Israel and Occupied Palestinian Territories Statement The following
Statement was made in the House of Commons on Thursday 20 April.
“With your permission, Mr Speaker, I shall make a Statement on the
situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. I
know the whole House will join me in condemning the horrific murder
of Lucy, Maia and Rina Dee by a terrorist just over a week ago, and
in offering our deepest condolences to Rabbi Leo Dee and
the...Request free trial
Israel and Occupied
Palestinian Territories
Statement
The following Statement was made in the House of Commons on
Thursday 20 April.
“With your permission, Mr Speaker, I shall make a Statement on
the situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian
Territories.
I know the whole House will join me in condemning the horrific
murder of Lucy, Maia and Rina Dee by a terrorist just over a week
ago, and in offering our deepest condolences to Rabbi Leo Dee and
the rest of the family in their pain and grief. My colleague, the
noble Lord, Lord Ahmad, recently joined Lucy Dee’s family in
London to sit shiva, the Jewish mourning period. I pay tribute to
the extraordinary and noble decision of the Dee family to donate
Lucy’s organs, saving five lives so far and possibly more. That
act of compassion and generosity in a moment of tragedy stands in
vivid contrast to the senseless and abhorrent violence that
robbed a family of its mother and two sisters.
The United Kingdom unequivocally condemns that act of terrorism.
My right honourable friend the Foreign Secretary spoke to the
Israeli Foreign Minister Eli Cohen on the Friday, shortly after
Maia and Rina had been murdered, to offer our sympathy and
co-ordinate our response. We also condemn the second act of
terrorism against Israel on Good Friday, when a car rammed into
civilians in Tel Aviv, killing an Italian citizen and injuring
many others, including some British nationals.
Those callous acts are more examples of the attacks that have
plagued the lives of ordinary Israelis and Palestinians for too
long. As the British Government have made clear, the UK remains
steadfast in its commitment to work with the Israeli authorities,
the Palestinian authorities and all parties in the region and in
the international community to bring an end to the terrorism that
Israel faces and to the destructive violence that we continue to
witness.
The people of Israel deserve to live free from the scourge of
terrorism and anti-Semitic incitement, which gravely undermine
the prospects for a two-state solution. The UK strongly condemns
the numerous terrorist attacks on Israeli civilians this year,
including the killing of seven Israelis on Holocaust Memorial
Day. In recent months, Israel has also faced indiscriminate
rocket, missile and drone attacks from groups such as Hamas and
Palestinian Islamic Jihad in Gaza, and from hostile groups in
Lebanon and Syria, unjustifiably and unlawfully threatening the
lives of civilians. Israel must also contend with appalling
rhetoric from Iran and others calling for an end to its very
existence. That underlines the threats that Israel faces every
day, and the UK will never waver from supporting Israel’s
legitimate right to self-defence.
However, our support for Israel is not confined to its defence
and security. I can also inform the House that on 21 February the
Foreign Secretary signed the 2030 road map for UK-Israel
bilateral relations, alongside his Israeli counterpart Eli Cohen.
The UK is proud of its deep and historic relationship with the
State of Israel. Both countries are committed to a modern,
innovative and forward-looking relationship, focusing on shared
priorities for mutual benefit.
The road map is the product of detailed negotiations to deepen
and expand our co-operation up to 2030, following the elevation
of our relationship to a strategic partnership in 2021. It
provides detailed commitments for deepening UK-Israel
co-operation, including in trade, cyber, science and tech,
research and development, security, health, climate and gender.
The road map also demonstrates the seriousness with which we take
the global problem of anti-Semitism. The UK is proud of being the
first Government to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance
Alliance’s working definition. There is no better tool to define
how anti-Semitism manifests itself in the 21st century.
I turn now to the alarming violence we are seeing across Israel
and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The conflict is
exacting an ever-greater human toll. The number of Palestinians
killed by the Israeli security forces in the West Bank, including
15 year-old Muhammad Nidal, and Israelis killed in acts of
terrorism, including Lucy, Maia and Rina Dee, is significantly
higher than at this point in 2022. In that regard, we call on the
Palestinian Authority to denounce incitement to violence and
resume their security co-operation with the Israeli authorities.
We say to the Israeli Government that although Israel has a
legitimate right to defend its citizens from attack, the Israeli
security forces must live up to their obligations under
international humanitarian law.
In this situation, it is all too easy for actions by one side to
escalate tensions. The raid by Israeli police on Al-Aqsa mosque
during Ramadan and on the first day of Passover was one such
incident. When Israeli security forces conduct operations, they
must ensure that they are proportionate and in accordance with
international law. The anger that arose across the region and
beyond from the police’s actions in Al-Aqsa underlines the
necessity of respecting and protecting the sanctity of
Jerusalem’s holy sites, especially when Ramadan, Passover and
Easter overlap, as they have done this year. It is vital that all
parties respect the historic status quo arrangements in
Jerusalem, which allow coexistence between faiths. I welcome
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s recent announcement on
de-escalating tensions. We value Jordan’s important role as
custodian of the holy sites in Jerusalem, and I pay tribute to
the Jordanian authorities for protecting the safety and security
of the holy sites and all who worship and visit them.
Let me restate clearly the position of the UK: we support a
negotiated settlement leading to a safe and secure Israel living
alongside a viable and sovereign Palestinian state based on the
1967 lines with agreed land swaps, with Jerusalem as the shared
capital of both states, and a just, fair, agreed and realistic
settlement for refugees. To be clear, the UK-Israel road map
agreement that I have mentioned in no way alters our position on
the Middle East peace process. A two-state solution offers the
best prospects of achieving sustainable peace.
We do not underestimate the challenges but firmly believe that,
if both parties show bold leadership, peace is possible. The
Israelis and the Palestinians showed leadership recently when
their representatives met in Aqaba and Sharm el-Sheikh to discuss
ways to de-escalate. Those talks—the first of their kind for
many years—were a positive and welcome step. The UK is
working with both sides and our international partners to support
this process and uphold the commitments that were made.
The UK continues to be a strong supporter of all efforts to
promote peace in the Middle East and a lasting and sustainable
agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, and we will work
with all parties to progress that goal. I commend this Statement
to the House.”
19:49:00
(Lab)
My Lords, I join the Government in condemning the appalling and
cowardly murder of Lucy, Maia and Rina Dee, and send our deepest
condolences to Rabbi Leo Dee and the rest of the family.
This year has been one of the deadliest for Israel and the
Occupied Palestinian Territories: 98 Palestinians, including at
least 17 children, have been killed by Israeli forces, and 17
Israelis have been killed so far in 2023. Each life lost is a
tragedy, and every Palestinian and Israeli deserves a just
solution to the conflict. As said in the debate on the
Statement:
“When the House speaks with one voice, particularly in its
condemnation of human rights abuses, we have an impact, and our
voices are heard”.—[Official Report, Commons, 20/4/23; col.
394.]
We must therefore be united in strongly opposing all actions that
make a two-state solution harder to achieve, including rocket
attacks, the expansion of illegal settlements, settler violence
and evictions and demolitions, and condemn all acts of
terrorism.
Last month, the 2030 Roadmap for UK-Israel Bilateral Relations
was signed, and assured the other place
that it did not indicate any change in the UK’s long-established
position on a two-state solution. Can the Minister therefore
explain why there was no mention of this objective in the road
map?
also referred to the
meetings between the Israelis and Palestinians in Aqaba and Sharm
el-Sheikh to discuss ways to de-escalate the rising tensions.
What are the Government doing with our international partners to
support that process, and what is the Government’s assessment of
both Israeli and Palestinian commitments made in those meetings
being met?
Earlier today it was reported that a Jordanian MP has been
arrested following allegations of attempts to smuggle weapons
into Israel. Given concerns that the violence could spread, can
the Minister tell us whether we are working with Jordan on
de-escalation and engaging on this issue?
said:
“The UK’s position on settlements is absolutely clear:
settlements are illegal”.
Earlier this month, UN special rapporteurs called on the
international community to raise this issue. Have the Government
taken any specific steps on this call?
The Minister stated in the other place that
“the UK is clear that the demolition of Palestinian homes and
forced evictions cause unnecessary suffering to ordinary
Palestinians and call into question Israel’s commitment to a
viable two-state solution”.
He also said that the UK Government
“are also focused on preventing demolitions from happening in the
first place … through our legal aid programme”.
Can the noble Lord tell us what resources have been devoted to
this programme and what assessment has been made of the success
rate in challenging demolitions within the Israeli legal
system?
The damage that Israeli restrictions on movement, access and
trade inflict on the living standards of ordinary Palestinians,
especially in Gaza, is huge. Can the noble Lord tell us what
progress has been made on the UK’s call for access into and out
of Gaza, in accordance with international humanitarian law, for
humanitarian actors, reconstruction materials and those,
including Palestinians, travelling for medical purposes? What
support are we giving to UN agencies and key partners on the
ground in this regard?
In conclusion, stated that
“the UK will recognise a Palestinian state at a time when the
Government believe this will best serve the objective of
peace”.—[Official Report, Commons, 20/4/23; cols. 471-72.]
Can the noble Lord specify the conditions the Government believe
need to be met for this to happen?
(LD)
My Lords, given that it will be a while until we have the repeat
of Thursday’s Statement on Sudan, I thank, through the Minister,
the envoy for his responsiveness to me on that issue.
I share in the condolences expressed by the noble Lord, Lord
Collins, to the family—I know that the noble Lord, Lord Ahmad,
personally provided solace to them—and, in the wider context, to
the families of the 17 Israelis killed so far in 2023 and the 17
Palestinian children among the 98 Palestinians. The murders of
civilians are especially egregious and must be condemned. The
responsibility of those in control is to reduce tension, and this
is of course made harder when an Israeli family is devastated by
loss, but also when the occupying power, Israel, does not even
allow the registration of a Palestinian killed, as we read today.
We join in the commemorations of the 75th anniversary of
statehood of our ally and friend Israel, but recognise that this
is one of the bloodiest years in many, far outstripping the
violence last year.
It is therefore regrettable that this year looks less and less
like a year of opportunity for peacemaking but rather, one of
increased violence, notwithstanding the recent meetings referred
to in the Statement. Israel is suffering from terrorism outwith
and within its borders, but it is moving to wider breaches of
international law with impunity; and moves to put those in the
new Government of Israel—the most extreme members of the most
right-wing Government in its 75 years—in civilian control of
military administration of the illegally occupied territories is,
in effect, a proposal for annexation. There is a combination of
continuing lack of robust security and control within the
Palestinian Authority, but also an Israeli Government facing
unprecedented opposition at home.
Of course, for peace there needs to be talk, as the Statement
highlighted, and I agree with the Minister in that regard.
However, for a significant breakthrough, who would talk? It is
correct that Israeli Governments are faced with groups who deny
the very existence of the state, but now others face Israeli
Ministers who deny the very existence of the Palestinian people.
US Israeli groups are refusing to meet Prime Minister Netanyahu
because of concerns about the consequences of what he described
to CBS’s “Face the Nation” yesterday as legislation to
“make corrections in our judicial system”.
If we all believe in the rule of law—I hope the Minister will
agree with this—then the burden is placed on an occupying power
as a sovereign entity. However, the only reference to the illegal
occupation in the road map referred to is one line in the
security section of the introduction:
“We will cooperate in improving Palestinian livelihoods and
Palestinian economic development”.
This suggests to any reader that we consider Palestine to be a
federal province rather than an occupied territory. However,
regardless of the view on that, we have actively and deliberately
cut economic development support to Palestine, inhibiting the
development of livelihoods, which acts against avowed UK policy.
As I have raised previously, why has UK support for Palestine,
which was £102 million in 2020, been reduced to £6 million in
2023-24? Department for Business and Trade funding for economic
development in the area, which was stressed specifically in the
road map Statement, has been cut from £25 million to zero. What
impact does the Minister believe that will have, and what
likelihood is there that there will be support for economic
development within Palestine? If the UK plays a role, it must be
to make a two-state solution viable in a practical way.
Finally, I welcome chapter 12 of the road map, on gender, but why
is it silent on other areas of tolerance? Avi Maoz was a deputy
Minister under Netanyahu—a religious nationalist, anti-Arab and
anti-LGBTQ coalition partner representative. Mr Maoz has
described LGBT people as a threat to the family and said that he
wanted to cancel gay pride parades. He has also said that a
woman’s greatest’s contribution is in marriage and raising a
family. Are UK Ministers engaging with all parties in the
coalition in order to develop the road map, or only with certain
of them? Regarding those who are still in government who are
homophobic, are the Government intending to work with them on
chapter 12, and why have other areas of tolerance been excluded?
I hope the Minister can respond to these points.
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Office () (Con)
My Lords, first, I thank the noble Lords from the two Front
Benches for their support for the Government’s Statement and add
our unequivocal condemnation of acts of terrorism which,
tragically, saw yet another family, that of Rabbi Dee, ripped
apart, with the incredible loss that he and the Dee family have
suffered, with the loss of both his wife and two beautiful
daughters. I know I speak for the whole House in once again
reiterating both our collective sense of abhorrence of the act of
terror that took their lives and our strong sense of solidarity
and support at this very trying time.
That said, there has been the generosity and strength of spirit
shown by Rabbi Dee himself through his engagement. Noble Lords
will have read the letter that my right honourable friend the
Foreign Secretary sent to Rabbi Dee. I had the opportunity to
visit Lucy Dee’s family and meet her parents, sisters and brother
at their home and join the shiva. I can share with noble Lords
the incredible sense of tolerance and recognition. There was no
hate being directed to those who had carried out these abhorrent
acts. There was, yes, a call for justice, but, equally, a
recognition of our common humanity. There could not be no better
example of that then in the donation we saw of Lucy Dee’s organs,
one of which went to a Palestinian Arab.
It reflects a common humanity when we see such acts of violence
as we have seen and some acts of terror as we have witnessed
recently. As the noble Lords, Lord Purvis and Lord Collins, both
alluded to, the toll on human life is incredible. As the noble
Lord, Lord Collins, said, every life lost is a tragedy in itself.
That is why I assure both noble Lords that we remain absolutely
committed to a two-state solution, where we see not just the
independence of both states. In the world in which we stand,
ultimately there will be an interdependence between a future
Palestinian state and the State of Israel.
Israel has, of course, an absolute right to protect its citizens.
That is why, when the events unfolded at the Al-Aqsa mosque, we
were among the first directly to raise the reaction that we saw
across the Arab and Islamic world. I engaged quite directly with
the Israeli authorities, as I did with the Palestinian
authorities and other key neighbours. We immediately needed a
de-escalation. Of course, we saw further attacks, with the
missiles that were launched into Israel from both Lebanon and
Gaza, but, thankfully, with both the Palestinians and the Israeli
Government, notwithstanding some of the responses, after that
period ended—and long may it last—we saw a de-escalation and,
thankfully, the violence that was being experienced receded.
Turning to some of the specific questions, I assure both noble
Lords that the United Kingdom remains absolutely engaged on the
issue of Israel and our relationship with the OPTs. Recently, I
have been engaging directly. I had a conversation with the
Israeli ambassador on Friday. Prior to that, I met Husam Zumlot,
the Palestinian representative. There were a couple of points
about the road map, raised by the noble Lords, Lord Collins and
Lord Purvis, that I was able to deal with. This in no way
undermines or changes the position of the United Kingdom
Government on the two-state solution. Equally, however, it is
important that we recognise Israel as a partner and move forward
on a bilateral basis to strengthen our relationship. As both
noble Lords alluded to, there were specific references made to
the importance of our relationship and our different
partnerships, but also Israel’s current role in the OPTs. As the
noble Lord, Lord Purvis, alluded to, the issue of security is
paramount, but the welfare of Palestinians in the OPTs is also
important.
On the point on settlements raised by both noble Lords, again,
the United Kingdom Government are absolutely clear. We regard the
settlements as illegal and against progress on the two-state
solution. Many within Israel have also challenged the current
Government in the calls they have made on certain of the
outposts. On the converse, I would say, as I saw myself through
my visit to Israel when the new Government came in, Israel is a
robust democracy where the independence of the judiciary is
respected. Many within Israel are having the very discussions
which have seized many parts of the world. It is important that
that vibrancy of that democracy demonstrates the discussions that
are taking place.
On the issue of the two-state solution and recognition of
Palestine at the appropriate time, the noble Lord, Lord Collins,
referenced my right honourable friend . It is very important—we
have been stressing this through our direct engagement—that the
next step must be a restart of direct negotiations between the
Palestinian Authority and the Israeli Government. We are
certainly working with key partners, and directly with both, to
ensure that we play our part. That is why we were involved in the
discussions that took place on de-escalation at both Aqaba and
Sharm el-Sheikh. I visited Cairo in this respect. I also had a
very constructive meeting with Foreign Minister Shoukry about the
important role that Egypt and Jordan play, as two countries that
have signed peace agreements with the State of Israel.
On the issue of routes into and providing support to the
Palestinian Territories, the noble Lord, Lord Purvis,
understandably raised, and I recognise, that there has been a
reduction of support in many parts of the world through the
reduction of ODA, but, last year, we again supported the UN on
the ground, including UNRWA. When I went to Hebron recently, I
also visited an UNRWA school. It is important that other
countries in the region also support the livelihood and education
of Palestinian children.
When I met Ministers in the Israeli Government, I also raised the
importance and responsibility of raising the prosperity agenda,
seeing opportunities that can exist for all citizens, including,
in this instance, Arab citizens within the State of Israel. I
visited Technion when I went to the city of Haifa, and saw how
education is both empowering and enabling all communities within
Israel, but we want that opportunity equally for people within
the OPTs and, ultimately, progress towards a viable, sustainable
Palestinian state. For that, we need not only strong co-operation
between Israel and the Palestinian Authority but the support of
those key partners who have signed deals with Israel. That is
why, within the road map, we also stressed the importance of
strengthening the Abraham Accords. I do not see them as separate
routes; they are all part of the same equation to see how we can
strengthen and see stability and security prevail within that
part of the world.
On the issues raised about economic development, I agree with
both noble Lords on the issue of two-state solutions; I do not
think there is a difference between the views of any parties
about the importance of the viability of a two-state solution. In
that, I am on record, as are colleagues of mine, including the
Foreign Secretary, on the position I have already stated on the
illegal settlements, but also that, ultimately, the next
important step is negotiation—but there needs to be valid
partners for that. The security and stability of Israel are
important, as is the welfare and progress of every Palestinian.
There is loss of life—we see the Dee family and what has been
suffered. We see demolitions: I went to Masafer Yatta—the noble
Lord, Lord Collins, raised this—to profile the importance of
retaining institutions which have been built, such as schools and
community centres, and to highlight the importance of the welfare
of Palestinian communities, particularly those beyond Area A,
according to the Oslo Accords.
Whether it is the toll of the tragic and abhorrent deaths through
terrorism of Lucy Dee, Maia and Rina, or the death of 15 year-old
Muhammad Nidal, these are all individuals, yes, but they are all
families, and the impact is being felt by everyone across both
Israel and the OPTs.
I assure noble Lords that, since taking on this brief, I have
prioritised the importance of direct engagement by the United
Kingdom Government, and I will continue to do so and update the
House accordingly.
20:09:00
(Con)
My Lords, I draw attention to my entries in the register of
interests, particularly those relating to friendship with
Israel.
My noble friend the Minister and I have been friends and have
worked together for a long time. I have never been prouder of him
than when I saw his visits to the Dee shiva. Sometimes Ministers
have to deliver difficult messages and do difficult things, but I
thought that he showed immense humanity in his visits. I think
the whole House is proud of the way in which he expressed himself
there.
All that makes it slightly more difficult for me to say the
following. The Palestinian Authority has a “pay for slay” system,
where money is handed over by way of a pension or stipend to
Palestinians who murder Israeli citizens, particularly Jews. When
we were in the EU, the EU administered the prisoners scheme and
held a list; we did not have direct access. Now, we administer
that scheme ourselves. Will the Minister make it clear to the
Palestinian Authority that British taxpayers’ money will not be
paid out for the murderer of a mother and two girls on a visit to
the seaside? Will he tell the authority about the requests made
at Sharm el-Sheikh and, in particular, at Aqaba? Will he tell the
authority that it has lost control of Jenin and Nablus and needs
to re-establish itself because a consequence of its absence there
is that armed gangs are murdering Palestinians within its
area?
(Con)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for his kind remarks. On his
specific questions, I assure him that we have stressed to both
the Palestinians and the Israelis—I did so directly to the
Palestinians—the importance of ensuring that the security
co-operation that has existed and continued between both sides,
notwithstanding the challenges that have been faced on the
ground, is restored at the earliest opportunity.
I further assure my noble friend that no UK aid—this has been
looked at over a period of time—is used for payments to
Palestinian prisoners, their families or the so-called martyrs
fund. However, we stand by the importance of supporting essential
needs in the West Bank and Gaza, which I am sure my noble friend
recognises. Equally, we stress and ensure that checks and
balances and mitigations are put in place to ensure that such
support and funding reaches the most vulnerable.
On my noble friend’s other point, as I reassured the Israeli
ambassador on Friday, these issues are raised directly. The
strength of our investment in our relationships with both the
Israelis and, in this instance, the Palestinian Authority means
that we will continue to raise these issues at the highest levels
with the PA.
(Lab)
My Lords, following on from the question asked by my noble friend
Lord Collins, can the Minister tell the House precisely what
steps the Government are taking to work with the international
community to prevent yet more Israeli illegal settlements in the
West Bank? The latest plans involve nearly 3,000 new housing
units in East Jerusalem; these developments are entrenching a
one-state reality and denying Palestinians basic rights. What
hope is there for both peace and the two-state solution in these
circumstances? For how much longer are the Israeli Government
going to get away with ignoring their obligations under
international law with impunity with respect to illegal
settlements?
(Con)
My Lords, I have already stated the Government’s position but, to
be absolutely clear, we regard the settlements as illegal under
international law. They call into question the progress on and
commitment to a two-state solution. We have urged Israel to halt
its settlement expansion, which threatens the physical viability
of a Palestinian state; we did so recently in direct bilateral
discussions with the Israeli Government. We have also acted with
our key partners: the United States, France, Germany and Italy.
We jointly issued a statement on 14 February in which we strongly
opposed unilateral steps, which are contrary to both the
viability of a two-state solution and international law. We
believe that they undermine the basis and strength of
international law.
On demolitions, as I have already said, some of the strongest
statements that we can make are through direct visits. We are
committed to working with all parties in respect of these
demolitions and evictions of Palestinian property; most notably,
at the moment, a demolitions order remains over the Palestinian
town of Masafer Yatta. As I have said, I had visited directly
and, in doing so, have raised this issue directly with the
Israeli ambassador and Israeli Ministers. I will continue to do
so.
Ultimately, wherever one stands—for example, as a friend and a
partner, as we are in the United Kingdom and across this House—on
Israel and a future Palestinian state, the fact is that there can
be no lasting, sustainable peace until we see that objective
being realised; I am certainly clear on that in my mind. However,
to do so requires compromise, negotiation and, ultimately, real
recognition that sustainable peace will be possible only once we
see that reality—but only that reality—and the interdependency
that exists between people. There is so much shared there—the
culture and the community. What needs to be recognised is that
what has happened in the past should not be a sheer determinant
of what happens in future. We need to play our part as the United
Kingdom. I assure noble Lords that I am seeking to do just
that.
(Con)
My Lords, I certainly share the House’s condemnation of the
violence on both sides and agree with the Minister very strongly
that the only way forward is a two-state solution. I join my
noble friend in praising the Minister for
his personal role in this very sad saga over the last fortnight
or so.
Does the Minister agree that the appalling rhetoric from Iran
that the state of Israel has no right to exist was quite shocking
and deeply unhelpful? What representations will we make to the
state of Iran and to the UN on this matter?
Following on from a point made by the noble Lord, Lord Purvis,
the 2030 road map stated very clearly that we were going to do
all that we possibly could to boost trade between the UK and
Israel, particularly around tech start-ups, support for SMEs,
training and R&D. Further to the noble Lord’s point, I think
that the House accepts and understands that there will be a
reduction in ODA going into those poorer parts of the Palestinian
territories, but are we serious about boosting support for small
businesses and enterprise in those Palestinian areas to relieve
poverty? Surely trade and the creation of wealth will lead to the
empowerment of the Palestinian people and make a two-state
solution more likely.
(Con)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend. On his final point, it is my
firm belief that, ultimately, economic empowerment and education
provide real opportunities to progress, irrespective of where a
person is in the world. That is why it is important that while we
stand very strongly in our position, we also seek to strengthen
our negotiations and relationship with Israel.
Equally, on the point alluded to by the noble Lord, Lord Collins,
I reassure noble Lords that this in no way negates our previous
position on the OPTs. I made this clear when I met the
Palestinian representative, for whom it was also a concern.
Regarding recognition, it appals me when such statements are made
by certain individuals in a given Government. We cannot support
statements which do not recognise the existence of a particular
community or people, and the same applies to Iran. It still
shocks me to this day. Israel has been in existence for many
decades. It is a reality on the map. You may not like it, but it
is a reality, and those who do not like it need to live with it
and recognise that Israel plays a very important role in the
world.
We have made our position on Iran’s statements very clear. This
morning, we sanctioned more individuals within the IRGC. I was
very supportive of the proscription that was given to Hamas and
of our non-engagement with it, because Israel is a reality—Israel
exists. It is equally important that, as we move forward,
Palestinians exist. With our approach of being both friends to
the Palestinian community and strong friends and partners to
Israel, we believe that there is a role. Many in Israel recognise
the importance of this, as does the Foreign Minister of Israel,
Eli Cohen. That is why the road map also recognised the
importance of the economic empowerment and economic progress of
Palestinians. While we work towards the two-state solution, the
humanity and economic progress of Palestinians should not be
forgotten.
(LD)
My Lords, I join with others in expressing condolences and in the
condemnation of violence, however caused and by whom. However, my
attention has been drawn to the concluding sentence of the
section of the Statement on the mounting death toll, which
says:
“We say to the Israeli Government that although Israel has a
legitimate right to defend its citizens from attack, the Israeli
security forces must live up to their obligations under
international humanitarian law.”
A little later, in relation to the al-Aqsa raid and the status
quo, it states:
“The raid by Israeli police on Al-Aqsa mosque during Ramadan and
on the first day of Passover was one such incident. When Israeli
security forces conduct operations, they must ensure that they
are proportionate and in accordance with international law.”
International law is mentioned twice. I am aware of the full
explanation which the Minister gave of the Government’s policy,
but given that international law is referred to twice, it is
surprising that the breach of international law which is
constituted by the illegal settlements was not referred to at
all. Nor was there any reference to settler violence, an issue
which I have raised with the Minister on other occasions.
(Con)
My Lords, I fully recognise that the situation and the violence
that occurred at the al-Aqsa mosque during Ramadan and Israel’s
response was called out quite directly by the UK Government. I
put out a statement at that time. The noble Lord, Lord Purvis,
referred to obligations of a particular power deemed to be an
occupying power, and that is the situation which prevails in the
OPTs—that is why we call them the Occupied Palestinian
Territories. That comes with obligations in terms of the
protection and rights of those within those territories, and it
applies to all people within the OPTs. Al-Aqsa is in east
Jerusalem, which we regard as part of the OPTs.
On settler violence, by definition, any violence should be
condemned, and we totally condemn settler violence that takes
place. Provisions are in place and that is why the obligations on
the Israeli security forces, as well as the Palestinian security
forces, are key. I come back to my earlier point that an urgent
first step to prevent further violence must be co-operation
between the Palestinian security forces and the Israeli defence
forces, which we have seen in even quite testing circumstances.
Certainly, we support efforts being made in that regard.
(Con)
My Lords, I refer to my registered interest as the president of
Conservative Friends of Israel.
I was in Israel for Passover with my family. The attack was
horrific. In fact, the other attack—the ramming —happened outside
our hotel on the Friday night, when sadly an Italian lawyer
passed away from being hit by the car. It was actually
frightening. I was with my grandkids; it was all a bit too
close.
If I may say, the initial response from the FCDO was, frankly,
weak and embarrassing. That first statement over the weekend
after the horrific killing of Lucy and her two daughters was
embarrassing. But I pay tribute to the Prime Minister, who after
his weekend break came out with a very strong statement about
terror, followed by the Foreign Secretary’s letter.
In paying tribute to them, I want to pay tribute, as has been
done by others, to my noble friend the Minister. We went together
to see the family—the parents of Lucy and therefore the
grandparents of the two girls—at the shiva in St John’s Wood, and
sat together. Unfortunately, in life, I have been to many shivas.
This was harrowing in so many ways. Yet, as the Minister
suggested, the positivity from the family was not hatred; it was
about trying to move forward. They had just lost their daughter
and yet were talking like that. So, in that way, I have to say
that there is hope. I do not think that the Minister should
underestimate the profound effect that his visit, and of him
taking time out and sitting with the family, had on the family
and the wider community.
Tonight is Yom HaZikaron; in the Israeli calendar, it is the
night where the whole of Israel will stop to remember the
soldiers who have given their lives for the state. That carries
on until tomorrow evening, which becomes Yom Ha’atzmaut, Israel’s
Independence Day—75 years, as has been mentioned.
It is all the more concerning to me that, just before coming into
the Chamber this evening, there was another car ramming in
Jerusalem. People’s lives are being devastated.
So, I have two questions for my noble friend. The first is
picking up the point of the noble Lord, Lord Purvis. He talked
about LGBT rights. I ask my noble friend: where else in the
Middle East, including in the Palestinian Authority in Gaza, does
the LGBT community have rights comparable with what it has in
Israel? Is there anywhere else in that area that has the rights
that the LGBT community has?
Secondly, it has been a couple of weeks since the Prime Minister
met with the Prime Minister of Israel. I would be grateful if he
could give us a little bit of understanding of that meeting.
(Con)
My Lords, first I also recognise and thank the noble Lord for
going to the shiva. Having him present there was also helpful, I
think, when you are trying to bridge certain cultures, be it by
faith or community, particularly in such trying and testing
circumstances for the family concerned. As I want to again say,
it was incredible in terms of the conversations we had, and also
the strength of spirit—I certainly felt quite inspired after
seeing not just the sense of forgiveness but recognition of a
common humanity.
I think my noble friend has already both asked and answered his
first question. I think that is a reflection of the vibrant
democracy which I alluded to in the state of Israel.
Notwithstanding the different and quite passionate discourses
that take place in Israel, there are different communities,
including the LGBT community. There is a flourishing Israeli-Arab
community as well. I think these are realities on the ground
which we all very much recognise.
In terms of the discussions in the visit that took place by Prime
Minister Netanyahu, it was also building upon the importance of
the road map which was signed between Foreign Minister Cohen and
Foreign Secretary Cleverly, to see how we could progress that in
terms of practical delivery. I am sure that my noble friend
recognises, as does the whole House, that my right honourable
friend the Prime Minister also used that as an opportunity to
stress the importance of the two-state solution, and also the
importance of the United Kingdom as a constructive partner to
both Israel and the Palestinians.
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