Asked by Lord Foulkes of Cumnock To ask His Majesty’s Government
what assessment they have made of the effect of the suspension of
negotiations for a trade deal with Canada. The Parliamentary
Under-Secretary of State, Department for Business and Trade and
Scotland Office (Lord Offord of Garvel) (Con) I thank the noble
Lord for his Question. The pause in negotiations does not impact
our existing trade agreement with Canada, which underpins £26
billion- worth of...Request free trial
Asked by
To ask His Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of
the effect of the suspension of negotiations for a trade deal
with Canada.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department for
Business and Trade and Scotland Office () (Con)
I thank the noble Lord for his Question. The pause in
negotiations does not impact our existing trade agreement with
Canada, which underpins £26 billion- worth of trade per annum.
The UK has decided to pause negotiations towards a new UK-Canada
FTA in response to actions taken by Canada that reduce our
current market access. Negotiations were launched with public
commitments to increase and improve trade. Recent additions by
Canada do the opposite. It is right, therefore, to pause the
negotiations.
(Lab Co-op)
My Lords, post-Brexit trade negotiations are in total chaos.
, who was Environment
Secretary in the Cabinet at the time, described the deal with
Australia as a “failure”. Now we have pulled out unilaterally
from the Canadian deal. Is that because the Secretary of State is
too busy plotting, or perhaps because we do not have enough
qualified people to negotiate with Canada? On what basis and
terms do we crawl back in to ask Canada to restart
negotiations?
(Con)
I fundamentally disagree that we are in chaos; quite the
opposite. We are making great progress. The first thing that we
did when we left the EU was do a trade deal with Europe that
involved rolling over trade deals with 65 countries. We have now
improved that with a further seven deals. When I was in Canberra
two months before Christmas, the Australia deal was held up as
one of the best deals it had ever signed. As we move through,
because our economy is 80% services and 20% goods, we have now
got trade deals that encompass services, digital and
innovation.
We wanted to do the same deal with Canada, but Canada crossed one
of our red lines. The negotiations have not failed. The noble
Lord and I have done many negotiations together—we sometimes have
moments of pause. The Canadians have crossed a red line where
they know we would never accept the hormone beef trade deal that
they want to do with us. We have said no to that, which is why we
have stopped.
(Con)
My Lords, I congratulate the Government on the position they have
taken by pausing the trade talks at this time, reflecting the
high production standards that our farmers have to meet in this
country. Could my noble friend explain what the position is
specifically on exports of British cheese to Canada, including
the excellent cheese produced in north Yorkshire? I understand it
now suffers from a 245% tariff on export to Canada.
(Con)
Cheese is now a pawn in the game, and that has now become the
focus of attention. When we were in the EU, we had 2,000 out of
14,000 tonnes of cheese allocated to us. That has now been taken
away and allocated to Europe—France and Germany, mostly. We are
now allocated 6,000 for the rest of the world. Canada knew that
we had a right to roll that over to 2,000 within the WTO trade
agreement. We do not have that now. That is £18 million of trade.
Out of £26 billion, one might say that is a small number, but we
know that the farms in Somerset and Wales in particular, which
produce incredible quality cheese, have built up a superior
market share in Canada. The Canadian consumer wants this cheese
and has been buying and stockpiling it for six months in advance
of this happening. This has only happened because the Canadian
farmers want to send hormone beef to the UK and we refuse to drop
our standards, as some people said we would do when we left the
EU.
(LD)
My Lords, among the letters I received from Ministers after every
trade negotiating round with Canada, saying everything was on
track, the letter telling me that things had gone off the
rails—sorry, “paused”—must have gone astray. That information
that the Minister gave is not new information. I warned the noble
Lord, , last summer, after I led a
CPA delegation on trade to Ottawa and Toronto, of the
difficulties—but he ignored them. That is compounded by the fact
that businesses are now paying £100,000 more per business for
trade with Europe and new checks will be coming into place
tomorrow. So when does the Minister forecast that we will have
frictionless trade with Europe?
(Con)
With Europe, as the noble Lord knows, when we agreed to join what
was then the European Common Market, Europe accounted for
one-third of global trade. We all know that, when we left in
2019, that was 16% of global trade. In 2050, the OECD says it
will be 9% of global trade. So the UK has tilted to where the
market is. The market is in the Indo-Pacific, which is why we
joined the CPTPP. The last time I looked at the map, Britain was
not anywhere near the Pacific. We managed to get America’s place
in the CPTPP, which is 40% of the world’s fastest-growing
consumers. As we sign those trade deals and go around with
Vietnam, Indonesia, Korea and Japan, we are building out a trade
base for our farmers and manufacturers which is far greater than
they had in Europe.
(PC)
My Lords, I recognise the importance of the safeguards on beef,
which I am sure are of concern to everyone. However, does the
Minister not accept the point made by the noble Baroness a moment
ago about the impact on cheese manufacturers? It is not only the
extent of the charges that will hit them but the speed with which
they may come in, and there could be very serious cash flow
implications for many manufacturers. Can the Government please
look at some possible relief for such companies, which may be
suffering as a direct consequence of these changes?
(Con)
I thank the noble Lord for that question. We fundamentally agree
with that. We have been talking with the cheese manufacturers all
the way through this. We send £200 million-worth of food to
Canada and it sends us the thick end of £600 million back, mostly
wheat, maize and lobster. However, we do not want to take the
hormone beef. That is where the beef is. The issue, therefore, is
that we have £18 million of trade that we need to try to support,
and we will do our best to support those impeccable farmers,
especially in the West Country and in Wales.
(Con)
My Lords, Canada is notorious for gearing its trade policy around
its dairy sector, which is particularly strong in Quebec.
However, is not the wider issue here whether Britain will always
follow EU rules on sanitary and phytosanitary standards?
According to the WTO, SPS measures must never be economic and can
be justified only by science. The EU’s ban on these various kinds
of beef has been condemned by its own scientific advisory agency
and by the WTO. Is it the view of my noble friend the Minister
that our SPS regime, as long as it is tied to the Brussels one,
it is compatible with WTO regulations?
(Con)
This is the issue. Canada has been in a recent—2016—deal with the
EU and understood the SPS rules of the EU. It understands
fundamentally that we are not reducing our rules on SPS, but it
has seen an opportunity, and you go for the gap when you see the
opportunity, do you not? If you are a trade negotiator, you think
to yourself, “Where can I get my point of advantage?” On our two
outstanding issues, the cheese and the rules of origin—where,
again, we are pretty much sorted with a rollover from the
EU—Canada has seen an opportunity to cross that line. It is a
pause in negotiations and we will get back round the table as
soon as it comes back over the red line.
(Lab)
My Lords, the Institute for Government has warned that the
Government’s failure to set out red lines on key issues in trade
talks is a “recipe for disaster” and could delay new trade
agreements. They now need to move urgently to put them in place,
otherwise they will find themselves losing control of trade
negotiations to better-prepared partners. What assessments have
the Government made of the size and experience of negotiating
teams as part of the recent machinery of government changes?
(Con)
I thank the noble Lord for that. That is one of the reasons why
we split up BEIS and put it into different, independent
departments. However, my department, the Department for Business
and Trade, is now well equipped to lead these negotiations. As I
say, we have done the 65 country rollovers; we are now up to 73
countries and we have another 12 in the pipeline. We have a chief
negotiator, Crawford Faulkner, who came in from New Zealand— I
declare an interest in that he was born in Greenock, around the
corner from me—who is doing an excellent job. The issue here is
that our economy is now 80% services and 20% goods, but our
exports are 50:50, which is because our goods are good. They go
around the world and everyone wants to buy them. However, the
direction of travel will be two-thirds services, one- third
goods, which is why we need new trade agreements that cover
services—not just goods—digital and innovation. That is exactly
what we have with Australia, and that is what we are trying to
achieve with Canada. I am hopeful that we will be able to get the
show back on the road with Canada.
(Lab)
My Lords, following the comments made by the noble Lord, Lord
Purvis, will the Minister at least assure us that trade with our
nearest and biggest market is still important to us? Will he
perhaps also reflect on some of the problems of trading with
countries very far away, both in terms of environmental impact
and of course recently in terms of the very worrying security
situation in the Red Sea?
(Con)
I thank the noble Baroness for that. Indeed, the EU 27 still
account for 40% or 41% of our exports. If you expand that to the
euro 34, it is 49% of our exports. So 50% of our trade is still
with Europe, 20% is with America and 30% is with the rest of the
world. But the direction of travel is that the growth will come
from the rest of the world, not just in Europe. Europe will
remain important. In terms of our goods, the sticky part of our
pie chart has been our manufactured goods to Europe, which is
24%. That has been difficult—but the other 76% is going
gangbusters.
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