Mr David Lammy (Tottenham) (Lab) Urgent Question) To ask the
Secretary of State if he will make a statement on the situation in
Gaza and Israel The Minister of State, Foreign,
Commonwealth and Development Office (Mr Andrew Mitchell) I thank
the right hon. Gentleman for his question. Israel suffered the
worst terrorist attack in its history on 7 October last year. The
scenes that we saw on that day were appalling, and Hamas’s
disregard for civilian...Request free
trial
(Tottenham) (Lab) Urgent
Question)
To ask the Secretary of State if he will make a statement on the
situation in Gaza and Israel
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Office ( )
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his question.
Israel suffered the worst terrorist attack in its history on 7
October last year. The scenes that we saw on that day were
appalling, and Hamas’s disregard for civilian welfare continues
today, more than five months later. We remember all the time
those who are still being held hostage and their families, and we
call once again for their immediate release. However, we
naturally remain deeply concerned about the humanitarian
situation in Gaza and the impact of the conflict on all
Palestinian civilians. We have borne witness to death and
displacement on a vast scale. More than 1,700,000 people have had
to leave their home, many on multiple occasions. We are deeply
concerned about the growing risk of famine, exacerbated by the
spread of disease, and, of course, about the terrible
psychosocial impacts of the conflict, which will be felt for
years to come.
We are totally committed to getting humanitarian aid to all those
people in Gaza who desperately need it, doing so either ourselves
or through UN agencies and British or other charities. We and our
partners are pushing to get aid in through all feasible means, by
land, sea and air. We have trebled our aid funding to the
Occupied Palestinian Territories this year, providing just under
£100 million, of which £70 million has been delivered as
humanitarian assistance. On 13 March a further 150 tonnes of UK
aid arrived in Gaza, including 840 family tents, 13,440 blankets,
nearly 3,000 shelter kits and shelter fixing kits, 6,000 sleeping
mats, and more than 3,000 dignity kits. A field hospital,
provided through UK aid funding to UK-Med, arrived in Gaza from
Manchester last Friday. This facility, staffed by UK and local
medics, will be able to treat more than 100 patients a day. Along
with Cyprus, the United States, the United Arab Emirates and
others, Britain will help to deliver humanitarian aid by sea to a
new temporary US military pier in Gaza via a maritime corridor
from Cyprus.
We have made it clear, however, that air and sea deliveries
cannot be a substitute for the delivery of aid through land
routes. Only through those routes can the demand for the volume
of aid that is now required be met. We continue to
press Israel to open more
land crossings for longer, and with fewer screening requirements.
There is no doubt that land crossings are the most effective
means of getting aid into Gaza, and Israel must do more.
There is also no doubt that the best way to bring an end to the
suffering is to agree an immediate humanitarian pause, and
progress towards a sustainable, permanent ceasefire without a
return to destruction, fighting and loss of life. Reaching that
outcome is the focus of all our diplomatic efforts right now, and
a goal that is shared by our international partners. We urge all
sides to seize the opportunity, and continue negotiations to
reach an agreement as soon as possible.
Mr Lammy
Yesterday, a UN-backed report revealed the shocking reality that
famine in Gaza is imminent. Half the population is expected to
face catastrophic levels of hunger—the highest number of people
ever recorded as being in that category under this system. Only
twice in 20 years have famine conditions been reached, but what
distinguishes the horror in Gaza from what has come before is
that it is not driven by drought or natural disaster; it is
man-made. It is the consequence of war. It is the consequence of
aid that is available not reaching those who need it. Food is
piled up in trucks just a few kilometres away, while children in
Gaza are starving. It is unbearable, and it must not go on.
International law is clear: Israel has an
obligation to ensure the provision of aid. The binding measures
ordered by the International Court of Justice require it. The
world has demanded it for months, yet still aid flows are
woefully inadequate. Aid actually fell by half between January
and February. That is outrageous. The continued restrictions on
aid flows are completely unacceptable, and must stop now—just as
Hamas must release the hostages now. I do not doubt that the
Minister agrees with me, but will he have the courage to say that
the ICJ’s orders, including on aid, are binding, and
that Israel must comply with
them? Do the lawyers at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Office believe that Israel is currently in
compliance with its obligations?
Amid this accelerating hunger crisis, Prime Minister Netanyahu
reportedly approved plans for an offensive against Rafah. That
would risk catastrophic humanitarian consequences. It would be a
disaster for civilians and a strategic mistake. How are the
Government working to prevent a further attack on Rafah? The
truth is this: it will not be possible to address the crisis in
Gaza if the fighting does not stop—and that is also the best way
to secure the release of hostages. Will the Government finally
join us and dozens of countries, and call for an immediate
humanitarian ceasefire?
Mr Mitchell
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his questions and comments,
which I will try to deal with more or less sequentially. First,
he asked me about the reports of famine. The Integrated Food
Security Phase Classification, or IPC, report is clear: it says
that famine is a very real scenario. We are doing everything we
can to try to head that off, as I set out in my response to the
urgent question. In addition to famine, there is also the danger
of disease, the lack of health services, and the acute danger
from the lack of clean water and effective sanitation. We are
doing everything we can to head off the appalling circumstances
that the right hon. Gentleman set out.
The right hon. Gentleman asked about the number of trucks. I can
tell him that on Sunday, 192 trucks did get in, but that is
woefully short of what is required. It is more than have been
getting in in March, which has averaged 165 each day so far, and
in February that figure was only 97—although he will be well
aware that before the crisis, more than 500 trucks a day were
getting in.
The right hon. Gentleman also asked about the ICJ. As everyone in
the House will know, the ICJ judgment is binding. In respect of
the offensive against Rafah, the Foreign Secretary and the Prime
Minister, and indeed all our allies, have consistently warned
that an offensive against Rafah at this time would have the most
appalling humanitarian consequences.
May I finish by taking the point that the right hon. Gentleman
again made about a ceasefire? As far as I am aware, the position
of the Labour Front Bench is still the same as the position of
the Government: we are calling for an immediate pause so that we
can get the hostages out and aid in—followed, we hope, by a
sustainable ceasefire. That is what we are working towards.
Mr Speaker
I call the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
(Rutland and Melton)
(Con)
May I start by putting on the record my gratitude to the Minister
for the Middle East, who made significant representations ahead
of Ramadan to reduce tensions in Jerusalem and allow access to
the Al-Aqsa mosque, which so far remains calm? The IPC report
makes for breathtakingly difficult reading and the humanitarian
situation is catastrophic, but it need not be. May I ask that we
please push harder on truck entry from Jordan and ensure that it
is fully operationalised, and can my right hon. Friend tell me
when the House will be formally updated on whether Israel is demonstrating
commitment to international humanitarian law?
Mr Mitchell
I thank my hon. Friend for her comments about my colleague Lord
Ahmad, the Minister for the Middle East, which I will pass on to
him. In respect of international humanitarian law, we are going
through the necessary legal processes, which are complex, but I
can tell her that as soon as we are in a position to update the
House on what we have set out clearly before, we will do so.
Mr Speaker
I call the SNP spokesperson.
Brendan O’Hara (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
I take absolutely no satisfaction in saying that a month ago in
this Chamber I said that innocent people will die because of
Israel’s decision to prevent food from getting to those who need
it. The reports of an imminent famine should surprise no one; we
have all known that this deliberate, man-made famine was coming.
The Foreign Affairs Committee has just returned from al-Arish, on
the Egypt-Gaza border, where we saw hundreds and hundreds of
lorryloads of food and aid waiting for permission to get into
Gaza.
Let us be very clear about our language here: the people of Gaza
are not starving; they are being starved. Does the Minister
accept that there is no food shortage in the region? Does he
accept that people are starving to death just 44 miles from Tel
Aviv—the distance between Glasgow and Edinburgh—as a direct
result of the Israeli siege and the premeditated decision to cut
off food supplies? Does he also accept that starving a civilian
population to death is a war crime? Finally, does he still
believe that the UK is right, both legally and morally, to
continue selling weapons to Israel
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Gentleman’s final point, he is well aware of the arms
sales regime that Britain adopts. As I have said to him before
from the Dispatch Box, it is the toughest regime anywhere in the
world. [Interruption.] If I may say so, the difference between
him and me is that he sees things as we would wish them to be,
but we in the Government have to deal with them as they are. That
is why we are taking so many steps to try to achieve the release
of the hostages, and to get aid and support into Gaza.
One of the points the hon. Gentleman makes is right, and it is
echoed by the shadow Foreign Secretary: the way to get aid into
Gaza is by road and by truck. Of course we are doing everything
we can to explore every way, including the maritime route and
dropping aid from the air, but at the end of the day, aid is
delivered by road. That is one reason why we are working so
closely with Jordan to ensure that the aid route into Gaza by
road is enhanced. At the end of the day, that is the right route
to get aid in, and we are doing everything we can to try to make
sure that it is pursued.
(North East Hertfordshire)
(Con)
Last time, I asked my right hon. Friend about progress on trying
to have a hostage transfer, because right at the core of this
conflict is the visceral feeling of the Israelis that they want
their people home, which anyone can understand. Has any progress
been made, and would he like to update the House on where we are
with that?
Mr Mitchell
I completely agree with my right hon. and learned Friend, which
is why trying to get the hostages home and out of Gaza, and
trying to get food in, are absolutely our twin objectives. In an
extremely difficult circumstance, Britain is certainly right at
the front of all countries in trying to achieve that. It would
not be sensible for me to give the House a running commentary on
hostage release, but he will have seen that negotiations have
resumed in Qatar. Obviously, everyone in the House will hope that
those negotiations are both speedy and successful.
(Leeds East) (Lab)
A new independent multi-agency investigation by the United
Nations into an Israeli military airstrike on a residential
compound housing an emergency medical team—including from Medical
Aid for Palestinians, a UK charity—has found that it most likely
involved a 1,000 lb US-manufactured bomb fired from an F-16 jet.
Those F-16s include parts supplied by the UK. Can the Minister
today set out conclusively that no parts supplied by the UK were
used to bomb a compound housing medical staff from a UK
charity—will he rule that out?
Mr Mitchell
The events that the hon. Gentleman describes are appalling, and
what the British Government would say is that there must be a
full and transparent inquiry and examination into how those
events took place.
(Brigg and Goole) (Con)
It remains incredible that some people in this place can barely
utter a word of criticism of the Hamas regime in Gaza, who
themselves are being accused of stealing and hoarding aid. With
regard to the operation in Rafah, the Israeli Government have
been very clear that hostages are being held there and that some
of them have been subjected to sexual violence and other abuse.
Are we saying to the Israeli Government that they have no right
to go in and seek to rescue those hostages?
Mr Mitchell
No. As my hon. Friend knows, we have been absolutely clear
throughout that Israel has the right to
self-defence, and what he is describing is covered by the right
to self-defence. He sets out eloquently that absolute blame for
what has happened lies with Hamas for perpetrating the events of
7 October, and once again he is absolutely right to set out that
context.
(Oxford West and Abingdon)
(LD)
We are talking as if famine is imminent, but the fact is that the
UN reports that 27 Palestinian children have already died from
starvation and hunger. Josep Borrell has said that hunger should
not be used as a weapon of war, and I hope that the Minister
would agree. We need that ceasefire immediately. We need it to
get the hostages out, we need it to get aid in, and we need it to
get all the killing to stop. My question to the Minister is
simple. What we are doing is not working, but there is one more
thing we can do, which is to change how we vote at the Security
Council. Will the UK stop abstaining and join the rest of the
world in calling for that immediate ceasefire now?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady speaks on these matters with great knowledge and
great sincerity, and I greatly respect what she says. The problem
with calling for an immediate ceasefire is that it may salve our
consciences but it is not deliverable, because neither side in
this appalling brutality is willing to embrace a ceasefire. That
is why the policy of the British Government is to argue in every
way we can for a pause, so that we can get the hostages out and
get aid in, which can then lead to a sustainable ceasefire. That
is what we will continue to do in all international fora,
including the United Nations.
(North West Hampshire) (Con)
Over the past few months we have all listened to the Minister
explaining that the Government have been begging, pleading with
and pressing the Israeli Government to allow more aid in, but
seemingly to little effect. Has he now reached the conclusion
that the Israeli Government are wilfully obstructing the entrance
of aid into the Gaza strip? If so, that would presumably be a
breach of the International Court of Justice’s ruling, and indeed
of international humanitarian law. What would be the consequence
of that conclusion?
Mr Mitchell
I do not agree with my right hon. Friend’s premise, because I do
not think we are in the position to reach that judgment, but the
point he is making is that it is essential to get more food, aid,
support and medicine into Gaza, and every day the British
Government are working intently to that end.
(Cynon Valley) (Lab)
Mr Speaker,
“Famine is a reality…the highest hunger level of anywhere else in
the world in terms of total numbers…all manmade…A ceasefire is an
absolute requirement”.
Those are the words of Matthew Hollingsworth, the country
director of the World Food Programme, and of the UN
Secretary-General. Starvation is indeed being used as a weapon of
war. In Gaza, it is clear that Israel is
engineering a famine for more than 2 million civilians. It is
also clear that UK diplomacy has failed, so the Minister must now
indicate what action the Government will take to escalate
pressure to stop Israel’s military assault, to demand a ceasefire
and to ensure that emergency assistance is provided through UNWRA
to those being starved to death.
Mr Mitchell
I think that many people in Israel and
elsewhere will find part of what the hon. Lady has said
profoundly offensive. She is right to say that the
characteristics of famine are present in Gaza, as I set out in my
earlier response, and that is why we are doing everything we can,
together with our allies, to get as much food and support into
Gaza as possible.
Sir (Northampton North) (Con)
Officials on the ground have stated that Hamas are appropriating
—or misappropriating—as much as 60% of the humanit-arian aid
entering the Gaza strip. This is part of a long pattern of
prioritising fighters, abusing aid to produce rockets and using
construction materials to build hundreds of miles of tunnels for
their terror activities. We know that they do it; they have done
it for years and they are doing it now. Does my right hon. Friend
share my concern that Hamas are flagrantly disregarding the
humanitarian needs of the people of Gaza, while Israel has been
increasing the amount of aid going in exponentially?
Mr Mitchell
I very much agree with my right hon. and learned Friend that
Hamas are using ordinary people in Gaza as a human shield. It is
utterly repugnant as well as completely against international
humanitarian law and, like him, I condemn it.
(Vauxhall)
(Lab/Co-op)
Humanitarian organisations have been warning repeatedly that this
would happen. A group of us met them last week, and when this
conflict started I met Islamic Relief, which is based in my
constituency. We now end up here, where we are seeing healthcare
being attacked and systematically degraded. We are seeing no safe
zones left. We are told of the onset of famine, and that the
number of people being killed keeps rising. Will the Minister
finally please listen to the calls of Members across this House,
of the international communities and of the people working on the
ground and call for an immediate ceasefire and unrestricted
aid?
Mr Mitchell
I have set out several times already today why calling for an
immediate ceasefire may make us feel better but is not a
practical resolution. That is why—[Interruption.] There is no
difference between the analysis that the hon. Lady makes, and the
NGOs in her constituency, and my analysis. The question is: what
do we do about it? That is why Britain, along with our allies, is
continuously, on a 24/7 basis, doing everything practical that we
can to get more food and support into Gaza.
(Clwyd West) (Con)
My right hon. Friend has mentioned the floating pier to be
constructed by the United States. What assurances has he received
that the pier will be used solely for the delivery of
humanitarian aid and not, as has been suggested, subsequently
repurposed for military use?
Mr Mitchell
It is early days yet to see precisely how that maritime
initiative will deliver, but I do not believe that what my right
hon. Friend fears will be allowed to happen as we tackle that
issue. We are giving strong support to all mechanisms for getting
aid into Gaza—air, sea and land—but he, like me, will understand
that the best mechanism is always by land.
(Edinburgh South West)
(SNP)
I do not think I have ever received as many emails of concern
from constituents as I have about the situation in Gaza. As has
already been said, over 500,000 Palestinians are at starvation
levels and 27 children and three adults have died so far as a
result of starvation and dehydration. In the words of Medical Aid
for Palestinians:
“This is not happening because the rains have failed or there has
been a poor harvest. It is because…the Israeli authorities refuse
to allow enough food into Gaza”.
So I have this question for the Minister, and my Edinburgh South
West constituents will be listening to the answer: does he agree
that starvation as a weapon of war is a war crime?
Mr Mitchell
The point that I hope the hon. and learned Lady will make to her
Edinburgh constituents is that she and I, the Government and the
whole House are intent on ensuring that more food and more
support get into Gaza as rapidly as possible. That is what the
Government are doing every day.
Neil O’Brien (Harborough) (Con)
I welcome the hard work that the Minister is doing to get more
aid in, to bring an end to the fighting and to get the hostages
released, but it is appalling to think that large numbers of
innocent people, including children, are about to starve when
there is aid just over the border. He is right that aid must flow
across the border and that it is better to transport it in
trucks, but if that is not possible, we must think of this like
the Berlin airlift. We have to get aid in by sea and by airdrops.
I welcome what the Americans are doing to drop aid on the shore,
and we have to do whatever it takes to get the aid to the kids
who are going to starve unless we get it to them.
Mr Mitchell
I completely agree with the sentiments that my hon. Friend
expresses so profoundly. He is right that every single mechanism
must be explored, but he will know that the amount of aid we can
drop from the air, the danger to those underneath and the danger
of the aid being misappropriated and stolen by Hamas are very
real difficulties. He will also be fully aware of the
difficulties of maritime entry. That is why we are doing
everything we can to argue for more points of entry into Gaza,
more trucks and more land routes to get the aid in that is
desperately needed.
(Bradford East) (Lab)
The ICJ’s interim ruling makes it clear that the killing of
Palestinians in Gaza must stop, but it has not; that immediate
humanitarian aid must be allowed into Gaza, but it is not; and
that the safety and security of civilians must be guaranteed, but
it is not. As a result, more than 1 million Palestinians in Gaza
are left starving and on the brink of famine, as confirmed by
today’s IPC report.
The Israeli Government continue to flout international law by
using starvation as a weapon of war. Children are starving,
civilians are being killed and medical facilities are being
attacked. What will it take for this Government to stand with
international humanitarian law and oppose the actions of the
Israeli military? How many more innocent Palestinians must be
massacred? How many more children must die through starvation?
When will the Government call for an immediate ceasefire?
Mr Mitchell
The one thing that is missing from the hon. Gentleman’s list is
an urgent call for the release of the hostages.
In answer to the hon. Gentleman’s question, Israel must do more. We
set out very clearly the five steps it needs to take: an
immediate humanitarian pause; increased capacity for aid
distribution inside Gaza; increased humanitarian access through
land and maritime routes; expanded types of humanitarian
assistance allowed into Gaza, such as shelter and items critical
for infrastructure repair; and the resumption of electricity,
water and telecommunications services. I hope that we can unite
with everyone else in this House on going after those five key
aims.
(Crawley) (Con)
The Israeli hostages must be released, and innocent Palestinians
in Gaza must be supported. The Foreign Affairs Committee met
Egyptian President el-Sisi when we were in the Gaza border region
a fortnight ago. What particular support can this country provide
to the Egyptians on delivering aid and averting a potential
humanitarian and refugee crisis if the situation is not
stabilised?
Mr Mitchell
I thank my hon. Friend and all the Select Committee members for
their work, their visits and the powerful arguments they have
added to those of the Government.
In response to my hon. Friend’s direct question, I met the head
of the Egyptian Red Crescent in Egypt. We are in very close
contact to make sure that British aid and British support enhance
the excellent efforts that the Red Crescent is doing everything
it possibly can to prosecute.
(Exeter) (Lab)
It is clear that Prime Minister Netanyahu has not taken the
slightest notice of anything the British Government or even the
Americans have been saying. Mrs Thatcher suspended arms sales
to Israel in 1982, and
did the same in 2002. What on
earth would it take for this Government to follow their
example?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Gentleman refers to the views of Prime Minister
Netanyahu, and he will know that both our Prime Minister and the
Foreign Secretary have engaged directly with Prime Minister
Netanyahu to ensure that he is fully aware of what Britian
thinks.
The right hon. Gentleman will also be aware that Israel is a pluralist
democracy—the only one in the region. He will be aware that
Israeli Minister Benny Gantz, whom the Foreign Secretary recently
met in London, has different views from Prime Minister Netanyahu.
There are many different views, and Britain strongly supports the
views that I have set out to the House today.
It is not for Ministers to make policy on arms sales and the arms
regime from the Dispatch Box. It is for the proper due
processes—as laid down and approved by Parliament, and as laid
down in law—and that is what we follow.
(Meon Valley) (Con)
Given the impending famine in Gaza, as outlined by the IPC
report, will the UK align with the EU, Sweden, Australia, Canada
and many other countries by restoring funding to UNRWA as the
most effective way to urgently and immediately scale up the
delivery of aid, food and medical supplies to Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
As my hon. Friend knows, we expect the report from the United
Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services and, indeed, the
interim report from Catherine Colonna, the former Foreign
Minister of France, tomorrow, and we will read it with very great
interest. Catherine Colonna is working with the Raoul Wallenberg
Institute in Sweden, the Chr. Michelsen Institute in Norway and
the Danish Institute for Human Rights, and we hope that her
report will show a road map by which funding to UNRWA from
Britain and many other countries can be restored.
My hon. Friend will equally be aware that UNRWA is fully funded
for some months hence, and that British funding is fully paid up
until into the next financial year.
(Arfon) (PC)
It is estimated that people in northern Gaza have gone entire
days and nights without heating at least 10 times over the last
30 days. has said that UNRWA is the
only body with a distribution network in Gaza, and the Minister
mentions the report that will hopefully be available tomorrow.
Will he assure the House that the UK Government will take a
decision on resuming funding as soon as possible, and at least
before the end of this month, which is only 12 days away?
Mr Mitchell
I cannot give the hon. Gentleman a precise timetable, but I can
answer yes to his question about it being done as soon as we
think it is possible to do so.
(The Wrekin) (Con)
Every life matters, whether Muslim, Christian, Jewish, another
faith or no faith. At the centre of this crisis—a crisis started
on 7 October by Hamas’s unprovoked attack on innocent
civilians—whatever their faith or lack of faith, are children,
women, men and vulnerable people who are suffering right now as
we go off to our lunch or afternoon tea.
The Minister will know that I have been supportive of the
Government, and that I will continue to be, but I hope he will
note a change in tone. The figures vary, but it is estimated that
30,000 civilians and roughly 10,000 Hamas terrorists have been
killed in Gaza. If it is true that 10,000 other terrorists are
despicably hiding in Rafah among the civilian population, making
it difficult to deliver aid, are we likely to see another 30,000
civilians killed so that Israel can find those
terrorists? What is the British Government’s position? Is this
something the Minister would support?
Mr Mitchell
The awful symmetry that my right hon. Friend sets out is
certainly one that no one wants to see. But the point he made so
eloquently earlier in his question, setting out the views and
feelings he holds, is widely reflected across the House, and I
agree with him.
(Batley and Spen) (Lab)
Half the population of Gaza is at risk of imminent famine,
described by of Medical Aid for
Palestinians as meaning starvation, destitution, acute
malnutrition and death. So does the Minister agree that all
available aid corridors must be opened without delay and that
there must be an immediate ceasefire, to enable food, water and
urgent medical supplies to reach more than 1 million people in
desperate need? All hostages must be released and this living
hell must end.
Mr Mitchell
I agree with almost everything the hon, Lady has said, but she
will be aware, from what I have said today and previously, that
calling for an immediate ceasefire is not, in the opinion of the
British Government, a practical proposition. That is why we
continually argue for a humanitarian pause, so that we can get
the hostages out and food in, followed by a sustainable
ceasefire.
(Hyndburn) (Con)
Yesterday, the Israeli Prime Minister vowed to press ahead with
the assault on Rafah, despite warnings from the international
community. The prospect of millions in Rafah, who are there only
as they desperately escape conflict to the north, being subjected
to further suffering is intolerable. Will the Minister update the
House on work that is going on with our international partners to
make clear those concerns to the Israeli Government, while
continuing to press Hamas to release the hostages?
Mr Mitchell
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for her call for the release of
the hostages. In respect of any military operations in Rafah, may
I draw her attention to the words of the Foreign Secretary and
the Prime Minister about the terrible dangers, loss of life and
humanitarian consequences involved in that? She, like me and, I
hope, everyone else in the House, will be hoping that no such
operation goes ahead.
(Eltham) (Lab)
I have no problem condemning Hamas, but I also have no problem
condemning the use of starvation as an act of war. Israel has control on
the ground in Gaza—enough to oversee the distribution of aid and
to make sure it gets to the people who need it most. Do the
Government agree that Israel as the
occupying force, has a legal duty to oversee the distribution of
that aid?
Mr Mitchell
The important point about the distribution of aid is that it
should be able to get into Gaza, preferably through road and land
routes. I set out for the House earlier the amounts that are
getting in. Although they are increasing, they are nothing like
adequate and do not come anywhere near the numbers before 7
October. That is why the Government are doing everything they can
to augment those figures.
(St Austell and Newquay)
(Con)
We all want to see a ceasefire that is sustainable and holds out
the prospect of a lasting peace. But the very definition of the
word “ceasefire” means that both sides have to agree to end
hostilities. Does my right hon. Friend agree that anyone calling
for an immediate ceasefire needs to make it clear that that must
include Hamas releasing the hostages, ceasing all hostilities and
committing to a future peace?
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend is correct in what he says, but the important
point, which I have repeatedly made in the House, is that in
order to have a ceasefire we have to have agreement from those
taking part in these actions that they will abide by a
ceasefire. Israel has the right of
self-defence and the right to protect itself from the appalling
acts that Hamas perpetrated on 7 October ever taking place again.
Hamas have made it clear that they wish to repeat those awful
acts. Those things do not sound to me like a strong basis for
having a ceasefire.
(Norwich South) (Lab)
Three standout statements from today have been that starvation is
being used as a weapon of war; Israel is
provoking famine; and the UK is still selling arms
to Israel When will the
Minister understand the damning nature of this and the damage it
is doing to the UK’s international reputation—or, rather, what is
left of it?
Mr Mitchell
We have been clear that Israel has the right of
self-defence but it must abide by international humanitarian law
and the rules of war. Britain is one of the leading nations on
finding ways to get aid into Gaza and helping our allies and
other regional powers to do everything we can to get the hostages
out. I hope that the hon. Gentleman is proud of our country’s
intervention in both those respects.
(Bracknell) (Con)
I welcome the recent news that the UK will be sending a UK Aid
field hospital to Gaza. What assurances have been sought and what
assurances have been given in respect of sufficient force
protection for all the staff there, some of whom may be
British?
Mr Mitchell
We are acutely conscious of the way in which humanitarian
workers—not just in Gaza, but all around the world—put
themselves, unarmed, in harm’s way for the sake of their fellow
human beings. My hon. Friend is right to say that a field
hospital provided by UK Aid funding to UK-Med arrived in Gaza
from Manchester last Friday. That facility is staffed by UK and
local medics, who will be able to treat more than 100 patients a
day. We are acutely conscious of the contribution they are making
and we do everything we can to ensure that they are
protected.
(Middlesbrough) (Lab)
To any reasonable and informed observer, the conduct of the war
in Gaza by Israel contravenes
basic international humanitarian law, in failing to distinguish
between armed combatants and civilians, in using force beyond
what is militarily necessary, and in offences against the
prohibition of inflicting unnecessary injury, and it is wholly
disproportionate. More than 100,000 Palestinians have now been
killed or injured by Israeli forces in Gaza since last October.
The Minister relies on Israel being a
democracy that is capable of abiding by its legal obligations,
but the overwhelming evidence is that it is not doing so, so what
legal advice has he received about the complicity of and dangers
to our country in failing to take sufficient action under the
relevant treaties to which this country is a signatory, to deter
such gross breaches of international humanitarian law?
Mr Mitchell
As I said, we continue to assess Israel’s commitment and
capability to comply with international humanitarian law. Those
assessments are supported by a detailed evidence base, conflict
analysis, reporting from charities, non-governmental
organisations, international bodies and partner countries,
statements and reports by the Israeli Government, and their track
record of compliance. We take all of that into account in making
our judgments. I point out to the hon. Gentleman that when it
comes to targeting and military action, the Israel Defence Forces
have their own lawyers embedded in those units, in much the same
way of prudence that the British military do. That is not
something we see in any other force in the region and it should
give some confidence that the Israelis are seeking to abide by
international humanitarian law.
(Buckingham) (Con)
I welcome reports that Israel is opening new
routes to directly deliver humanitarian aid into northern Gaza,
amid a slowdown in UN operations and the widespread Hamas
misappro-priation of that aid, which was referenced earlier.
Significantly, at the same time, every day the IDF documents more
and more Hamas infrastructure, weapons and missiles within
civilian buildings—this week at al-Shifa Hospital and last month
underneath UNRWA’s own headquarters. So is the grim reality not
that as long as Hamas remain in control of Gaza, no matter how
many times people cry for a ceasefire, there can be no peace?
Mr Mitchell
As my hon. Friend sets out, it is clear that there is no place
for Hamas in any future for Gaza. What happened on 7 October is
uniquely appalling and I agree with him that until Hamas are
removed from Gaza, the opportunity of peace is very limited.
(Brighton, Pavilion)
(Green)
The UN’s special rapporteur has been crystal clear that arms
sales to Israel for use in Gaza
are unlawful, given the clear risk that they will be used to
violate international humanitarian law. Yet the Government have
consistently refused to disclose whether licences, for example,
for F-35 fighter planes, have been reviewed, let alone amended.
Will the Minister take the opportunity finally to give Parliament
a straight answer on this? I do not want to be told that reviews
are possible, because we know that. I want to know whether those
reviews have happened and whether he is going to publish the
details. I do not want him to tell us simply that the arms regime
in the UK is the toughest in the world. I know that, but it gives
no reassurance at all to the more than 1 million people facing
famine in Gaza right now.
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady asks me whether these matters are kept under
review, and I can assure her that they are always kept under
review. Equally, they are not decided at the whims of Ministers
standing at the Dispatch Box; they are decided through a
detailed, proper, legally governed, code-governed process, and
that, as always, is what the Government are doing.
(Coventry South) (Lab)
As we debate this topic, children are starving to death in Gaza.
Babies are so malnourished that UNICEF says that they do not have
the energy to cry. Famine is not just imminent; it is happening,
according to the head of Refugees International. This is not a
natural disaster and it is not accidental; it is
intentional. Israel is using
starvation as a weapon of war to collectively punish the
Palestinian people. Israel blocks food from
entering Gaza while bombing the people trapped inside. Will the
Minister finally admit that officials have warned him
that Israel is breaking
international humanitarian law, or does his whole Department
refuse to accept the truth that Israel is
committing war crime after war crime in Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady uses florid language to describe these matters, but
I hope that she will agree that the right thing is to do
everything we possibly can to get the hostages out, support the
people whom she so eloquently describes, and get support into
Gaza, and that is what the Government are seeking to do.
(Hammersmith) (Lab)
Every month in Hammersmith, we hold “Ukrainian open house” to
bring together all those supporting Ukrainian families who have
fled that war. Every month, I am asked why there are not similar
visa schemes to allow Palestinians to join their relatives in the
UK, or to be hosted by families who wish to give them refuge
here. What is the Government’s answer to that?
Mr Mitchell
The Government’s answer is that the two positions are not
analogous; they are very, very different. The hon. Member will
know that we are doing everything we can to help individual cases
in both instances, and we will continue to do so.
(East Dunbartonshire)
(SNP)
Save the Children has reported that 1.1 million people across
Gaza are facing catastrophic food insecurity at the hands
of Israel with one in
three children acutely malnourished. Does the Minister agree that
Israel’s tactic of starving the Palestinian people is a war
crime?
Mr Mitchell
As I have set out several times, we are doing all we can to make
sure that the necessary food and resources get into Gaza, so the
point that Save the Children makes in the evidence that the hon.
Member read out is addressed, and we will continue to do
precisely that.
(Ilford South) (Lab)
The Minister will know that the UK supplies approximately 15% of
the components used in F-35 stealth bombers currently being
deployed in Gaza—the very same bombers allegedly being deployed
from RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus. Earlier this month, a Dutch court
ordered the country’s Government to block all exports of F-35
parts to Israel after concerns
that they were being used, in violation of international law,
during the ongoing war in Gaza. Will the Minister commit today to
suspending the supply of F-35 components, and will he also
confirm whether RAF bases are being used as a launch pad for
bombing in Gaza, or indeed, in any military operations supportive
of the IDF and the Israeli military forces?
Mr Mitchell
I repeat that these decisions are not made at the whim of a
Minister standing at the Dispatch Box. They are made in the
normal way through a proper legal and coded practice. The
Government will always operate on that basis in these
situations.
(Manchester, Gorton) (Lab)
Canada, Australia, Sweden and the European Union have now
confirmed that they will restore the funding to UNWRA, refuting
Israel’s position that 450 members of the agency’s staff had
participated in the 7 October attack. With people dying from the
imminent famine in Gaza and Palestinians being killed trying to
get flour to feed their families, the international community
holds a degree of responsibility for failing to stop this
situation. In light of the catastrophic situation in Gaza, will
the Minister commit to restarting and increasing this funding to
UNRWA as a matter of urgency?
Mr Mitchell
We have already increased funding significantly, including to
UNRWA. The hon. Member will know that Britain is not at the
moment in the position of having to make that decision, because
we have fully funded what we said we would fund and are not due
to provide any further money until the end of April. The answer
to his question, I hope, will be contained in the report from the
Office for Internal Oversight Services and from Catherine
Colonna’s interim report, which we are expecting tomorrow. I know
that, like me, he will read it with great care in the hope that
it shows a suitable way ahead that we can all endorse.
(Glasgow South West)
(SNP)
Can the Minister try to help the House in understanding the
Government’s position on who they believe is directly responsible
for blocking the aid going into Gaza? What is the Government’s
direct response to the comments of the UN Secretary-General, who
has said that this is the highest number of people facing
catastrophic hunger ever recorded by the integrated food security
system anywhere?
Mr Mitchell
Regardless of the accuracy of those final comments, there is no
doubt at all, as I set out in my earlier responses, that the IPC
report says that
“famine is a very real scenario”.
That is why we are trying to do everything we can, by every
possible means, to make sure that aid gets into Gaza. I have
explained to the House the difficulties of the air and maritime
options, but those difficulties are not stopping us from pursuing
those opportunities. At the end of the day, it is by agreement
with Israel that we will get
more trucks in, open up more points of entry, and find other ways
of bringing aid in by road. We are pursuing all those matters and
will continue to do so.
(Luton North) (Lab)
The need for an arms embargo in Israel was laid
out by the International Court of Justice in January due to
genocidal risk and serious harm to civilians. Since then, we have
had no action from Ministers. UN experts have rightly called for
hostage exchange and release, but they have also warned that the
transfer of weapons or ammunition to Israel should cease
immediately. We have seen more than 13,000 children killed, the
destruction of 60% of civilian homes and hospitals destroyed.
Water and food supplies are so low that Gaza is already in the
midst of a catastrophic, man-made, state-made famine.
The Minister boasted moments ago that the UK has an arms
licensing framework with some of the toughest regulations in the
world. It is plain for all to see that that claim is in tatters.
When will Ministers finally match their words with actions, hold
the Israeli Government to these standards, and hear the calls
from aid agencies, the UN and my constituents to stop arms sales
to Israel and to stop the
onslaught against innocent Palestinian men, women and
children?
Mr Mitchell
As I have repeatedly said to the House, the issue of arms sales
is dealt with in a legal and coded way. The Government have no
intention of varying from that process. It has been shown, as I
have said before, that we have the toughest regulatory regime in
the world and we continually keep it under review. None the less,
it is important that these things are done properly and in
accordance with the rules laid down by Parliament and laid down
by the law, and we will not vary that.
In respect of the early part of the hon. Member’s question, I
agree that it is essential that we are able to get more supplies
into Gaza. We spend all our time arguing for new ways of entry
and for new opportunities to get aid in, but, as I set out in our
five key aims, we want the resumption of electricity, water and
telecommunication services as well as infrastructure repair to
start as soon as possible.
(Hayes and Harlington)
(Lab)
Across the House, we are all desperate to see the release of the
hostages, but the negotiations for their release are not aided by
the treatment of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails and
detention centres. The Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, has reported
that 27 Palestinian detainees have died in Israeli custody since
the war and some during direct questioning. It has reported
beatings, abuse, torture, sexual assault, and prisoners being
prevented access to doctors, lawyers and medication. A magistrate
in Jerusalem has reported that the prisoners are detained in
cages not fit for human beings. Now we have had the family of
Marwan Barghouti, the Palestinian leader who many hope will
secure peace, say that he has been beaten with clubs by guards.
Will the Minister demand that the Israeli Government provide
access to the detention centres and prisons for humanitarian
bodies to investigate these abuses and bring forward a report,
which, hopefully, will end the abuse and assist in the
negotiations for the release of the hostages?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Gentleman has put his finger specifically on the
treatment of detainees. As he will be aware, the treatment of
detainees is governed by international humanitarian law and the
Geneva convention. He will have seen what the Foreign Secretary
has said about the treatment of detainees, and Britain has
consistently called for an inquiry, and for transparency in that
inquiry, into any alleged abuses.
(Birmingham, Hodge Hill)
(Lab)
The Minister has laid great weight this afternoon on the legal
and coded process that governs the export of arms, but a new
international humanitarian law compliance assessment process cell
has been created in his Department. Will he publish every
assessment that that cell has made of Israel’s compliance with
international humanitarian law, and will he tell the House
whether the threshold has now been reached to review or cancel
any extant open general export licence for arms sales?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Gentleman has served at a senior level in
government and knows what Governments do and do not publish.
However, he can rest assured that when we receive advice on
international humanitarian law, we look at it extremely
carefully, and when the Law Officers make their judgments on this
matter, we come to the House and update it. That is what we will
do in due course.
(Edinburgh West) (LD)
Many of us in this place have been calling since November for the
release of the hostages, the removal of Hamas, an immediate
bilateral ceasefire, and humanitarian aid. Sometimes, it seems
the only thing that has changed is that the situation has got
worse for people in Gaza. My constituents write to me constantly.
They feel that the Israeli Government are ignoring pleas, and
that the people of Palestine have been abandoned. The Minister
said that he would do whatever it took in this situation —I have
every respect for him and believe him when he says that.
Does the Minister accept that one of the biggest barriers to
peace is illegal Israeli settlement in the west bank? Recently,
there were sanctions against four Israeli settlers who had
committed human rights abuses against Palestinians. The Liberal
Democrats hope that that is just the start. Will the UK
Government consider sanctioning Ministers Ben-Gvir and Smotrich,
who promote that extremist agenda, and all the settler movements
connected to them in a way that finally makes a difference to
what is happening?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady will be aware that Britain has consistently
condemned settler violence. We have made it clear that we expect
those responsible to be caught, arrested, tried and punished for
it, and we will continue to do so. As she mentions, four settlers
have been sanctioned. We do not discuss on the Floor of the House
the operations of the sanctions regime, but she may rest assured
that the opinion of the Government is that the settlements and
the acts that she described are illegal, and we will do
everything we can to ensure that they stop.
(Halifax) (Lab)
As MPs from right across the House have said this afternoon,
children in Gaza are starving—they are being starved—and we
cannot tolerate it. If the UK’s standing on the rules-based order
and international humanitarian law is to be worth anything around
the world, the ICJ ruling must be binding, and there must be
consequences for failure to comply with it. What are those
consequences?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady says that people are starving in Gaza. Everyone
agrees that that is the case. The issue is what we can
constructively do to bring about an end to the very worrying
starvation figures that have been revealed this week. We are
doing and will continue to do everything we can. I have set out
at some length to the House the various different ways in which
we are trying to achieve that.
(Denton and Reddish)
(Lab)
I will follow on from the question asked by my hon. Friend the
Member for Halifax (), which went to the heart of
the situation. My constituents are heartbroken by the images that
they are being sent from Gaza of children dying of hunger, and
they want to know why the world is largely doing nothing to help
them. I believe in the rules-based system, which is under
enormous strain right now from a variety of different quarters.
International law matters, and we must show leadership when it
comes to the rulings of international institutions such as the
ICJ. What is Britain doing to ensure that Israel and other
parties hold to the rule of international law and the judgments
of the ICJ?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman says that his constituents are heartbroken by
what is happening; we are all heartbroken by what is happening.
The issue is what we do about it. I have set out throughout the
course of the last hour a number of ways in which Britain is
showing real leadership in trying to address the humanitarian
situation and to ensure that negotiations to get the hostages out
are successful. We will, along with our allies, continue to bend
every sinew to ensure that everything that can be done is
done.
(Edinburgh North and Leith)
(SNP)
The Minister spoke of the detailed evidence that his Government
are relying on, but the world’s media are prevented from
reporting inside Gaza almost entirely. If we saw the daily
reality of life there in more detail, I suspect the international
pressure on Israel would be even
stronger. What are the UK Government doing to ensure that any
deliberate targeting of journalists—particularly Palestinian
journalists—who are protected under international humanitarian
law, is being passed on to the International Criminal Court for
its investigation into war crimes?
Mr Mitchell
As I have set out, in the IDF—as in the British military—the
issue of targeting is, unusually, governed by legal advice.
Lawyers are embedded with the people who are making those
decisions. In respect of the media, any such targeting would be
absolutely outrageous. I pay tribute to the brave journalists who
are ensuring that accurate reporting comes back from Gaza and the
middle east.
(Birmingham, Perry Barr)
(Lab)
I want to make it clear that I have opposed Hamas since 2007, I
deplore the action taken on 7 October, and I totally believe that
the hostages on both sides must be released. However, I agree
with the Minister that the Israeli blockade is leading to famine
and to death and displacement. Young children are dying of
malnutrition and hunger. He says continually that the two sides
will not sit down together. Why, then, does he not put a Security
Council resolution to the United Nations to ensure that something
is done on an international level, such as putting in a
peacekeeping force to deal with the issue and allow people to
continue normal lives?
Mr Mitchell
The House will understand that the issue of a policing force
inside Gaza is premature. I thank the hon. Gentleman for his
comments about Hamas and for what he said about deploring all the
things that Hamas have done—I agree with him about that. He sets
out the scale of humanitarian need. Throughout this urgent
question, I have been setting out how Britain is, along with our
allies, seeking to help move the dial to get more aid and support
into Gaza and get the hostages out.
In terms of the United Nations Security Council and its
resolutions, the hon. Gentleman will know that Britain is one of
the leading architects of those resolutions in our role as one of
the permanent five in New York. I pay tribute to , Britain’s permanent
representative at the United Nations. The British mission at the
UN is working ceaselessly to ensure that there is agreement on
resolutions that can help bring an end to this.
(Dundee West) (SNP)
The unfolding famine is entirely man-made and is being used as a
weapon of war by Israel It is a war
crime, and those who continue to support that collective
punishment and deny aid are complicit in this unfolding tragedy.
Last week, Janez Lenarčič, head of humanitarian aid and crisis
management at the European Commission, said that neither he nor
any other UNRWA donor had been presented by Israel with any
evidence of UNRWA involvement in the 7 October attacks. When the
International Development Committee visited northern Egypt
recently and spoke to the head of UNRWA, they also had no
evidence, so my question is very simple: has the Minister been
presented with any evidence to support his decision to pause the
UK’s life-or-death funding to UNRWA?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman will have seen the evidence that has been put
before the international community, and will know that it was
sufficiently strong for the head of UNRWA to immediately act
against some of his officials. On all these matters, tomorrow we
will hear the interim report from Catherine Colonna, the former
French Foreign Minister. We look forward to studying that report
when we have a chance to read it, in the hope that it will take
matters forward.
(Walthamstow) (Lab/Co-op)
As the Minister will be aware, thousands across Israel have protested
in opposition to the approach that Prime Minister Netanyahu is
taking, including the hostage families—they know that the
situation in Gaza will not help release their family members.
People in Israel see what is
happening to the Palestinians; they hear the words of the Office
of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, who
has said today that what is happening and Israel’s continuing
restrictions on aid
“may amount to the use of starvation as a method of war”.
He is explicit about that and the concerns that it raises. I
understand the Minister telling us that he does not want to make
policy from the Dispatch Box, but will he tell us whether he has
sought explicit legal advice on the question of
whether Israel is now
committing a war crime in its use of starvation—yes or no?
Mr Mitchell
We are always in receipt of legal advice, and we act on it. When
we receive it, we take the necessary steps, as the hon. Lady
would expect.
In the first part of her question, the hon. Lady she set out a
point that I was making earlier, more eloquently than I
did: Israel is a pluralist
democracy. There are different views, and I tweeted last weekend
about the extraordinary, moving work being done by two people who
had come together from opposite sides, whose families had
suffered so grievously in the aftermath of 7 October. It is that
pluralist democracy that gives us the chance that accountability
will be properly followed in Israel which—as
I say—is the only pluralist democracy in that part of the
world.
(Stockport) (Lab)
The IPC report published today shows that one in three children
under two years old in the north of Gaza is now acutely
malnourished. In February, that figure was one in six. This
month, people of Muslim faith across the world will be observing
Ramadan. The situation in Gaza is dire and urgent, so will the
Minister call for an immediate ceasefire to ensure that no
civilian goes hungry, malnour-ished or without medical support in
Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman and I both share the desire that people should
not go hungry in Gaza. That is why the Government, along with our
allies, are working so hard to get more food in. We will continue
to do everything we possibly can to make sure that the suffering
that has been so eloquently set out by Members from all parts of
the House is brought to an end as soon as possible.
(Glasgow Central)
(SNP)
Does the deliberate starvation of a civilian population
constitute a war crime—yes or no?
Mr Mitchell
There would be, I think, very serious doubt about the term
“deliberate starvation”, so I am unable to give a yes or no
answer to the hon. Lady’s question.
(Kingston upon Hull North)
(Lab)
We all know that behind Hamas sits the malign power of Iran and
the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The same is true of
Hezbollah and the Houthis. With the Foreign Secretary having been
in post for five months, can the Minister update the House on
what progress has been made on proscribing the IRGC?
Mr Mitchell
As the right hon. Lady knows, the issue of proscription is not
one that we discuss on the Floor of the House, but the arguments
for and against are kept under very close review by the
Government and will continue to be kept under review.
(Slough) (Lab)
To deal with the grave and worsening humanitarian crisis for the
sake of the dying children and innocent civilians as Palestinians
desperately try to survive and observe the holy month of Ramadan,
it is imperative that both sides agree to an immediate ceasefire,
which is what I recently voted for in Parliament. Aid in huge
quantities is critical, and any attempts by the Israeli
Government to block it must be condemned, so what are the UK
Government doing to achieve an immediate ceasefire, get hostages
released, and put pressure on the Israeli Government to allow
unimpeded aid into Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman will have seen the words of the Prime Minister
and the Foreign Secretary about the absolute imperative of
getting more aid and humanitarian supplies into Gaza. I have
answered the point about an immediate ceasefire on a number of
occasions over the past hour and a quarter. As the hon. Gentleman
knows, in order to get a ceasefire, both sides in this terrible
conflict need to agree to one, and there is absolutely no
indication whatsoever that Hamas have any intention of a
ceasefire—indeed, they have made absolutely clear that they wish
to perpetrate once again the terrible events that took place on 7
October.
(North West Leicestershire)
(Ind)
Hamas’s cold-blooded murder of at least 1,300 Israeli civilians
on 7 October was truly abhorrent, but sadly, those horrific
numbers are now dwarfed by the number of innocents of all faiths
who have had their lives taken away from them in Gaza. I welcome
the fact that the Government are moving on their position, but I
believe they are going to have to move further and faster to
prevent a catastrophe and further loss of innocent lives. The
Minister has stated that the International Court of Justice
ruling is binding; will he inform the House how that ruling can
be enforced?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman’s point about the Government moving on their
policy is not true. Basically, the Government have made it clear
throughout that we will do everything we possibly can to achieve
a pause, so that we can help get the hostages out and food and
support into Gaza. We are continuing to do everything we can,
night and day, to reach that conclusion.
(Newport East) (Lab)
The head of the UN, António Guterres, the head of security policy
for the EU, Josep Borrell, and multiple accounts on the BBC have
all indicated that famine is under way. The Minister has
repeatedly said this afternoon that he is moving the dial, and
that the Government are doing everything they can. My
constituents would like to understand how he is doing absolutely
everything he can and how he is showing leadership to ensure that
all routes are opened by Israel and that we
avoid further human catastrophe. Can he explain that in very
practical terms?
Mr Mitchell
I have set out for the House the work that we are doing, in
respect of both the maritime corridor and supporting food and
medical supplies delivered from the air. At the end of the day,
though, those are inevitably going to be relatively small
amounts, particularly from the air. The answer is to try to open
up more access points into Gaza by road and to make sure that
trucks flow more easily through those access points. The British
Government have been doing everything we possibly can with our
allies to ensure we take that agenda forward, and we will
continue to do so. As I set out, a number of tonnes of aid
arrived in Gaza on 13 March; a very large number of family tents,
blankets, shelter kits, shelter fixing kits, sleeping mats and
dignity kits went in. That is on top of the enormous amount of
aid we have provided previously to UNRWA, and also to UNICEF, the
Egyptian Red Crescent and to other NGOs, charities and medical
organisations that are doing everything they can to try to
alleviate the suffering in Gaza.
(Newcastle upon Tyne Central) (Lab)
I am absolutely clear that the hostages must be released. I am
also absolutely clear that the situation in Gaza has gone from
dire to horrendous to cataclysmic, and my constituents do not
understand why it is being allowed to continue. The majority
leader in the US Senate has identified Netanyahu’s ultra
right-wing Government as a barrier to peace, and the European
Union foreign policy chief has said that Israel
one of the richest and most militarily powerful nations in the
world, is “provoking famine”. So will the Minister say clearly
that it is unacceptable for Israel to prevent
aid from entering Gaza? Will he also say clearly what he is
actually doing about it—what demands he is making
of Israel what
consequences he is setting out to Israel for its
actions—beyond wringing his hands?
Mr Mitchell
I thank the hon. Member for her clarity on the issue of the
hostages. She asks why all of this is being allowed to continue.
I would point out to her, as I have consistently this afternoon,
that the Government, along with our allies, are doing everything
we possibly can to stop it continuing. She asks me about what
else we can do to try to ensure that it does not continue. I
would point her to the comments I made in my response to the
shadow Foreign Secretary about all the different ways in which
Britain, along with our allies, is seeking to alleviate the
suffering taking place in Gaza.
(Kilmarnock and Loudoun)
(SNP)
Children in Gaza are dying at the fastest rate the world has ever
seen, according to the IPC report. Instead of calling
out Israel for its
culpability, the Government still refuse to sign UN resolutions
and they still sell arms to Israel Their
great wheeze is to try to find ways to bypass the Israeli
blockade by delivering aid by air or by sea, which is clearly not
going to get enough aid in. The Government are not going to admit
how absurd their position is, but will the Minister answer this
directly: have the Government received legal advice that Israel’s
hindering aid getting into Gaza violates international law?
Mr Mitchell
The Government keep our legal advice under review at all times.
The current legal advice is that Israel has both
the capacity and the will to abide by international humanitarian
law, and if that position changes as a result of the advice of
the Government lawyers, we will of course make that clear to the
House.
(Oldham East and
Saddleworth) (Lab)
We heard this morning how half the population in Gaza—and this is
the first time in modern history that such a large population has
been affected—is being subjected to famine. We also heard about
the absolute imperative that we as a country, and also our
allies, obey and abide by international law. Given that, and that
the Minister has said that he and his Government are doing all
they can, can I ask on behalf of everybody here—and, most
importantly, on behalf of my constituents, because they do not
understand—what exactly that is, and in apologising for being so
blunt, why it seems to be so ineffective?
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Lady’s first point, everyone must abide by
international humanitarian law, and Britain is doing everything
it can to ensure that the rules of war and international
humanitarian law are respected. She asks why our efforts are “so
ineffective”. I would argue with her wording, but this is not a
situation that Britain is tackling alone. All of us—the
Americans, the European Union and those across the region—are
doing our very best to ameliorate the suffering going on in Gaza.
It is a collective effort, and Britain will not be found wanting
in continuing to exert all the pressure we can, along with our
allies, to ensure that this situation is brought to a
conclusion.
(Kingston upon Hull West and
Hessle) (Lab)
The horrific famine in Gaza is made even worse by the fact that
we know it is man-made. There is no agency better than UNRWA at
delivering the small amount of aid that there is currently. I
have listened to the Minister’s responses, and I have heard him
tell the House that there is a report due out tomorrow and that
funding from the UK Government remains in place until the end of
April, but the end of April is now 43 days away. How will the
Minister ensure that there is no break in funding for UNRWA? Will
the Government urgently resume the funding so that UNRWA can
deliver what little aid there is to the people who so desperately
need it?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady is right that UNRWA has the logistics hubs,
warehouses, vehicles and infrastructure that are essential for
the delivery of aid in Gaza, and everyone understands that. She
asks me whether I can guarantee that we will be able to resume
funding at the end of April. I very much hope that will be the
case. It will be very much dependent on the report tomorrow from
the former French Foreign Minister, and indeed on that from the
United Nations. We are doing everything we can to advance the
case to make sure that we can resume funding when it is possible.
I will update the House in due course on the results of those
reports and on the judgment that the British Government make at
that point.
(York Central)
(Lab/Co-op)
This week, Prime Minister Netanyahu confirmed with his Cabinet
that he plans to proceed with an operation in Rafah. We know this
assault will end in the killing of many civilians, including
children, and it will of course impede aid flowing into Rafah,
which is the main place where aid now enters Gaza. The
consequences will be catastrophic. How is the Minister using the
ICJ and sanctions to stop further assaults in Gaza, not least in
the light of the comments from the Prime Minister
of Israel that
“no international pressure will stop Israel ?
Mr Mitchell
On military operations in Rafah, the hon. Lady will have heard
what the Prime Minister has said and the advice he has given to
Prime Minister Netanyahu, and she will have heard what the
Foreign Secretary has said very clearly indeed. She will have
heard what the European Union has said, and indeed what President
Biden has said. We very much hope that the Israeli Government and
Prime Minister Netanyahu will heed these words, which come not
from enemies of Israel but from
friends of Israel
(Warwick and Leamington)
(Lab)
One million people face the imminent prospect of famine. Matthew
Hollingworth, the country director of the United Nations World
Food Programme has confirmed that the situation is reversible. In
fact, in January, the Foreign Secretary—the Minister’s
boss—confirmed that Israel has a legal
obligation as the occupying power to provide food and water to
the Gazans. Does the Minister agree that the Israeli Government
must allow the full reopening of land bridges into Gaza, and that
they should recommence the issuing of new visas for humanitarian
workers? Finally, will he confirm whether his Government are in
lockstep with Chuck Schumer and President Biden, or with Prime
Minister Netanyahu?
Mr Mitchell
We are working incredibly closely at all levels with the American
Administration. The hon. Member asks about new visas. We have
consistently urged the Israeli Government to grant the UN visas
and, indeed, renew visas as swiftly as possible. He is quite
right about the effects of famine being reversible, and that is
why Britain is seeking to ensure that aid in much greater amounts
gets in by road, sea and air in every way we possibly can.
(Liverpool, Wavertree)
(Lab)
Famine in Gaza is imminent and the death toll is rising. Like
many, including the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights, I cannot help but be concerned that continued restriction
of aid, and therefore starvation, is being used by the Israeli
Government. The holy month of Ramadan risks turning into a
further tragedy for millions of Palestinians facing hunger and
disease. Stern words just are not cutting it with Netanyahu, so
what will it take for the Government to go further, and stop the
export and sales of weapons to the Israeli Government? I respect
the Minister for saying that he cannot make up policy on the hoof
at the Dispatch Box, but when will he be able to stand at the
Dispatch Box and give this House answers to the serious questions
on arms sales, unimpeded aid, the restoration of UNRWA funding
and potential sanctions?
Mr Mitchell
On all those matters, I have been clear to the House about where
the Government stand and their direction of travel. The
underlying points the hon. Lady makes are the reason why we are
arguing with such force and passion for a humanitarian pause in
which we could get resources into Gaza and get the hostages out,
and such a pause could lead to a sustainable ceasefire. That is
what the Government will continue to do.
(Ealing North) (Lab/Co-op)
We urgently need an immediate humanitarian ceasefire, a massive
surge in aid, all hostages released, and a lasting peace with a
two-state solution. I recently met with Medical Aid for
Palestinians to discuss the desperate and unbearable humanitarian
crisis in Gaza. Can the Minister explain the details of what the
UK Government are doing to press for the necessary food and aid
to get into Gaza and, critically, for it to be distributed there
rapidly?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman is right in his final point about the
logistical difficulties. We are working with all the resources we
can to make sure that the aid can be delivered and is not
siphoned off, pilfered or attacked by people who are very short
of food and desperate to get it. He sets out the importance of a
humanitarian pause, hostages being released, and a new political
vision of the future for Palestine. Those three things are very
much at the heart of what the British Government are seeking to
achieve.
(Strangford) (DUP)
I thank the Minister for his answers to the questions, and his
focus on finding a lasting ceasefire and peace, because that is
what everyone in this House wants. Will he outline what aid and
assistance have been provided to those in the Gaza area who can
use arable land to attempt to grow food for community use? Can we
in this place do anything more to provide self-sustaining
aid?
Mr Mitchell
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his question. The issue of arable
land use inevitably takes a bit of a back seat at the moment
because of the difficulty growing crops in Gaza, but in a future
settlement, and in building towards a two-state solution, that
would definitely be part of reconstruction. I very much accept
the wisdom of what the hon. Gentleman says on these matters, and
I am sure that the issue will be addressed when we reach that
stage. I point out to him, as I have mentioned to the House
before, that the progress made at Oslo was on the back of
appalling events in the second intifada, and we must hope that,
in spite of the desperate current events, we are able to lift
people’s eyes to the political possibilities of a two-state
solution in which both Palestine and Israel live in peace
behind secure borders. Ensuring that that happens, when the
moment comes, is the central aim of the British Government, and a
great deal of work and planning is going into what such an
initiative would look like.
(Sheffield, Hallam) (Lab)
Over 1 million people in northern Gaza are on the verge of
famine, and aid groups are issuing dire warnings of catastrophic
levels of hunger and man-made starvation. Just last week, the UN
reported that humanitarian aid is being denied or postponed by
Israeli authorities. We are not powerless—this Government can and
should take action—so what else can the Government do to lobby
the Israeli Government on allowing more aid to enter Gaza as a
matter of urgency? Do Ministers agree that we need a ceasefire
now, and that is the best way to get the release of hostages?
Mr Mitchell
I set out to the House and for the hon. Lady the issues around a
ceasefire, and why it is the view of the Government and many
others that a pause for humanitarian purposes could lead to a
sustainable ceasefire. That is the sensible way to proceed. She
asks what more the British Government and others could be doing.
I submit that Britain is doing everything it possibly can to
achieve aims that are commonly held across this House: bringing
an end to the situation in Gaza; getting the hostages home; and
getting aid and support into Gaza. I reassure the hon. Lady and
the House that we will continue to do everything we can, night
and day, until we reach those objectives.
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