in no one's interest for further conflict and
instability to spread to the west bank. We condemn the settler
expansion—particularly the record levels this year—and the
increase in settler violence. I condemn the language that has
been used by Ministers in the Israeli Government—Smotrich and Ben
Gvir—in relation to that in particular. It is entirely
unacceptable language, and should be condemned by the Israeli
Government as a whole.
The hon. Lady has raised important issues. Of course, she will
recognise that we label goods from settlements based on the 1967
borders, but the issues are very complex.
(Liverpool Riverside)
(Lab)
The escalation of military violence in the west bank has led to
the reported deaths of Palestinians and increased settler
violence, resulting in illegal occupation and violent land theft.
Amid this escalation, the US has imposed sanctions on Israeli
groups. Medical Aid for Palestinians has claimed that the UK
Government have not acted with due urgency, so can the Foreign
Secretary clarify the Government's position on this issue and
what immediate actions they will be taking, other than
condemnation of this action?
Mr Lammy
I reassure my hon. Friend that we are keeping this issue under
review. We are in dialogue with our closest allies on this issue,
and we will not flinch from dealing with the issues at hand if we
need to.
Sir (New Forest East) (Con)
Can the Foreign Secretary assure the House that what appears to
be a carefully calibrated response to a dreadful situation will
not in any way impair the valuable co-operation between Israel
and the United Kingdom where the sharing of intelligence about
international terrorist activity is concerned?
Mr Lammy
The right hon. Gentleman is among the very few in this House who
understand the breadth, depth, and importance for our own
national security of that relationship. We have a very important
people-to-people relationship with Israel—250,000 Jewish people
in this country—and a very important trading relationship with
Israel, but our intelligence, military and security co-operation
is essential, not just to our national interest but to the
security of much of the world.
As such, I have made this decision with regret. It is in sorrow,
not in anger, and the right hon. Gentleman will know that other
Governments—Conservative Governments —have gone for a full arms
embargo. We have not done that today, because we recognise that
with Hezbollah, the Houthis and Hamas, it is right that Israel
has the means to defend itself.
(Islington South and
Finsbury) (Lab)
Could my right hon. Friend reiterate the very important point
that this is not an arms embargo on Israel? We continue to
support Israel's right to defend itself and will continue to sell
it arms, but the rules underpinning our control of arms are as
they have always been: the UK will not permit the sale of arms if
they might be used for internal repression or international
aggression. For that reason, we have cut the number of arms
export licences by 30.
Mr Lammy
My right hon. Friend spent a few more years at the Bar than I
did, and she knows that this very sober assessment is based on a
clear risk. On the basis of that clear risk, we have sought to
suspend export licences for arms and weaponry that may be used in
Gaza, amounting to around 30 licences. Of course, it is our
sincere hope that we will get to that ceasefire, and to a
sustained position that will allow us to resume working in the
way that we would normally work with our Israeli friends.
(North West Hampshire) (Con)
I, too, met the mother of Hersh Goldberg-Polin in Jerusalem. It
is a terrible tragedy that his name has joined the list of many
thousands of innocents on both sides who have died in this
conflict over the last few months.
The Secretary of State will know that I have long been concerned
about the situation in the west bank. I understand that the
measures that he has taken today, and indeed sanctions generally,
are not purely performative —he wants them to have some bite—so I
wanted to ask about the case of the Hilltop Youth. That violent
settler organisation was sanctioned by the previous Government
earlier this year and was recently described as a bunch of
terrorists by the head of the internal security service in
Israel, yet our sanctions have seemingly had no impact on its
behaviour and conduct or on the violent persecution that it is
visiting upon innocent Palestinians in the west bank.
Will the Secretary of State consider extending our sanctions to
those who support and sustain that organisation and others, both
within Israel and externally? If we are to be taken seriously on
the international stage, whether in the case of Iran or these
violent organisations, our measures have to have bite and effect.
At the moment, seemingly, they do not.
Mr Lammy
The right hon. Gentleman, who has raised these issues
consistently in the House over many years, is absolutely right to
draw our focus to what is happening on the west bank. Not because
of the immediate violence that we have seen in the last two days,
but because the level of violence—the expansion and the sense of
impunity that one sees when one is in the west bank—is of huge
concern. I reassure him that I continue to work with allies and
to keep these matters under close review.
(Middlesbrough and Thornaby
East) (Lab)
I thank the Foreign Secretary for his statement. I speak as a
long-term friend of Palestine and an advocate of a two-state
solution. I am sure that he will agree that we want to see all
hostages released in their hundreds and thousands.
What assessment has the Foreign Secretary made of the impact of
his suspension of 30 licences? Israel has shown little sign of
responding to pressure from the outside world, so along with the
hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon (), I ask what further steps he
is prepared to take. We see those egregious behaviours in the
west bank, so is it really conscionable that Israel will respond
favourably to his limited but welcome announcement today?
Mr Lammy
May I say that I know the strength with which my hon. Friend
talks about these issues, and has talked about them consistently
over many years? Let me make it clear that the announcement that
I have made today follows a process, which was set up by the last
Government in 2021. We have followed that process to the letter,
which is why I am here today. The point of the process is in no
way to punish Israel, but to make sure that our export licensing
regime remains among the most robust in the world. I recognise
what he says about the west bank particularly, which is why I
went to the region again just a few weeks ago.
(Argyll, Bute and South
Lochaber) (SNP)
I thank the Foreign Secretary for prior sight of the statement,
and of course we welcome anything that reduces the appalling
death toll in Gaza and, increasingly, sadly, in the west bank.
The statement raises many questions, however, that I will write
to him about later.
I will press the Foreign Secretary on the issue of the UK
recognising that the Netanyahu Government's use of UK weapons
poses a “clear risk” of the violation of international
humanitarian law. He will be aware that there is no legal
definition of what is an offensive weapon and what is a defensive
weapon, so why and on what basis, if there is a “clear risk”—in
his words—of the violation of international humanitarian law, has
he not imposed a blanket ban on Israel until that risk has gone
away completely?
Mr Lammy
We have one of the most robust export licensing regimes in the
world. The process requires us to make an assessment of the clear
risk in the theatre of conflict, which in this case is Gaza. We
therefore made an assessment of the licences that could be used
in Gaza, and I made this announcement today. Notwithstanding the
concerns around international humanitarian law in that theatre of
action, the hon. Gentleman should recognise the real threats that
Israel faces from Lebanese Hezbollah, recognise what the Houthis
are doing in the Red sea—in just the last few days, we saw a
terrible attack on a Greek oil tanker—and recognise the
long-standing relationship that this country has with Israel,
particularly as regards the intelligence and military
co-operation that keeps much of the middle east and the world
safe. On that basis, my remarks are measured, and I defend
that.
(Aylesbury) (Lab)
I welcome the Foreign Secretary's decision to suspend certain
arms sales to Israel. I also appreciate his acknowledgment that
Israel could do much more to allow aid to reach people in Gaza.
What further conversations has he had with the Israeli Government
to ask them to ensure that aid workers can do their vital work
safely and effectively, and that aid can get to those who
desperately need it?
Mr Lammy
I have raised the issue of aid workers, and the tremendous loss
of aid workers' lives in this conflict, directly in all my
meetings with the Israeli Government. Another issue sits
alongside this: the issue of deconfliction. In any war, there are
rules, and one of the rules is that aid workers should be able to
get medical supplies and aid to the civilians who need it. There
have been real issues with deconfliction zones, and the number of
aid workers and UN workers who have died in this conflict, and my
hon. Friend is absolutely right to raise that.
(East Antrim) (DUP)
The only people who will be overjoyed by this decision are the
Hamas terrorists who murdered six hostages in cold blood at the
weekend. They have been handed the hope that this Government will
not stand firm in their defence of Israel's right to defend
itself.
Let us look at the threadbare arguments that the Foreign
Secretary has used. He says that these arms might be used to
breach international humanitarian law, yet he admits that the
Government cannot arbitrate on whether Israel has done so to
date. He says that civilian deaths have been caused, yet hardly a
couple of paragraphs later in his statement he states that the
civilian deaths are the result of Hamas embedding itself in the
civilian population, with no regard for the people affected. The
last reason he gives for his decision is that Israel is
responsible for those deaths, but he then admits that it is not
possible to determine who is responsible for the deaths—or,
indeed, how many deaths there have been; in most cases, we rely
on Hamas propaganda for that number.
I say to the Foreign Secretary that this is a bad decision, which
we will live to regret. I believe that it is, unfortunately, the
result of the pressure that Labour MPs have felt in their
constituencies from pro-Gaza protests.
Mr Lammy
I say to the right hon. Gentleman that this party supported
British fighters taking to the skies on 13 April in the defence
of Israel when missiles were being delivered from Iran. This
party supported the last Government in their defence of Israel
following the attacks from the Houthis in the Red sea. I remind
him that I have not gone as far as Margaret Thatcher went in
1982. Governments of both types—including under , a Liberal Democrat, and Gordon
Brown—have had to make these difficult decisions. I stand by a
party and, I hope, a Chamber that recognises the importance of
international humanitarian law, and the clear risk assessment
that we have been required to make to ensure that this country is
not in breach of that law.
(Newcastle upon Tyne Central and West) (Lab)
I welcome the Government's decision to suspend certain licences
to sell arms to Israel; my constituents are horrified by the
unimaginable and unacceptable suffering in Gaza, and certainly
would not want any British exports to contribute to it. My
constituents are also horrified by the unimaginable and
unacceptable suffering of the hostages who have been held for
over 11 months, many of whom have been killed.
The Foreign Secretary will have seen the protests in Tel Aviv
last night, and the strikes called by Israeli labour unions to
try to persuade the Israeli Government to make a deal and bring
hostages home. From his discussions with the Israeli Government,
what does he think are the main obstacles to a deal that brings
the hostages home and delivers a ceasefire in Gaza?
Mr Lammy
My hon. Friend asks a very good question, and she is absolutely
right: what brings this to an end is a ceasefire. The issues boil
down to the security of Israel once we get to that ceasefire. She
will no doubt have read about the issues around the Philadelphi
corridor, and Israel's insistence that it should still be present
in Gaza; that is a matter of discussion. There have been issues
around the hostages, who must come out—that is absolutely
right—and the prisoners in Israel's prisons, the Palestinians in
particular. We are reaching a decisive point, as Joe Biden has
said. We can get there, and we need to get there to bring to an
end this horror, which has gone on for many, many months.
(Islington North) (Ind)
The Foreign Secretary will be well aware of the decisions made by
the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal
Court. He will also be well aware that the world has condemned
Israel for its illegal occupation of the west bank, the
settlement policy and the killing of 40,000 people in Gaza. On
the suspension of some arms contracts, can he explain what effect
that will actually have on Israel's ability to continue the
bombardment of Gaza, or will it continue unabated? Will he also
explain what role, legally or otherwise, Britain has played in
overflying Gaza with surveillance aircraft, and explain the use
of RAF Akrotiri as a staging post for aircraft going to Israel,
which many people believe are carrying weapons to be used to bomb
Gaza?
Mr Lammy
I know that the right hon. Gentleman is informed on many aspects
of these issues. He must know that our arms exports to Israel
amount to about 1% of its arms; in fact, the United States,
Germany and others are much more engaged in selling arms to
Israel, so when he asks about the effect, he can draw his own
conclusions. I am very comfortable with the support that we give
to Israel, and as he would expect, I will not comment on
operational issues from this Dispatch Box.
(Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy)
(Lab)
Israeli military F-16 aircraft have dropped thousands of bombs on
civilians in Gaza in the last 11 months. UN weapons inspectors
confirmed that this includes bombing the premises of the aid
agencies Medical Aid for Palestinians and the International
Rescue Committee, which housed Palestinian aid workers,
international aid workers and doctors, in January of this year.
F- 16s have further killed thousands of Palestinian civilians who
had fled their homes to what the Israeli military had designated
a safe zone in al-Mawasi. May I ask the Foreign Secretary to
confirm that this arms ban will include licences related to the
F-16, and if it does, that this is in service of upholding UK and
international law and protecting civilian lives?
May I also express extreme concern at the ongoing Israeli
military action in the west bank? Earlier this year, I was in
Tulkarm refugee camp after a military raid, and last year I was
in Jenin refugee camp, days after a military raid. Both those
raids were much smaller than what is happening now. The west bank
and Jerusalem are at boiling point, and that is alongside the
horrors in Gaza. What action is the Foreign Secretary taking to
uphold international law there, too?
Mr Lammy
My hon. Friend brings tremendous expertise to the House on the
issues on the ground, particularly in Gaza and the west bank. I
reassure her that we have fully assessed the export licensing
regime, and weapons that might be used in the conflict—including
those that she mentions—have been excluded. She is right to raise
the issues of deconfliction, and the aid workers who have lost
their lives. I reassure her that I have raised those issues with
the Prime Minister in Israel and other members of the Government,
and pressed them hard. When I came into this role, I knew that
the former Foreign Secretary had done exactly the same. It is on
that basis that we have, sadly and regrettably, come to this
assessment today.
(Tunbridge Wells) (LD)
We have had some very strong words from the Foreign Secretary
today about the need for this war to end, and we have heard how
important a ceasefire is for that, and I take him at his word.
Looking forward, however, what levers does he have, and when will
he pull them?
Mr Lammy
The hon. Gentleman is new to this House, so I will tread very
gently. I urge him to reflect on the fact that to bring about
peace, as we saw in Northern Ireland, we need partners for peace.
The principal partners here are Benjamin Netanyahu and Sinwar.
The deal we have on the table could bring about that peace. In my
past eight or nine weeks in office, I have spent more time on
this issue, pressing to get that ceasefire, than any other.
(Hammersmith and Chiswick)
(Lab)
We have seen the most serious incursions into the west bank for
20 years. It is under cover of the horror happening in Gaza;
otherwise it would be leading the news. Towns such as Jenin are
completely cut off, with the water supply cut and the streets
ploughed up. What is the Government's specific response to that,
which is really a form of collective punishment? Has the Foreign
Secretary looked at whether arms and equipment are being used
specifically in the west bank?
Mr Lammy
I say to my very good friend that the UK position is clear:
settlements are completely unacceptable and illegal under
international law. They present an obstacle to peace, and they
threaten the physical viability of a two-state solution. That is
why we take this matter so seriously, and it is why we condemn
the settler violence and remarks of incitement, such as those
made by Israel's National Security Minister Mr Ben-Gvir and
Finance Minister Smotrich. We keep all these issues under review,
and I discuss them all with our closest allies.
(Ceredigion Preseli) (PC)
Amid the devastation of the bombardment and the collapse in
civilian infrastructure, civilians in Gaza must now contend with
polio. As has been mentioned this afternoon, to be effective, the
UN vaccination programme needs to attain some 90% coverage of the
population. What is the Foreign Secretary's assessment of the
initial progress on the scheme? What steps are his Government
taking to facilitate a swift and hopefully effective
roll-out?
Mr Lammy
I am grateful for the question. It is horrendous that polio has
returned after two decades of absence in Gaza. We convened and
pressed to get this pause in Gaza to get children vaccinated so
that we do not see a new flowering of that horrendous disease and
affliction. I hope that the hon. Member will commend the
leadership that we have shown as well as that we saw at the UN
Security Council to bring about this vaccination programme in the
last few days.
(High Peak) (Lab)
We are all desperate to see an end to the suffering on all sides
in this conflict. The Iranian regime and their proxies are one of
the biggest barriers to ending that conflict and achieving a
sustainable ceasefire. Does the Secretary of State agree that
tackling the threat from Iran is vital? Will he update us on his
plans to proscribe the IRGC?
Mr Lammy
I am grateful for the question, and I would not want the House to
lose sight of the further sanctions on four individuals that I
announced in the House this afternoon; Members can revisit my
statement to be abreast of that. My hon. Friend is absolutely
right about the dangers that the IRGC poses. Indeed, it has been
important for me in these early weeks in office to engage with my
Iranian counterpart and to urge de-escalation, particularly in
relation to any action that Iran is contemplating. This remains
the very biggest and most important of issues for us in the UK,
and it is absolutely right to keep it centre stage.
(North Herefordshire)
(Green)
The news about the suspension of some export licences is indeed
welcome, and I know that many in my constituency and across the
country will be glad to hear it, but I am alarmed that the
principle underpinning criterion 2C seems to have been
inconsistently applied. In particular, the justification that the
Foreign Secretary offered for not suspending licences for the
F-35 appears inconsistent. There appears to be clear evidence of
risk—I understand that there are online posts from the Israel
Defence Forces indicating that F-35s have been used in bombing
Gaza—so I urge him to review the case again and to suspend those
licences. Will he also clarify whether licensing continues for
R902(W) Wankel engines, which were involved in the attack on
World Central Kitchen humanitarian workers?
Mr Lammy
The hon. Lady asked important questions about the F-35. In
looking at the F-35, it is important to understand that there is
a global supply chain. She will recognise the very serious
threats that exist across much of the globe in other terrible
theatres of conflict. I think that, were she in my situation, she
too would make the judgment that we should do nothing to equip
those who would cause tremendous harm in relation to this
decision. That has been important—never mind the ability to
distinguish, across those multiple supply chains that involve
many nations, the particular bits of armoury that she talked
about.
(Sheffield Hallam) (Lab)
The children of Gaza have faced an onslaught from above and now
face the spread of disease. Will the Foreign Secretary consider
once again bringing those who are most vulnerable to the UK for
medical treatment? Polio has a lasting impact, and those who have
been infected could need a lot more support with lifelong
disabilities. We also see children who need amputations and
life-altering operations but have not been able to access the
right quality of care because the hospitals have not been there.
Can we look at this again? Other countries are doing so; let us
be a part of that.
Mr Lammy
My hon. Friend raises a very important issue. My right hon.
Friend the Member for Oxford East () and I made statements in
our first weeks in office on supporting UK-Med and restoring the
funding to UNRWA, to ensure that those children get the medical
aid they need at this time. I am afraid my assessment is that,
across Gaza, it is not sufficient, for the reasons that I have
discussed, but it was important that we put all the aid and money
we could into that endeavour, particularly on behalf of those
young children. Another issue that I am tremendously concerned
about is the amount of young people who are not in school. This
has gone on for months, and young people must be in school.
(Strangford) (DUP)
I thank the Foreign Secretary for his answers. I defend the right
of Israel to protect all its people, as the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland did for its own citizens
against IRA terrorism, and as Ukraine has done against Russian
aggression. I am ever mindful of that. Our hearts ache for those
hostage families who have received the news that they feared and
dreaded for almost a year. That even more forcibly underlines the
need to ensure that either the hostages or their remains are
brought home, and that steps be taken for peace in the middle
east, which is the goal of the Foreign Secretary and everyone in
this House. Will he outline what further steps can be taken along
with our allies to bring about this much-needed peace?
Mr Lammy
Today's decision relates to an independent process concerning our
strategic export licensing criteria. It comes on yet another day
of tremendous pain for those hostage families—I am acutely aware
of that. It is why I have sought to speak to those families—those
who have a relationship with our own country, and those beyond as
well—and to meet them when I have been in Israel. My heart bleeds
for them. The pain and suffering that they are going through is
torturous. That there are so many left is unbelievable. To have
gone so many months not knowing whether their loved one is alive
or dead is horrific. Anyone who looks at the front pages of the
international news can see those beautiful young people who have
been taken from us in the most horrific of ways; frankly, it
brings tears to the eyes. I offer my deepest condolences—all of
us do—to those families who have learned that they have lost
their loved ones over the last few days.
(Poplar and Limehouse)
(Ind)
The Foreign Secretary announced that 30 of approximately 350 arms
export licences will now be suspended. That is still less than
10% of the total number of arms export licences to Israel. Given
that over 40,000 Palestinians have now been killed, Israel is
expanding its military operations in the occupied west bank and a
Foreign Office official has resigned, stating that
“it's actually quite clear…that…Israel is perpetuating war crimes
in plain sight”,
will the UK Government ensure that the UK is not complicit in
Israel's war crimes, and will they suspend all arms sales to
Israel?
Mr Lammy
I have followed the quasi-legal process that we have in this
country—one of the most robust regimes in the world. I stand by
the decision that I have made that approximately 30 export
licences to Israel should be suspended at this time. Yes, that
represents 10%, because it is the 10% that could be used in the
theatre of conflict that we are concerned with. I gently say to
the hon. Lady that we might sell many things, but I do not think
anyone would suggest that we should not sell a helmet or goggles
to one of our closest allies. We made that assessment in a
measured and sober way on behalf of the British people, and I am
satisfied with the assessment that has been made.
(Birmingham Perry Barr)
(Ind)
I welcome the Foreign Secretary's decision to withdraw some arms
export licences. I am confident that, even though our arms trade
is insignificant, it is bound to have a repercussion on other
countries that provide arms licences, so I certainly welcome the
move. What steps can he take, in liaising with his Israeli
counterparts, in relation to the Palestinian children who will
now receive polio vaccinations and are being moved from pillar to
post, without a real safe zone? Will the Foreign Secretary seek
assurances that they will be given a safe zone and not be blown
away after being given their vaccinations?
Mr Lammy
Yes.
(Monmouthshire) (Lab)
I thank the Foreign Secretary for his statement. I absolutely
share his pain, horror and dismay at the number of innocent
civilians killed in Gaza. I recently received a letter from
constituents under the banner of Families for a Ceasefire, signed
by over 70 families in Monmouthshire, calling for a ceasefire and
a ban on all arms sales to Israel, so I welcome the suspension of
30 arms licences. Will my right hon. Friend share with us when a
further review of the remaining licences will be available? Will
he consider encouraging other countries around the world to do as
we have done and suspend their licences to Israel?
Mr Lammy
I recognise that this is a really big issue for my hon. Friend's
constituents. I recall being in Wales a few months ago and the
issue being raised with us both, when I was speaking on behalf of
the Opposition. Our regime is our regime; different countries
will have different arrangements. It is for them to
democratically determine those arrangements, and they will have
made a range of different assessments. She will also understand
that, as I said, there are really only two or three countries
that sell substantial amounts to Israel and, in truth, we are not
one of them. I think the assessment that has regrettably been
reached today should satisfy all those who have been concerned
with any breaches of international humanitarian law on the basis
of a clear risk, which is the export licensing criteria. As I
said in my statement, it is not a judgment. It is not for me, the
Government or any of us in this place to act as judge and jury.
That is a matter for the appropriate international courts and
must be determined in the usual way. I emphasise that it is the
clear risk judgment of our export licensing criteria that has
required me to make this judgment.
(Edinburgh East and
Musselburgh) (Lab)
I welcome the Government's statement and I know that many in my
constituency will as well. Our overwhelming priority must be an
immediate ceasefire in Gaza. Does the Foreign Secretary agree
that both sides must come to the table to end the conflict, and
will the Foreign Office strain every diplomatic sinew to effect
that?
Mr Lammy
Yes. We need a ceasefire now. It is in the hands of the major
actors to bring that about, and to get those hostages out and get
that hostage deal. So many families in Israel want to see that
hostage deal and to bring the suffering of the Palestinian people
to an end, so the aid can get in in the quantities required. It
is within our reach. I will be honest with my hon. Friend: I had
hoped that we would have reached that point by now, but we must
still reach to get there over the coming days.
(York Central)
(Lab/Co-op)
We have been talking about polio today because, tragically, we
have learnt that that infectious disease is taking a grip in
Gaza. However, there are many other communicable diseases in Gaza
which are spreading. Therefore, just focusing on polio will not
be sufficient to save lives. What further steps can my right hon.
Friend take to ensure that windows of vaccination, treatment and
cure can be extended so that more lives can be saved?
Mr Lammy
I assure my hon. Friend that both the Minister for Development,
my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford East (), and I are working on
these issues, and that our support for all medical aid in Gaza is
paramount. Of course, sitting alongside the medical context is
the nutritional context—including the threat of famine and
starvation, which leads to so many medical ailments. My hon.
Friend is right to emphasise these matters, and I can only say to
her that we in the UK in particular continue to work on this
front.
(Norwich North)
(Lab/Co-op)
The Foreign Secretary rightly said in his statement that famine
was looming ever larger in Gaza, and he has just mentioned the
issue of hunger and malnutrition. The World Food Programme has
managed to bring in only half the aid needed, and, indeed,
recently suspended movements of its staff after they came under
attack. Will the Foreign Secretary expand on the assessment of
hunger and malnutrition levels in Gaza, and on the specific
action that the Government are taking to push for unimpeded
access to food aid?
Mr Lammy
It is of tremendous concern that over the last few days the World
Food Programme has suspended its activities in Gaza because its
own workers have come under attack in connection with issues of
deconfliction that have already been raised today. That has
prompted tremendous concern on both sides of the House about
nutrition, about starvation and about famine. We will be
redoubling our efforts over the coming days, and working with
international partners to see that people do not go without the
food that would keep them from famine status.
(Wirral West) (Lab)
I welcome the Foreign Secretary's call for an immediate
ceasefire, because that is the route for hostages to be returned
home and for aid to flow into all corners of Gaza, and I welcome
his call for a two-state solution, because that is the only route
to a lasting peace in the region. I also welcome the clarity
about the fact that there is no moral equivalence between the
Israeli Government and the heinous action and intent of Hamas.
May I ask the Foreign Secretary what steps can be taken to stop,
or stem, the flow of money, aid and weapons from Iran to its
proxies, who are so determined to bring about Israel's total
destruction?
Mr Lammy
I am grateful for the tone of my hon. Friend's remarks. He is
entirely right to put the spotlight on Iran. That is why I have
announced further sanctions today, it is why we keep the position
of the IRGC under close review, and it is why I have spoken to
the Iranians twice in the last two weeks and urged de-escalation.
It is also why I have been to Lebanon and met its Prime Minister,
its Speaker and others, including those who could convey messages
to Hezbollah. We have military intelligence capability that is
among the best in the world, working with our partners, and these
are issues of the utmost importance in relation to global
security.
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