The Prime Minister (Rishi Sunak) Overnight, at my order, the Royal
Air Force engaged in a second wave of strikes against Houthi
military targets in Yemen. We did so because we continue to see,
for instance in intelligence, an ongoing and imminent threat from
the Houthis to UK commercial and military vessels and to those of
our partners in the Red sea and the wider region. I told the House
last week that we would not hesitate to respond if the acts
continued, in order to...Request free
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The Prime Minister ()
Overnight, at my order, the Royal Air Force engaged in a second
wave of strikes against Houthi military targets in Yemen. We did
so because we continue to see, for instance in intelligence, an
ongoing and imminent threat from the Houthis to UK commercial and
military vessels and to those of our partners in the Red sea and
the wider region.
I told the House last week that we would not hesitate to respond
if the acts continued, in order to protect innocent lives and
preserve the freedom of navigation, and that is what we have
done. We acted alongside the United States, with support from
Australia, Bahrain, Canada and the Netherlands. We acted on the
same basis as on 11 January—fully in line with international law,
in self-defence and in response to a persistent threat—and, and
as with the first wave, the strikes were limited to carefully
selected targets, with maximum care taken to protect civilian
lives.
Attempting to counter every Houthi attack after it has been
launched is simply not sustainable. We have already shot down
dozens of missiles and drones targeted at civilian vessels and at
the Royal Navy, and the Houthis have conducted at least 12
further attacks on shipping since 11 January, including just last
night, shortly before our strikes were conducted. So we acted to
further degrade their ability to mount such attacks.
Last week I gave the House our initial assessment of the first
wave of strikes. Since then, we have seen further evidence that
they were successful in degrading the Houthis’ military
capability. Last night we hit two military sites just north of
Sana’a, each containing multiple specific targets which the
Houthis used to support their attacks on shipping.
I want to be very clear: we are not seeking a confrontation. We
urge the Houthis, and those who enable them, to stop these
illegal and unacceptable attacks. But if necessary, the United
Kingdom will not hesitate to respond again in self-defence. We
cannot stand by and allow these attacks to go unchallenged.
Inaction is also a choice. With that in mind, and given the
persistent nature of the threat, it was important to update the
House again today. I listened carefully to right hon. and hon.
Members last week, and we will give the House a chance for a full
debate on our broader approach in the Red sea tomorrow.
We took extensive steps to address this threat to international
security before taking military action. We launched Operation
Prosperity Guardian in December with over 20 other countries. The
international community issued repeated statements on 1 December,
19 December, 3 January and 12 January condemning the attacks and
urging the Houthis to desist. On 10 January, the United Nations
Security Council passed a resolution demanding that they stop the
attacks. I think it is important to note that the internationally
recognised Government of Yemen have also condemned the Houthis
for their actions, accusing them of
“creating a conflict for propaganda”
serving only their own selfish ends.
As we saw in the House last week, Members are rightly keen to
hear how this situation can be brought to an end. The answer must
include the vital right to self-defence when we are attacked, but
that is only one part of our wider response, which I want to say
more about today. First, we are increasing our diplomatic
engagement, because we recognise the deep concerns about, and the
complexities of, the current situation. I spoke to President
Biden about these issues last night. The Foreign Secretary will
be in the region in the coming days, and he met his Iranian
counterpart last week. He made it clear that they must cease
supplying the Houthis with weapons and intelligence and use their
influence to stop Houthi attacks.
Secondly, we must end the illegal flow of arms to the Houthi
militia. We have intercepted weapons shipments in the region
before, including components of the very missiles used by the
Houthis today. This brings home the importance of maritime
security in the region, and it includes working closely with our
allies and partners to disrupt and deter the supply of weapons
and components.
Thirdly, we will use the most effective means at our disposal to
cut off the Houthis’ financial resources, where they are used to
fund these attacks. We are working closely with the US on this
and plan to announce new sanctions measures in the coming
days.
Fourthly, we need to keep helping the people of Yemen, who have
suffered so terribly as a result of the country’s civil war. We
will continue to deliver humanitarian aid and to support a
negotiated peace in that conflict, not just because it is the
right thing to do but because we need to show the people of Yemen
that we have no quarrel with them—as the Yemeni Government
understand. This is our strategy and we will keep all other tools
under close review as well.
I repeat that there is no link between our actions of
self-defence in the Red sea and the situation in Israel and Gaza.
Those who make that link do the Houthis’ work for them, and I
want to be clear that those here at home who glorify the Houthis’
attacks are glorifying terrorism, plain and simple. They will be
met with a zero-tolerance approach. All of that said, I would
like to address the situation in Israel and Gaza directly because
it remains at the forefront of Members’ minds. President Biden
and I discussed this again yesterday and he shares my deep
concerns about the situation and the terrible suffering and loss
of civilian lives, so together we are working to establish a new
aid route through the port of Ashdod.
The UK wants to see an end to the fighting in Gaza as soon as
possible. We are calling for an immediate humanitarian pause to
get aid in and hostages out, as a vital step towards building a
sustainable, permanent ceasefire without a return to destruction,
fighting and loss of life. To achieve that, Hamas must agree to
the release of all hostages. They can no longer be in charge of
Gaza. The threat from Hamas terror and rocket attacks must end,
and an agreement must be in place for the Palestinian Authority
to return to Gaza to provide governance, services and security.
That pathway to peace should unite the whole House. I believe we
are also united in support of a two-state solution.
Through all the complexity of the current situation, our
principles hold firm: resolute in the face of threats,
compassionate in support of those in need, and determined in
maintaining stability, security and the rule of law. That is what
our allies and partners have come to expect from the United
Kingdom, and that is what we stand for.
I commend this statement to the House.
Mr Speaker
I call the Leader of the Opposition.
12.40pm
(Holborn and St Pancras)
(Lab)
I thank the Prime Minister for the advance copy of his
statement.
Labour said that we will judge further action against the Houthis
on a case-by-case basis, so let me be clear that we back this
targeted action to reinforce maritime security in the Red sea.
The Houthi attacks must stop. They are designed to destabilise
us, so we must stand united and strong. They bring danger to
ordinary civilians working hard at sea, so we must protect those
civilians. And they aim to disrupt the flow of goods, food and
medicines, so we must not let them go unaddressed.
The professionalism and bravery of those serving on HMS Diamond
and flying RAF Typhoons are both totally accepted and completely
remarkable. Without them, Britain cannot be a force for good in
the world.
This is, of course, the second set of strikes in which the UK has
participated. The stated aim of the first set was to deter and
degrade Houthi capability, but we now know that their attacks
have continued. While we do not question the justification for
action, it is right that the House hears more about its
effectiveness. Labour, of course, recognises that strikes can
reduce threat without eliminating it, and we recognise that
military action is just one component of a wider diplomatic
strategy. None the less, I ask the Prime Minister to set out his
confidence that these strikes will be effective in reducing
Houthi capabilities. As the situation has evolved, although we of
course understand the clear legal basis for these actions, will
the Prime Minister commit to restating and republishing the
Government’s legal position?
Alongside the UK and the US, other countries have provided
non-operational support for these strikes and maritime protection
in the Red sea. Many more support the United Nations Security
Council resolution that utterly condemns the Houthi attacks. What
work is being done to hold together that coalition and, if
possible, to enlarge it? The action that the UK takes must draw
on the support of all those who care about international law.
Given the special role that the UK plays in Yemen, will the Prime
Minister set out the concrete steps, in addition to those in his
statement, that we are taking to help the people of Yemen who
have suffered terribly as a result of that country’s civil
war?
The international community cannot allow itself to be divided,
which is exactly what the Houthi backers in Tehran would love to
see. On that note, can the Prime Minister update the House on
whether his Government have given further consideration to the
proscription of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps? We need
every tool at our disposal to disrupt IRGC activities, and we
must show Iran that it cannot pursue its ends by destabilising
the entire region.
Like the Prime Minister, I totally reject the Houthi claims that
attacking ships from around the world is somehow linked to the
conflict in Gaza. These attacks do absolutely nothing for the
Palestinian people. What is needed in Gaza is a humanitarian
truce now, a sustainable ceasefire to stop the killing of
innocent civilians, space for the return of all hostages, urgent
humanitarian relief and a decisive step towards a two-state
solution. Palestinian statehood is the inalienable right of the
Palestinian people; it is not in the gift of a neighbour. Does
the Prime Minister agree that a secure Israel alongside a viable
Palestinian state is the only path to a just and lasting peace?
We must stop those who sow division; we must do what we can to
disrupt and deter the Houthis; and we must stay united and
steadfast in defence of our values, our security and our right to
self-defence. Labour will always act in the national interest,
and we provide our full support for these necessary and
proportionate strikes.
The Prime Minister
I thank the Leader of the Opposition for his statement and his
support—I am grateful to him for that. He raises all the right
questions about the action today, which I am happy to answer.
First, the right hon. and learned Gentleman asked about the
effectiveness of strikes in deterring and precisely degrading
capability. I am pleased to tell him that further evidence, after
the initial statement I made last week, has demonstrated to us
that the strikes last week were effective in degrading capability
and all the intended targets were destroyed. I am also pleased to
say that our initial evidence from last night’s strikes is also
that all intended targets were destroyed, which demonstrates to
us that, working with our allies, who have the same view, the
strikes are working to degrade capability, even though, as the
right hon. and learned Gentleman said, there may be a difference
between reducing and eliminating. We are confident that what we
are doing is working to degrade capability. The targets are
specifically selected on the basis of intelligence; they are
military sites that impact the security and safety of seafarers
and shipping. To that end, I am confident that, as I said, the
strikes are being carried out in a way that is effective in
achieving their aim.
I thank the right hon. and learned Gentleman for acknowledging
that the strikes sit within a wider strategy in the region to
bring about an end to what we are seeing. The Foreign Secretary
will be in the region this week, engaging extensively with our
partners and allies on all the topics that the right hon. and
learned Gentleman raised, and particularly ensuring that we can
continue to make progress on a sustainable peace in Yemen. No
doubt the Foreign Secretary will talk to our Saudi partners about
that and, crucially, broaden the coalition of support for the
action we have taken.
As I pointed to in my statement, multiple statements have been
made by a wide coalition of countries from around the world in
support of action. The right hon. and learned Gentleman can rest
assured that we are continuing to expand that coalition of
support, because the security of navigation and shipping impacts
all countries, wherever they might be, not just in the Red sea.
All of us have seen the consequences of the war in Ukraine on
energy bills across the European continent and beyond, so I think
people are very alive to the interconnectedness of the global
economy and the importance of protecting freedom of navigation
everywhere.
On the legal advice, my understanding was that we had published
or were imminently about to publish a summary of the legal
advice—I can happily give the right hon. and learned Gentleman
that confirmation. I can also confirm to him that the basis for
action remains the same as it was last time, but an update to
that effect has been published or will shortly be published by
the Attorney General.
Lastly, I will touch on the right hon. and learned Gentleman’s
broader point. He is right to highlight the malign influence of
Iran in the region. Obviously, we do not comment on ongoing
decisions or processes relating to the proscription of
organisations, but he can rest assured that we are alive to the
risk and working closely with our allies, particularly the United
States and our European allies, to jointly work out the most
effective way of countering that influence. As I have said, the
Foreign Secretary spoke to his counterpart last week, and we will
continue to use all measures at our disposal to protect
ourselves. We passed the National Security Act 2023 here in the
UK and have already sanctioned the IRGC in its entirety.
More generally, on the specific action we have taken, I again
thank the right hon. and learned Gentleman for his support. We
have taken limited, proportionate and, I believe, necessary
action in self-defence. We will always reserve the right to do
that to protect innocent lives and freedom of navigation. Our
desired outcome, of course, is for the Houthis to desist and to
de-escalate the situation. What they are doing is unacceptable
and illegal, and the onus should be on them to stop it. But we
will use all levers at our disposal, including diplomacy and
sanctions, to achieve that objective.
Mr Speaker
I call the Chair of the Defence Committee.
Sir (Horsham) (Con)
I welcome what my right hon. Friend says about diplomatic and
humanitarian efforts, and indeed cutting off the supply of arms.
I particularly welcome what he says about the effectiveness of
the strikes that have already taken place. However, does he agree
that in order to protect civilian shipping, this may need to be a
prolonged and persistent targeted campaign alongside our
allies?
The Prime Minister
I thank my right hon. Friend for his question. I want to be
absolutely clear that no decision has been taken to embark on a
sustained campaign of the nature that he mentioned—these were
limited strikes, specifically in response to threats that we
perceived—but we do reserve the right to take action in
self-defence, as I have said. Crucially, the military action is
just one part of a broader strategy, including diplomacy,
sanctions and other things; we will use all levers to bring about
an end to the disruption and the illegality that the Houthis are
causing.
Mr Speaker
I call the leader of the Scottish National party.
(Aberdeen South) (SNP)
Freedom of navigation is not a choice: it is a necessity, not
least because of the impact there could be on all the people we
are very fortunate to represent. As such, as a point of principle
it is fair for the Government to use proportionate and robust
action to defend that right to freedom of navigation. However,
all of us in this Chamber need to be mindful of the opponent that
we face in this regard. The Houthis have been under almost
constant bombardment from Saudi Arabia for the best part of eight
years; they did not get that message, so why are we so confident
that they will get our message this time around?
That, of course, leads to the wider question: what is the
ultimate strategy going forward, in relation not just to the
Houthis but to the wider region? Over the past week, we have seen
missile strikes in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, Syria and, of
course, Yemen. In the meantime, we continue to see the complete
destruction of Gaza and, of course, Hamas continue to obtain
hostages. We need to understand the Government’s strategy to calm
waters not just in the Red sea but right across the region.
Surely that must begin with a ceasefire in Gaza.
The Prime Minister
As difficult as the situation is, to do nothing would also be a
choice. I believe that would be the wrong choice because it would
be tantamount to ceding control of a global, economically vital
shipping route to a dangerous militant group that is backed by
Iran, and it would put innocent lives at risk. The hon. Gentleman
is right that the military action should sit within a broader
strategy, which hopefully he can tell from my statement we are
engaged in on all fronts.
On the hon. Gentleman’s point about Israel and Gaza, as I have
made clear, no one wants to see this conflict go on for a moment
longer than necessary. An immediate pause is necessary to get aid
in and hostages out—that is what we have been calling for. The
best outcome will be moving from that pause to a sustainable
ceasefire, but, as I was clear about in my statement, a number of
things need to happen for that to be possible, including the
release of all the hostages by Hamas, Hamas no longer being in
charge in Gaza and an agreement for the Palestinian Authority to
return to Gaza to provide governance. That is a conversation we
have been having, and we will continue to push for that, because
I believe that will be the best outcome and it is one that is
widely supported by, I would imagine, everyone in this House.
Mr Speaker
Just to help the House, some people were late, and we are only
going to run this for an hour, so please try to help each other
by being as quick as you can. I call the Chair of the Foreign
Affairs Committee.
(Rutland and Melton)
(Con)
I welcome the airstrikes, which were conducted solely to
re-establish freedom of maritime movement. However, there are a
number of Iranian proxies and allied groups operating across the
middle east, and the hand of Iran is clear in their activities.
Iran is the fundamental threat to UK security and to stability in
the region. What is the strategic approach and intent to
comprehensively reduce the threat that we face from all the
proxies and allies, so that we do not end up playing
whack-a-mole? Have we seen any opportunism from al-Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsula or Daesh, who are also on the ground in Iran?
Finally, as the Prime Minister touched on Gaza-Israel, please may
I reiterate my request for the UK to launch a contact group for
Palestine, so that we can launch track 2 negotiations to get some
progress towards stability and a two-state solution?
The Prime Minister
The behaviour of the Iranian regime, including the actions of the
IRGC, poses a significant threat to the safety and security of
the United Kingdom and our allies, particularly given Iran’s
direct threats against people here in the UK, as well as its
destabilising influence in the region. We are alive to the
threat, which is why we have already sanctioned more than 400
Iranian individuals, including the IRGC in its entirety. The
National Security Act 2023 provides new measures for our police
and security services to counter the hostile influence that we
see.
The Foreign Secretary spoke to his Iranian counterpart last week,
and we will continue that diplomacy this week. As I pointed out
in my statement, we have previously interdicted the supply of
Iranian missiles being smuggled to the Houthis, last year and the
year before. We need to ensure that we work with our allies to do
that, because the flow of those weapons to the Houthis is
critical to their ability to carry out these attacks. Working
with our allies, we should try to do everything we can to stop
that.
Mr Speaker
I call the leader of the Liberal Democrat party.
(Kingston and Surbiton) (LD)
I thank the Prime Minister for his statement. As I made clear
last week, the Liberal Democrats accept the case for limited
strikes against the Houthis, as long as they remain limited. As
the Prime Minister updates the House for the second time on this
matter, there is remarkably little clarity about what the next
steps are and when the UK’s objectives will be judged to have
been fulfilled. Nor has the Prime Minister sufficiently addressed
how he plans to avoid regional escalation in this most fragile of
regions. I thank him for agreeing that the House can debate this
matter tomorrow, but will he not give the House the opportunity
to vote on this matter, not least given the huge cross-party
support for limited strikes? That would surely strengthen the
signal he intends to give.
The Prime Minister
What is escalatory is the Houthis ramping up attacks on
commercial shipping, launching missiles and drones against US and
UK warships, and threatening allied bases in the region. I have
been very clear that military action was a last resort. We
provided warning after warning, including with allies and at the
UN Security Council. The Houthis had, and continue to have, the
ability to prevent this by stopping their illegal attacks. As I
pointed out earlier, there are also risks to inaction because it
would damage international security and the global economy, and
send a message that British vessels, lives and interests are fair
game, none of which I think is acceptable.
I am pleased that the House will have an opportunity to debate
the matter tomorrow but, as I said, we reserve the right to take
action in a limited, proportionate and legal way in self-defence.
That is the right thing and the country would expect nothing less
from the Government.
(Esher and Walton) (Con)
I welcome the Prime Minister’s statement and action. On the issue
of Iran, can he say what contingency planning has been done in
the eventuality that Houthi attacks in the Red sea are followed
up by IRGC attacks in the Persian gulf?
The Prime Minister
My right hon. Friend is right to point out the link between Iran
and the Houthis. We are alive to that and I discussed it with
President Biden last night. My right hon. Friend will know that
we have assets in the region and we are working closely with our
allies to ensure maritime security, whether that is by
interdicting arms or more generally ensuring the freedom of
navigation. Diplomacy will also have to play a part, which is why
the Foreign Secretary’s conversations with his Iranian
counterpart are so important, but we remain alive to the risks
and will do everything we can to reduce them.
(Halton) (Lab)
The Prime Minister is right that to do nothing is not an option,
but to do something there needs to be a strategy. If the attacks
continue and there is continued disruption to maritime trade,
does he have a plan B?
The Prime Minister
That is why we are working extensively with our allies,
broadening the international coalition of support condemning the
Houthis’ behaviour, and putting pressure on them in all different
ways. It is important that military action is not seen in
isolation: it sits alongside wider diplomatic and economic
strategies. As I said, we will bring forward new sanctions
measures, together with our allies, in the coming days.
(Harwich and North Essex)
(Con)
I express my full support for the action that my right hon.
Friend the Prime Minister has approved. Will he extend his
strategic objectives, because it seems that this threat will
remain so long as the Houthis have a safe haven to operate from?
It is a question of how we deal with that part of Yemen, which is
effectively an ungoverned space.
The Prime Minister
It is clear that the Houthis’ behaviour is damaging the people of
Yemen. We have talked previously about the importance of the
supply of food into Yemen, but the destruction of oil
infrastructure also deprives the Yemeni people of key revenue.
These are all topics with which we are engaged with our Saudi
partners. We very much support the negotiations. As my hon.
Friend knows, a deal was announced in December. We would like to
see a lasting peace and security for the Yemeni people for an
inclusive political settlement, and I can assure him that,
diplomatically, we are working very hard to achieve that aim.
(Bradford East) (Lab)
The Prime Minister rightly states that the majority of this House
supports a two-state solution to bring a lasting peace, but that
is clearly not shared by the Israeli Prime Minister, Netanyahu,
members of his far- right Cabinet, or the Israeli ambassador to
the UK, who openly advocated genocide on the UK airwaves. They
have all rejected an independent state of Palestine. Will the
Prime Minister make it clear to the Israeli Prime Minister that
he condemns his comments, which stand in the way of peace? Will
he also condemn the vile comments of the Israeli ambassador, who
labelled every building in Gaza as a legitimate target for the
Israeli military?
The Prime Minister
The Foreign Secretary will be in the region this week and will
reiterate what I have said publicly and from this Dispatch Box:
we are absolutely committed to a two-state solution. We believe
that is the right outcome for the people in the region. We want
Palestinians and Israelis to be able to live side by side in
peace, security and dignity, and we will redouble our efforts to
bring about that outcome.
(Bournemouth East) (Con)
Yemen is a complex, war-torn and troubled country that has never
really settled since the north and south united in 1990. Today,
the civil war means that two thirds of the population require
humanitarian support. When I was Minister for the middle east, I
spent a lot of time with the United Nations, the US and Gulf
nations trying to build a suitable governance and security
framework. Does the Prime Minster agree that, unless our
attention on Yemen includes not only removing the immediate
threat in the Red sea, but a fresh and more cognitive approach to
resolving the longer-term governance issues in this troubled
country, the threat will remain?
The Prime Minister
I thank my right hon. Friend for his previous efforts. As he
knows, we are a penholder on Yemen in the UN, and we continue to
use our diplomatic and political influence to support UN efforts
to bring about that lasting peace to Yemen for an inclusive
political settlement. The British people can be proud of what we
are doing to support the Yemeni people from a humanitarian
perspective. We have committed more than £1 billion in aid since
the conflict began in 2014. I believe that this year we will be
the fourth or fifth largest donor to the UN’s appeal.
(Walsall South) (Lab)
What assessment has the Prime Minister made of the risks if the
Houthis move to a different part of Yemen, and how many civilian
casualties have there been so far?
The Prime Minister
I am pleased to say that all our intelligence suggests that there
were no civilian casualties from the strikes that we conducted
last week, and that will of course have been our intention this
time. We are very careful to take the time to pick the targets
and minimise any civilian casualties and impacts. As I have said,
we believe that there were none last time, and we have no
evidence to suggest that there were any this time, but of course
that is just an initial assessment.
(Meon Valley) (Con)
I thank the Prime Minister for the update and the continued
humanitarian aid to Yemen. I totally agree with the action that
he has taken to protect shipping. However, can he tell me what
truth there is in the rumours that the Houthis may become a
proscribed terrorist organisation, as that would have a major
impact on any humanitarian aid sent to Houthi-controlled
territories, which includes about 70% of the population?
The Prime Minister
As my hon. Friend will know, we do not comment on proscription
processes or decisions on any group, so she will appreciate that
there is not much that I can say on that. Just to clarify, it is
worth pointing out that the United States has designated the
Houthi group as “a specially designated terrorist group”, which
is different from full proscription.
(Hayes and Harlington)
(Lab)
At the moment, we see Houthi attacks continuing, the Popular
Mobilisation Units attacking US bases in Syria, and Hezbollah in
a low-level war with Israel in Lebanon. Yesterday in Gaza 24
members of the Israeli military were killed, and 24,000
Palestinians have died—[Interruption.] It is now 25,000, we are
told. This morning we heard how a doctor is amputating children’s
limbs in Gaza without anaesthetics. Does the Prime Minister not
realise that, without an immediate ceasefire, any hope of a
strategy succeeding will fail, and that the Netanyahu Cabinet has
now become an obstacle to peace, rather than a partner in
peace?
The Prime Minister
As I have said, no one wants to see the conflict in Gaza go on
for a moment longer than is necessary. An immediate pause is now
needed to get aid in and hostages out. The best outcome will be
moving from that pause to a sustainable ceasefire, but that
sustainable, permanent ceasefire does require a set of conditions
for it to be truly sustainable and permanent, and that involves
the release of all hostages and Hamas having no role in Gaza,
particularly to fire rockets continually into Israel. That is the
sustainable ceasefire that we are pushing for.
(New Forest West) (Con)
If the Houthis persist, have we the capability to remove the
threat, and will we do it?
The Prime Minister
As my right hon. Friend can see, we will always back up our words
with action. We have been clear that we will not tolerate risk to
innocent lives and British interests in the region. We will take
action where necessary in a limited and proportionate way, in
compliance with international law and in self-defence. That is
what we did last week and what we have done this week, and we
will always reserve the right to do so in order to protect
British lives and interests.
(Leyton and Wanstead) (Lab)
It is clear that the “Partisans of God”—the Houthi militia—are
fascist and racist. They are backed by fascists and racists in
Tehran. Further to earlier questions—this has been asked time and
again from both sides of the House—may I ask when we will get
around to fully proscribing the IRGC?
The Prime Minister
As I have said previously, we do not routinely comment on groups
that we may or may not be considering for proscription, but we
have taken significant action against the IRGC, including
sanctioning them in their entirety and passing new laws here at
home to make sure that we can protect ourselves. Critically, we
are working with our allies so that we can jointly determine what
is the most effective way to combat the risk that Iran poses to
us.
(Totnes) (Con)
I congratulate the Prime Minister on a robust response—the right
to navigate is indisputable—but the damage has already been done.
Tankers are avoiding the Gulf of Aden, the Red sea and the Suez
canal. Freight rates are now soaring and the impact of that on
European refineries is likely to be significant. Can the Prime
Minister say more about what will be done for armed convoys and
how we will restore confidence that people and vessels will be
able to navigate that stretch of water?
The Prime Minister
The Transport Secretary has been engaging extensively with the
industry. My hon. Friend will have seen the statements from
leading shipping companies after last week’s strike, saying that
they welcomed action being taken to restore security. I also
point him to Operation Prosperity Guardian, a coalition of more
than 20 countries. More are now sending assets into the region to
ensure the safety of all civilian and commercial shipping through
the Red sea. It is a critical economic strait, but there is also
a principle at stake, which we must defend.
(Battersea) (Lab)
The war in Gaza and the situation in the middle east are
worsening every day. We know that more than 25,000 people have
been killed, including 10,000 children, not to mention about
135,000 children suffering from severe malnutrition. We know that
the only way to de-escalate the violence in Gaza and the crisis
in the Red sea is by securing an immediate ceasefire—not a pause,
but an immediate ceasefire. Why will the Prime Minister not
commit to calling for this, so that we can see an end to this
humanitarian catastrophe and the killing of innocent
children?
The Prime Minister
I point the hon. Lady to my previous comments on that topic, but
I will also just highlight that we have trebled our aid
commitment for this financial year. We are working with partners
in the region to increase the amount of aid going into the
region. I discussed that with President Biden yesterday, because
we recognise the humanitarian impact that the conflict is having.
The UK is playing a leading role in getting more humanitarian aid
into the region. As I have said, right now we will work with the
Americans on opening up Ashdod so that we have a new maritime
corridor to increase the flow.
(East Kilbride, Strathaven
and Lesmahagow) (Con)
I refer the House to my entry in the Register of Members’
Financial Interests. I thank the Prime Minister for his resolute
work, including the wider update on humanitarian aid and work to
release hostages. Families of hostages and those hostages
released will be suffering unconscionable long-term psychological
trauma. Can we, in addition to physical aid, look at providing
psychological support and expertise from the UK wherever it is
needed for all those so gravely impacted?
The Prime Minister
I thank my hon. Friend for that excellent point. Like her, I have
spent time with hostage families, including just yesterday, and
she is right about the trauma that they are experiencing. Every
family that we are in contact with will have dedicated support
from the Foreign Office to provide them with what they need, and
I will continue to ensure that the issue she raises gets the
attention it deserves. She highlights the importance of pauses
and ceasefires to ensuring the unconditional release of all the
hostages. They and their families are undergoing something that
no one would wish to have happen to them, and it is important
that we prioritise them in all these conversations.
(Brighton, Pavilion)
(Green)
I and many others will be disappointed at the Prime Minister’s
failure to condemn the increasingly violent and extreme language
by Netanyahu and his Ministers, and I invite him again to do so.
The Prime Minister said 10 days ago that the airstrikes against
Houthi targets would send a clear message. The Foreign Secretary
said this morning that more strikes send the clearest message.
Can the Prime Minister tell us where that will end, given that
the only message actually being received in the region, whether
he likes it or not, is about the UK’s failure to back an end to
the suffering in Gaza?
The Prime Minister
Again, I urge the hon. Lady not to link and conflate these two
things, because—
It is not me!
The Prime Minister
She is right: it is the Houthis who are doing that, and it is
right that we call that out as being wrong, as the Government of
Yemen themselves have done. It is absolutely right that we take
necessary and proportionate action in self-defence against risk
to British lives and interests. That is what we did last week and
what we have done this week, and we will always reserve the right
to do so. In parallel and separately, we are also doing
everything we can to bring about more aid into Gaza and a
sustainable ceasefire there that involves a release of hostages
and the end of Hamas’s hostilities.
(Buckingham) (Con)
I welcome the Prime Minister’s statement and actions of
self-defence against the Houthis as the right thing to do. Over
the past 24 hours, the BBC has carried reports that senior IRGC
generals have made extremist speeches to United Kingdom students
that are riddled with antisemitism and the promotion of violence.
This radicalisation simply must stop. What steps is my right hon.
Friend taking to end IRGC infiltration in the United Kingdom?
While I fully acknowledge that he will not comment on
proscription at the Dispatch Box, will he at least acknowledge
the strength of feeling on both sides of the House and across the
political divide for the proscription of the IRGC, which is
behind so much of the violence in the region, including the
barbaric attacks of 7 October and the continuing attacks in the
Red sea?
The Prime Minister
I first stress that it is an absolute priority to protect the UK
against foreign interference, and we will use all available
levers to do that. On the particular matter my hon. Friend raises
about those reports, I know the Charity Commission has opened an
ongoing compliance case into trusts linked to the Kanoon Islamic
centre, so it is right that that investigation happens properly.
More broadly, universities have a duty to prevent people being
drawn into terrorism, and where there is evidence that
universities are failing in that duty, I am happy to reassure him
that the Government will not hesitate to intervene to ensure that
the right steps are taken.
(Oldham East and
Saddleworth) (Lab)
I, too, share concerns about what the strategy is, what the
contagion to the rest of the middle east will be, and the
possibility that might be bolstering the Houthis’ position in
Yemen. Can I ask the Prime Minister about a constituent’s
partner, who I mentioned to the Leader of the House last
Thursday? He has been awaiting evacuation from south Gaza for a
number of months. He has now suffered a broken leg and is
receiving no healthcare. I urge the Prime Minister to liaise with
the Israeli and Egyptian authorities for his immediate
evacuation—it cannot carry on.
The Prime Minister
I am very happy to do that, and I will follow up with the Leader
of the House on the hon. Lady’s case.
(Halesowen and Rowley Regis)
(Con)
The threat to maritime shipping in the Red sea is from not just
Houthi missiles, but the threat of cyber-attacks often coming
from Iranian proxies. Does the Prime Minister agree that there is
an urgent need to strengthen the cyber-resilience of our maritime
partners, to ensure that they are not susceptible to the threat
of cyber-attack, which may disable them and cause multiple
problems?
The Prime Minister
My hon. Friend makes an excellent point, and that is why we
previously created and funded the National Cyber Security Centre,
on which our allies respect us for showing global leadership. His
point is well made, and I will ensure that we are spreading our
best practice to allies in the region.
(East Lothian) (Alba)
The key to addressing violence is to address the root cause, not
just its manifestations. The Red sea is inextricably linked to
the events in Gaza. Rather than bombing the Houthis, who have
been bombed for a decade by Saudi Arabia with the best military
equipment that Britain and America could sell to it, is it not
time that we supported South Africa and other countries at the
International Court of Justice in addressing the root cause,
which is the genocide unfolding in Palestine?
The Prime Minister
I disagree with the hon. Gentleman, and we disagree with what
South Africa has brought to the ICJ and do not believe that it is
helpful. I also disagree with him that those two things are
linked. The Houthis have carried out attacks on multiple ships
from different countries, many of which have nothing to do with
the situation in Israel and Gaza. As the Government of Yemen
themselves have pointed out, the attacks have nothing to do with
that situation, which the Houthis are using as propaganda for
their own selfish ends.
Sir (East Ham) (Lab)
The Prime Minister has referred to the international support for
the actions in the Red sea, but why have only US and UK forces
actually taken part in them?
The Prime Minister
We also received support from Canada, Australia, the Netherlands
and Bahrain in these strikes, as we did last time. I point the
right hon. Gentleman to the statements that have been put out
previously by over a dozen countries, including New Zealand,
Korea, Singapore and others, and also to the UN Security Council
resolution from 10 January, which was unequivocal in condemning
the Houthi attacks and acknowledging the right of member states,
in accordance with international law, to defend their vessels
from attacks.
(Oxford West and Abingdon)
(LD)
We now have 25,000 dead. There are still 130 hostages. My
extended family are still trapped. While we want to have hope, I
dare say that it has now turned to complete despondency. The
Prime Minister will have heard with dismay, I am sure, the words
of Netanyahu when he said that he is categorically against two
states. That echoes the equally awful words of Hamas, who say the
same thing. Does the Prime Minister not agree that what we have
here are the extremes of the debate? What words of hope does he
have to offer those voices in Israel, Palestine and beyond who
cling on desperately for the light in this darkness?
The Prime Minister
I thank the hon. Lady for her question and comments. I agree that
we are committed to a two-state solution, because that is the
only way we can bring about a future where Palestinians and
Israelis can live side by side with the security they deserve,
with dignity and with opportunity. The events of the last few
months remind us that we must redouble our efforts to bring about
that outcome. I remain confident, because of the engagement that
we are having, that we can make progress on that aim.
(Leeds North West)
(Lab/Co-op)
The Prime Minister said, “We urge the Houthis, and those who
enable them, to stop these illegal and unacceptable attacks.” He
then spoke only about Iran in terms of those who enable them. Who
else is enabling the Houthis, and what action are the UK and its
allies taking to stop them and their supply of weapons and other
support to the Houthis?
The Prime Minister
I particularly mentioned Iran with good reason, because it is one
of the primary suppliers of weapons to the Houthis. That is why
in the past we have interdicted those shipments. Iran’s behaviour
remains of primary concern to us. It is the significant
destabilising actor in the region, and it will continue to be a
focus of our diplomatic efforts. More broadly, we want to see
peace and stability in the region across the board.
Diplomatically and otherwise, we will work hard to bring that
about.
(Poplar and Limehouse)
(Lab)
Further violence will not achieve peace. Aid agencies are warning
that the UK and the US continuing to bomb Yemen is threatening
civilian populations and inhibiting humanitarian assistance
reaching millions who are already enduring starvation. Instead of
escalating risks to civilian populations in the region, why can
the Prime Minister not just support the growing and increasing
calls internationally for an immediate ceasefire in Israel-Gaza,
an end to the bloodshed in Gaza and an end to the attacks on
Yemen, and call for peace, justice and human rights?
The Prime Minister
Again, I would not draw a link between the action in the Red sea
and the situation in Gaza. They are two completely different
things. The Houthis may seek to link them, but we should not
pander to that narrative. We have been in touch with our
non-governmental organisation partners, and they have confirmed
no significant disruption to humanitarian efforts following our
airstrikes. We help feed around 100,000 Yemenis every single
month. Again, I would urge the hon. Lady to recognise that the
Houthis’ activities actually damage the Yemeni people, who are
entirely reliant on food coming in through those shipping
lanes.
(North Down) (Alliance)
The Prime Minister sketched out some of the Government’s view on
terms for a sustainable ceasefire in Gaza. What steps are the
Government taking to discuss with other states—particularly with
friendly states—a long-term peace plan for the region, including
a two-state solution, to ensure that we make real progress
towards that objective?
The Prime Minister
I can reassure the hon. Gentleman that we are having exactly that
conversation with all our partners and allies in the region. I
started that dialogue when I visited the region towards the end
of last year, the Foreign Secretary will be in the region again
this week, and it is something that President Biden and I have
discussed. I believe that we are aligned on the future that we
all want to see for the people of Israel and Gaza, and now we
will work constructively with our allies to try to ensure that
that can happen.
(Denton and Reddish)
(Lab)
May I press the Prime Minister a little more on Palestine?
Although he was right to say in his statement that President
Biden and he are united in support of a two-state solution, he
will be acutely aware that the person who is likely to be
President Biden’s main challenger in November’s election is
almost certainly not in favour of a two-state solution, and
neither is the Israeli Prime Minister. What are the Prime
Minister and the British Government doing to use this narrow
window of opportunity to push for that two-state solution?
The Prime Minister
I refer the hon. Gentleman to my previous answer. We are
absolutely committed to a two-state solution and will work very
hard with all our allies to make progress towards that aim.
(Glasgow Central)
(SNP)
Yemeni analyst Hisham Al-Omeisy is no friend of the Houthis—they
took him hostage some time ago—but he has been raising concerns
about the way in which these blunt military actions will play
into the Houthi narrative against America and the UK. How does
the Prime Minister intend to challenge that political narrative
and ensure that the Yemeni people do not play into Houthi hands
because of the action that he is taking?
The Prime Minister
As I say, we are in dialogue with the Yemeni Government, and they
are doing their best to counter the narrative that the hon. Lady
mentions. Also, I would not characterise these as “blunt”
strikes; they are actually very deliberate and careful targeted
strikes on military sites, minimising the impact on civilians. We
will continue to ensure that that point is heard loud and
clear.
(Walthamstow) (Lab/Co-op)
The Houthis have already said that we should “expect a response”
to the strikes. Benjamin Netanyahu’s words have further inflamed
things, jeopardising opportunities for peace between Israel and
Palestine. There have been attacks in Pakistan by Iran. Clearly,
the situation is escalating. We need all partners to collaborate
as best we can if we are to secure a ceasefire, end the attacks
on shipping and get that two-state solution. The Prime Minister
has talked about talking to our allies. Will he set out the
conversations that he has had with colleagues in the European
Union, which has its own peace initiative in the region, and
where does he think that will get to?
The Prime Minister
I speak regularly to colleagues across Europe, including speaking
to the Belgian Prime Minister just this morning. We will work
with all our allies on these issues, as we have done in the past
and will continue to do. I believe that we are all united on the
outcome we want to see, which is a two-state solution in which
Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side with peace,
security and dignity.
(Strangford) (DUP)
I very much welcome the Prime Minister’s statement and his clear,
firm stance—it is good to have that. What steps will he take to
further secure safe passage for shipping companies, which have
been forced to increase the price of shipping in order to enhance
their protection? Even Church missions in my constituency sending
humanitarian containers to Eswatini in southern Africa are paying
increased prices for containers. What else can be done to
alleviate not only this international affront but the direct
impact on our constituents, who are already struggling with
increased prices and stagnant wages?
The Prime Minister
The hon. Gentleman is right to point out the economic impact of
attacks on shipping on everyone here at home and across the
world. There is a meaningful economic cost to container ships
rerouting around the Cape of Good Hope. That is an important
reason why we must have freedom of navigation and it demonstrates
why it is right that we take action. Prosperity Guardian is the
operation providing more maritime security in the area.
(Leeds East) (Lab)
To follow up on the Prime Minister’s comments on Gaza, 25,000
people have now been killed there, so is it not time that our
Government did more than express sympathies and instead used
their diplomatic power to prevent more deaths there, starting
with a UN Security Council motion calling for an immediate
ceasefire and ending arms sales to Israel?
The Prime Minister
Our actions are clear: we have trebled our aid commitment this
year, we are doing everything we can to open more crossings, and
recently we worked to deliver a new humanitarian land corridor
from Jordan into Gaza, with 750 tonnes of lifesaving food and aid
arriving on its first delivery. We can be proud of the impact
that we are having, but of course, there is more to do, and that
is why we will continue to have those conversations to get more
aid in.
(Hammersmith) (Lab)
The Prime Minister says that he supports a two-state solution.
That requires his Government to recognise the state of Palestine
alongside the state of Israel. When will he do that?
The Prime Minister
The position of this Government is the same as that of previous
Governments and is long-standing: we will recognise a Palestinian
state at a time that best serves the peace process.
(Kingston upon Hull West and
Hessle) (Lab)
There are 21 million people starving and in desperate need of
food and aid in Yemen. How will the Prime Minister ensure that
the military action taken by the British Government does not
impede that desperately needed humanitarian support?
The Prime Minister
I refer the hon. Lady to my previous answer. In fact, the
Houthis’ disruption of Red sea shipping is harming the Yemeni
people, who are relying on those corridors to bring aid in. As I
said, we are the fourth or fifth largest donor to the UN appeal
this year, we have contributed £1 billion since the conflict
began in 2014, and we are currently helping to feed 100,000
people in Yemen every month.
(Caithness, Sutherland and
Easter Ross) (LD)
It will surely be of great concern that the Royal Navy is now
almost too small to carry out its many responsibilities,
including those that the Prime Minister has told us about today.
Can he assure the House that that important issue will be placed
at the top of the agenda at the next defence review?
The Prime Minister
I am pleased to tell the hon. Gentleman that the MOD is receiving
significant extra funds—£24 billion at the last spending review,
and billions of pounds since—to rebuild stockpiles and ensure the
sustainability of our defence nuclear enterprise. In particular,
the Royal Navy has a very ambitious capital programme. As he can
see, it has successfully carried out the operations that we need
it to carry out, and it deserves our thanks and praise for its
work.
(Kilmarnock and Loudoun)
(SNP)
The Prime Minister spoke about maritime security in the region,
particularly in relation to stemming illegal arms getting into
Yemen. How will the UK’s ability to contribute to wider maritime
security be affected by considerations of decommissioning HMS
Westminster and HMS Argyll after multimillion-pound refits, and
when will we make a final decision on whether to mothball HMS
Albion and HMS Bulwark?
The Prime Minister
As the hon. Gentleman can see, we absolutely have the
capabilities and personnel we need to contribute to allied
operations such as Prosperity Guardian, and to take action in
self-defence, as we have done. We will always ensure that our
armed forces have the investment that they need, and under this
and previous Governments they have continued to receive very
significant investment, which is set to rise in the years ahead.
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