Moved by Baroness Andrews That this House takes note of the future
of adult social care given (1) the recent reports from the House of
Lords Adult Social Care Committee (HL Paper 99) and the
Archbishops’ Commission on Reimagining Care, (2) the Care Quality
Commission s local authority assessment duties which commence from
1 April, and (3) His Majesty’s Government’s stated intention to
publish a social care plan in Spring 2023. Baroness Andrews (Lab)
My...Request free trial
Moved by
That this House takes note of the future of adult social care
given (1) the recent reports from the House of Lords Adult Social
Care Committee (HL Paper 99) and the Archbishops’ Commission on
Reimagining Care, (2) the Care Quality Commission s local
authority assessment duties which commence from 1 April, and (3)
His Majesty’s Government’s stated intention to publish a social
care plan in Spring 2023.
(Lab)
My Lords, I am extremely grateful for this opportunity to
introduce a debate which has a particular resonance in this House
and a real urgency. I am very pleased that so many Members of the
House have been able to take part today, particularly members of
the Adult Social Care Committee. I am delighted to share the
debate with the Church, alongside the right reverend Prelate the
and the most reverend
Primate the . We are
considering two reports, in respect of which Church and state are
joined in values and prescriptions. We are also anticipating some
of the changes coming down the track. I regret that we do not
have the national care plan today, as we had hoped, but we can
anticipate the CQC changes. There is a lot to discuss, and the
debate will go far wider than the two reports before us.
We have not yet had a reply to our Select Committee report, A
“Gloriously Ordinary Life”, which was published last December,
but I hope the Minister will be able to say something about the
national care plan, not least when it will be published and when
we can debate it. Perhaps he could answer one or two of the
outstanding questions, such as: will the £500 million workforce
funding plan be halved?
I said that this debate has a particular resonance in this House,
and there can be very few noble Lords who have not had the
experience of caring for someone close to them. It is estimated
that one in two of us is likely to become an unpaid carer by the
time we reach 50. For some people, it is a lifetime’s commitment;
for others, it is an overnight change in circumstances that
leaves them with a future which is darker and very different.
Overall, at any one time about 10 million adults of all ages come
into contact with adult social care. When it matters so much to
so many people, we are bound to ask why, as a whole, it has been
out of sight and off the public radar for so long. Perhaps a
better question is: why do we not care more about it—sufficient
to make it the social and political priority it needs to be? What
do we need to change in order to care more, and to plan and
provide more effectively for a fairer and more robust service?
Why is it not a national imperative? The answers to these
questions are rooted partly in human frailty and partly in the
history of the NHS and the time in which it was born: a time when
women did not work and people did not live as long.
What is significant about the two reports is not that they reach
similar conclusions, but that they are rooted in similar values
which start from the assumption that adult social care has so far
been denied the opportunity to be what it could and should be: a
service that enables people to live a gloriously ordinary life
which is fruitful, active and valuable. The support provided is
not transactional or contractual; it is based on a generous and
mutually supportive set of relationships which reflect what, at
best, being cared for and caring mean. The Archbishops’
Commission’s report, Care and Support Reimagined, describes it as
a fulfilled life based on love, mutuality and interdependence,
embedded in the concept of a national care covenant.
Today’s realities are very different. Many of those who need care
or support in order to care, particularly as unpaid carers,
battle their way through a barrage of services, systems,
agencies, tests and charging regimes that seem designed to deter
demand until needs become extreme. The daily realities are set
out in our report in the words of those who live that reality. We
were extremely privileged to hear so many witnesses share their
experiences and their lives with us—people who have lost jobs,
homes and health in the process of caring. That co-production
helped our report to reach a wider audience, and we owe them a
huge debt of gratitude, as we do our superb committee staff—Megan
Jones, Daphné Le Prince-Ringuet, Alasdair Love and Abdullah
Ahmad—our wonderful special advisers, Jon Glasby and Anna
Severin, herself an expert by experience, and every member of the
committee who gave so much time and insight and shared their own
experiences. I am sorry that the noble Lord, , could not be in his place
today. He kicked this off through the Liaison Committee and
helped us settle on a topic in a very well-worked field which has
not had the attention it deserves—the plight of the unpaid
carer.
Caring goes on day and night, without public acclaim, in private,
behind closed doors, and with pitiful reward. Indeed, unpaid
carers were described by no less than , when chair of the Health and
Social Care Committee, as the least visible aspect of a service
which, overall, suffers from “entrenched” invisibility.
Understanding what that means for adult social was a task we
undertook, and trying to work out how to dismantle it consumed
much of our inquiry, because invisibility takes many forms and
has many impacts. Adult social care may be a nationally funded
service, but it is locally delivered. It does not have a coherent
national profile; it is fragmented across 18,000 organisations.
While care homes are, tragically, more in the national spotlight
because of Covid, the rest of the service is below the radar
until you need it—when you cannot find it. At its most graphic,
although it is the same size as the health service and of equal
importance to the well-being of the nation, its budget is a
fraction of the NHS’s: £17 billion compared with £153 billion. As
we know—this statistic is all too familiar—a third of local
government funding has been lost in the past decade. Compared
with the NHS, adult social care is not the national treasure it
should be.
This is not a remote failure. At the start of 2022, 2.6 million
over 60s were living with some form of unmet need, such as the
basics of washing and eating, and 2.2 million hours of care had
been lost in the first three months of that year. Half a million
people are now waiting for assessment. Care support, as it was
described to us, even when it comes with the best of intentions
and people, can still make people feel very grudging and guilty
rather than supported.
The relative invisibility of the service is compounded by a lack
of information. We were astonished by what we did not know. The
number of unpaid carers is estimated at between 4.2 million and
6.5 million, but there may be many more who are not registered
because of the problem of identification. We know that they save
the country £132 billion a year, but less well known is that they
receive the lowest of all benefits—£2 an hour, or £69.70 a week.
To get that, you have to work for more than 35 hours a week and
fulfil a means test. It is no wonder they are worried sick about
heating and food bills, and that they do not manage to stay in
work—and when they do, the support they get is significantly less
than that offered by other countries. Put together with a paid
workforce which is not valued for its exceptional skills and
which works for less than the minimum wage, it is hardly
surprising that they are driven out of a job they love or that it
is so hard to find a personal assistant these days.
The reports provide all the evidence any Government would need as
to why this is urgent, and they set out a plan for change. Both
say unconditionally that there must be a radical shift in
perception and investment in all parts of the service, so that
adult social care can become the transformational life-enhancing
service it could have been designed to be. We heard someone say
to us informally, “The NHS saved my life. Adult social care has
helped me to live it.” That was a graphic description.
The greatest failure has been the failure to plan strategically
for an ageing society. The result is that we see longer life as
something to be borne, a burden, a nuisance—and that cannot now
just be fixed. That needs to be seen together with the repeated
failures to cap residential care; to implement the Care Act 2014;
to integrate social care into the health service, until recently;
to prepare a realistic adult workforce plan based on skills, a
full pay review, and a resilient service that people feel proud
to be part of; and to challenge the false economy of
underinvestment in adult social care year on year, at a time when
the impact on the health service alone is immeasurably worse.
Add to that the failure to honour the promises that have actually
been made to unpaid carers: better leave, a better carer’s
allowance, better respite. It is a catalogue of disappointment.
There has been so much analysis and diagnosis, so much
hand-wringing over failure and so little meaningful change.
But the future is catching up with us: we will have a population
of about 2 million in 10 years’ time who will be ageing without
care, with no family to look after them. Where are the plans for
these people to get the support they need? At the same time, if
we are smart, we have new technologies and new devices that can
help reduce risk and plan for where the skill gaps are. I think
of the wonderful Tribe Project we came across, which does
outstanding work but which ought to be all across the country. We
saw so much good practice in local authorities as different as
Wigan and Somerset, and an appetite for innovation and for
engagement with the community. There are tremendously creative
ideas at local level, all waiting to be galvanised and
shared.
The most challenging question of all is what needs to change
before we care more sufficiently to make adult social care a
national imperative. Four things are necessary: to raise adult
social care’s voice, visibility and agency; to revisit and build
on what already could work better; to build capacity through
workforce skills and strategic investment; and to change the way
we view it—as a unique social good in itself, not simply part of
propping up the NHS.
First, and simply, adult social care has to have a louder, more
coherent and challenging voice, so that it can be more powerfully
championed inside and outside government. It has been too easy to
get away with simply patching up adult social care in an
emergency and parking the workforce strategy. It has not had the
power to fight for priority, which is extraordinary when we think
of the power it has to change lives, for better or worse.
We recommend what looks like an easy reach, but which could make
a huge difference: a commissioner for care and support to lead
that fight, to raise that voice, to hold Ministers’ feet to the
fire, to do some shaming if necessary, but also to celebrate and
mobilise the best. That champion will be a champion for unpaid
carers as well, to make sure the Government cannot get away with
any more delay and procrastination there.
Reducing invisibility means knowing more: to do better, we have
to fill those information gaps. We have to have a national plan
for data on adult social care, so that we actually know who is
caring when and where; so we know where the gaps are, where the
resources can be deployed best, and what we need to invest in
most effectively. That could also be helped by creating an
R&D network akin to that in the NHS, so that we could trap
ideas, innovation and good practice. If we have increased
visibility, we can have more and better opportunities to design
more flexible services—more “choice and control”, as is
described, whether through better access to better packages that
work more effectively, more personal assistants with less
bureaucracy, direct payments that actually get to where they are
needed, or giving respect to enable unpaid carers to give their
own expertise more effectively, as full partners in providing
care.
I have been banging on about housing in this House for well over
a decade. We need accessible and adapted housing, so that we do
not have thousands of people stuck in hospitals. They should be
able to go to a safe home and be looked after safely, not just at
times when care is needed, but urgently, as a matter of sensible
planning for an ageing society. The social care White Paper
recognises the role of housing, so I very much hope we will see
some funding come forward to actually meet that desire.
So much of what is in these reports is not new; so much was set
out in the Care Act 2014—principles, processes, project design.
It is tragic that it has been on the statute book but not
implemented by local authorities, which have not been able to put
the training plans in place; they have not been funded to do so.
That leads to the inescapable reality that adult social care
needs a national investment strategy.
Compared with the costs of failure and delay, adult social care
is not expensive. Again, when the Chancellor was chair of the
Health and Social Care Select Committee in 2017 he called for an
annual increase of £7 billion between 2021 and 2023—this at a
time when energy companies are scooping up hundreds of billions.
This is the same Chancellor, though, who did not put any
additional money for adult social care in the Budget. I ask the
Minister what he thought of that.
In conclusion, so much of this is not about money at all; it is
about moving away from the culture and perception of a service
where the dominant language is not that of celebration but of
“burden”, of “dependence”, of “failure” and of “crisis”, towards
one which values and empowers the people it serves and those who
do the caring, paid and unpaid. Among the assumptions which must
change are the long-held assumptions that disabled adults and
older people are not capable of living a life that is as rich and
fulfilling as everyone else’s; that social care work is unskilled
work; and that families will always be there to care.
Let me put it another way and quote Social Care Future:
“We all want to live in a place we call home, with the people and
things we love, in communities where we look out for one another,
doing what matters to us.”
It seems to be the most modest of ambitions—so many of the things
that are asked for are so modest—but one that is well within
reach if we choose to do it. The greatest risk, as our report
says, is not to change, and the hardest question is, if not now,
when? We have waited long enough to make adult social care a
national treasure as well as a national imperative. I really hope
the Minister agrees with me this afternoon. I beg to move.
12.06pm
(Con)
My Lords, it is a privilege to follow the noble Baroness, Lady
Andrews, and to have a chance to thank her for her outstanding
chairmanship of the committee. I also thank our superb
professional team.
Our report’s introduction describes adult social care as
“largely out of sight and off the public agenda until we need
it.”
That is in strong contrast to the NHS, despite there having been,
in the last 25 years, no fewer than eight Green Papers, four
White Papers, three cross-parliamentary committees and two full
government inquiries. We should ask ourselves why it is that a
sector so vital to one in five of our population at any one time,
to the overall health of the nation and to the functioning of the
NHS has been so overstudied and, as we found, so underresolved
over such a long period.
It is mostly, I suggest, because it has “just grown”, and is now
highly and almost unmanageably complex. I give just three
examples. The first is funding. Public spending on adult social
care, which is around £22 billion, is a mix of central government
grant and council tax. Some £11 billion comes from private
expenditure. At least £132 billion is contributed by an army of
unpaid carers, often family. Actual funding arrangements vary,
from self-funding care home residents, through a mix of local
authority or NHS top-ups, to the fully publicly funded.
The second example is commissioning. Commissioning responsibility
is split, in England, between 152 local authorities and the
NHS.
The third example is provision, which is equally complicated,
with 95% of residential and nursing beds being in the independent
sector. Agencies provide some home care, and, in all, 18,000
organisations run around 34,000 establishments. National
accountability and responsibility are, of course, divided between
the levelling-up department, the NHS and the Treasury.
The effect of all this on those needing social care, almost
always urgently, is that they face a lack of comprehensible
information even to get into the system. They then find, all too
frequently, a shortage of provision, delays, confusion and
unclear accountability. Our report contains wonderful examples of
good practice and ingenious solutions to these problems, but also
graphic evidence from people struggling to cope at the same time
with grievous personal or family situations via a massively
complicated system. Their courage, and that of those caring for
them, is immense.
The effect on the NHS of neglecting social care must also be
tackled. We all know the NHS is experiencing unprecedented
problems, some resulting from the pandemic, of growing demand and
staffing and funding difficulties. How acceptable is it that
every single day 10% of hospital beds are occupied by patients
who do not need them but cannot be discharged because social care
is not available, and that preventative social care is not
available to avert many hospital admissions in the first place?
The NHS has got to be fixed, but it cannot be fixed without first
fixing social care.
The Government know this, and, to their credit, they do have
solutions, not least from reports that they themselves have
commissioned, such as the Dilnot report of 2011; from legislation
they have passed, such as the 2014 Care Act; and White Papers
they have published, such as People at the Heart of Care in 2021.
For the one in five of us, and for the health of the nation, it
is now time to see some implementation.
12.11pm
(LD)
My Lords, I have had the privilege of being a member of the Adult
Social Care Committee, chaired by the noble Baroness, Lady
Andrews, and I am now a member of the Select Committee on the
Integration of Primary and Community Care, chaired by the noble
Baroness, Lady Pitkeathley, so I have come to think of the noble
Baroness, Lady Shephard, as my partner in crime on both of those,
as we question a series of professionals coming in to try to tell
us just how bad the situation is currently.
We are having this discussion in the run-up to a general
election, nearly a decade on from the passing of the Care Act and
more than two decades on from the royal commission on the future
of long-term care, and I suspect we are no nearer a resolution
now than we were then. But I think it is important, as we are in
the run-up to a general election, to make a few recommendations
to all those people in political parties who are drawing up their
manifestos.
The first is that there needs to be an update of the Dilnot
commission proposals. We need a realistic assessment of the needs
of older people and adults with disabilities for long-term care
and the extent to which that can be funded by individuals’
capital assets. A crucial element of that assessment has to be
the availability and cost of trained skilled staff, because that
is a huge issue in the sector. For the first time, a further
element needs to be the number of people ageing without
children—that is a phrase which covers a number of different
circumstances. We have now got to the point where Secretaries of
State for Health admit openly that we have a health and social
care system predicated on the fact that the majority of care, and
management of care, will be done by families. There are at least
1 million people who do not have children, and it is children we
are talking about. We do not even record the number of men who do
not have children; we do not have that basic data, and yet we are
expecting them to manage care. Unless and until we do that, there
will be a profound effect on those people when they come to
moments of crisis, such as hospital discharge. We need the
Government to start to really look at this issue.
The second recommendation is that we need, as a matter of
urgency, the development of legislation, policy and protocols
that governing the use of, and access to, data of health and
social care users. Currently, we have a system in which the
sharing of information just between the departments of an acute
hospital is utterly random, and between the different parts of
the health and social care system, between acute and community
health, and social care and local authorities, is non-existent.
We talk about care pathways, but they are rapidly becoming a
fictional idea. I defy anybody—a professional, a user or a
carer—to know what a care pathway is and how to get from one
place to another. Unless and until we sort this, we will have an
ineffective, expensive mess: duplication of services on the one
hand and lack of access to basic services on the other.
My third point is that, as regulators of health and social
care—particularly the CQC as it goes into the new single
assessment framework—look at these new integrated care systems,
they need to specify who is responsible not just for a single
episode of care but for care pathways. We have not begun to see
that yet, and it is fundamental to our ability to build a system
which works in the long term.
I suspect, in the run-up to the election, there will be calls
from some people to say that we ought to take care away from
local authorities; that for the sake of efficiency, we either put
everything under the NHS, or outsource much more to the voluntary
sector, charities and faith groups because they will make better
use of limited resources. I would caution against that. Local
authorities have a public equality duty and access to population
data, and to data about individuals within their areas. I think
it is crucial that we stick with them.
Finally, as president of the National Association of Care
Catering, I want to make a plug for meals on wheels:
old-fashioned, much denigrated, but an absolute lifeline to
people. I had the privilege of being an undercover
meals-on-wheels volunteer a couple of years ago—I said I was a
trainee; I do not think most of them would have given me the job.
The immense value of low-tech services to older people cannot be
overestimated. We really should make sure that those services
which give great value are maintained for older people.
12.16pm
The
My Lords, I am very grateful to the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews,
for securing this important debate, for her Select Committee’s
outstanding report on adult social care and for including the
recent report of the Archbishops’ Commission on Reimagining Care
in the debate title. I am also very grateful to my noble friend
the right reverend Prelate the , who co-chaired the
commission. He will be addressing some of its specific
recommendations later. I would like to speak about the motivation
for its commissioning by the most reverend Prelate the and myself.
First, in common with those of almost every political, religious
or social belief, we think the current care system is broken. It
cannot be tweaked; it needs reimagining. We have had the same
reason for the Church reports on housing and, I regret to say,
the same indifference to them from the Government, despite the
enthusiasm of the industry in both cases.
Secondly, each of the reports we commissioned is based in
Christian values which have guided this country at its best for
centuries but overlap almost exactly with those of other faith
groups and those of humanists. We were discussing this, over an
Iftar meal on Monday evening, with Muslim leaders from across the
country. Anything like housing, care, households, families,
ethnicity or race has to have a value base which is realistic,
mitigates possible harms and exalts the value of human dignity.
The values must also maintain a healthy realism on the tendency
of individuals and institutions, including government and the
Church, to look for short-term fixes in their own interests, not
long-term solutions for the common good. The list of reports and
White Papers, so eloquently put by the noble Baroness, Lady
Shephard, which really should have ended with “and a partridge in
a pear tree”, illustrates this point finely.
Thirdly, each report makes demands of government but also of
every other aspect of society. In terms of care, it may be
companies and businesses, charities, families and households, and
we always point to the needs for the Church of England to improve
and up its game. Every part of society is needed to be involved
in care.
This commission was started in April 2021 and produced its final
report in January of this year. We need an understanding that
care and support is not an end in itself but the means by which
every person can begin to fulfil their potential as a human being
as it varies through life. The commission’s central
recommendation is for the development of a national care
covenant. This would clarify the mutual responsibilities of us
all—individuals, families and communities, alongside local and
national government—in relation to care and support.
Funding matters. If it is our starting point, we will fail. Once
we know what kind of care system we are aiming for, we can begin
to see how it could progressively be paid for. Much as I admire
His Majesty’s Treasury, if we start with it, we will be pragmatic
but are unlikely to be imaginative.
The revolutionary value that should be at the heart of our social
care system is interdependence. In the report, it replaces the
myth of autonomy for each person. No one is autonomous; we all
rely on others at every point of life and death. We must
recognise that reality, with its beauty and dignity.
Interdependence builds community; autonomy creates atomisation.
Atomisation is painfully described in a book with that name as
the title in the English translation but which in French is
called Les Particules Élémentaires, by Michel Houellebecq.
Autonomy takes us to Huxley’s Brave New World; interdependence
overcomes differentials of class and power and offers the
prospect of robust compassion. Autonomy ends up with dependence
on the state, because we all need support. It is a myth, and the
truth is found in the prayerbook phrase
“whose service is perfect freedom”.
Interdependence takes us away from a narrow argument about who
should provide care and instead says that responsibility lies
with all of us to different degrees: with families and
communities; with government, with regard to funding and
implementation; and with NGOs, the voluntary sector and community
actors such as churches, with regard to participation.
So I ask the Government and the Minister: will they begin, as we
move forward, to reimagine the care system and to look at setting
out clearly through a national care covenant the mutual
responsibilities we all have?
12.22pm
(Con)
My Lords, I, too, start by thanking the noble Baroness, Lady
Andrews, for securing this debate today, for her very sensitive
chairing of the Adult Social Care Committee, on which I was
privileged to serve, and for her tireless commitment to improving
the landscape of care, which is a real conundrum of our time. We
must “reimagine” it, as the most reverend Primate urges, and,
while many have claimed that they will fix it, it remains
unfixed.
No one chooses to be cared for, or to become an unpaid carer. If
the noble Lord, , was here, he would tell us
that either could happen to any one of us at any time. But, as
our report points out, both are invisible. This invisibility
leads to confusion around what social care is and who delivers
it. While the NHS is there “from cradle to grave”, individuals
who do not currently need care cannot imagine they ever will and
therefore fail to plan for such a time.
I draw your Lordships’ attention to my interests as laid out in
the register, in particular my work as chief executive of
Cerebral Palsy Scotland and also with people with neurological
conditions. My lived experience says that we must not view social
care through the prism of the NHS. Many of the people I work with
are neither ill nor old; they just need help to be able to live
what our committee’s report called
“a gloriously ordinary life”.
I know people who choose to study with the Open University and
miss out on all those extracurricular experiences that I am sure
many of us look back on with fond nostalgia, because they cannot
be confident that they will be properly supported to get around
campus and get to lectures like their contemporaries. I know
parents who have to give up their own professional lives when
their adult child leaves formal education because the system
assumes that they will; and I know people who remain living with
elderly parents because there is no suitable accommodation for
people under the age of 65. Our committee heard from many
witnesses who were not ill or old but could not get the right
support. Worse than that, they were worried that, if they
contacted their local authority for a review, the support they
did have would be reduced.
For many of working age, what they want and need are good PAs,
personal assistants. These are professional enablers who help you
do what you want, whether it is getting to work, feeding you,
taking you to the pub or, in a case highlighted to us during the
course of our inquiry, enabling someone to pay their respects to
Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II at the gates of Balmoral—something
that could never be assessed as an outcome by a local authority
care package.
Yet there are not enough PAs. You are really stuck if your PA is
ill or does not turn up, and the challenges of becoming an
employer and dealing with recruitment, PAYE and pensions too
often just puts people off. We heard evidence in our committee
from Enable Scotland, a charity which works with local
authorities across Scotland delivering their PA model of care,
where the charity deals with all of those employer issues and
provides a personalised service to people who want it. I
encourage the Minister to look at this model.
For too many, as we have heard, contact with social care services
is forged in crisis and fraught with difficulty. The providers of
last resort are family and friends, who are thrust into roles
they neither sought nor are supported to fulfil as unpaid carers.
I believe the Minister himself has been a carer and appreciates
the challenges. He has called unpaid carers
“the backbone of the system”—[Official Report, 20/2/23; col.
1434.],
but I am afraid that, despite warm words, unpaid carers continue
to be taken for granted.
As the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, pointed out, carer’s
allowance is the least generous benefit and considerably less
than the minimum wage. There is little respite, little support
and severe financial implications, but too many families feel
they have no other options.
If we do nothing else in the Government’s forthcoming social care
plan and future work, I urge the Minister to improve
identification of unpaid carers, including children who care.
Self-identification is not working and neither are the formal
systems set out in the Care Act. There are still so many gaps. We
heard about the No Wrong Door initiative successfully employed in
Liverpool. How can the Minister ensure initiatives such as this
are more widely adopted?
As others, particularly my noble friend Lady Shepherd, have said,
over the years, Ministers have been given a veritable shopping
list of solutions. I hope these two reports and our debate today
can add to the impetus the Minister needs within government,
because the last thing people who rely on care want is yet
another plan that fails to be backed up with action.
12.28pm
(Lab)
My Lords, as another member of the Adult Social Care Committee
and declaring my interests in the register, I am pleased to make
a short contribution to this very important debate. I too
congratulate my noble friend Lady Andrews on securing this debate
and, more importantly, I praise her knowledgeable and passionate
chairing of the committee and her opening speech today, which I
fully endorse.
The evidence we received throughout our inquiry was for
recognition and support for social care in general and unpaid
carers in particular, as a largely hidden workforce. The evidence
was compelling, inspiring but also at times harrowing, and I
praise all the contributors. As the committee stated at the
beginning of our report:
“Creating a sustainable social care system in which people, their
families and friends can thrive is a national imperative”.
A sustainable adult social care service must be seen as
“an indispensable partner to the health service”
and clearly and genuinely integrated with it. Surely no one can
disagree with that. As we further noted, the new integrated care
boards and systems must be at the forefront of realising this
ambition.
As we have heard, to achieve it, investment and resources must be
forthcoming. Again, the committee made clear that the Government
must increase the financial settlement for adult social care over
three years and then commit to sustaining realistic, long-term
and protected funding for the sector to enable the robust
planning of services. So it was clearly disappointing that there
was no mention of sustained funding in the Budget, or any
recognition of the need to reform the social care funding system
based on the laudable principles established by the Dilnot
inquiry.
Linked to this funding settlement is, as we have heard, access to
the key benefit for carers—carer’s allowance. It is the lowest
benefit rate of its kind—I do not apologise for repeating
that—and it is not reflective of the extraordinary value of
unpaid carers, as we have already heard today. Some of the most
shocking evidence we heard from unpaid carers was about families’
lives being suddenly and unexpectedly overturned by some
catastrophic event, perhaps a critical or terminal illness or a
life-changing accident, with their immediate income and long-term
financial planning in absolute turmoil.
So access to carer’s allowance must immediately be made easier by
lowering the threshold of carers’ hours and ensuring that the
earnings limit is uprated in line with the national living wage
and in law. Further, the DWP should fundamentally review the
carer’s allowance and report back to Parliament within one year
to give some hope of financial support for this army of unpaid
carers—I would be very grateful for the Government’s views on
that today.
Touching very briefly on workforce, we wait expectantly for the
Government’s social care plan and the workforce proposals within
it. The current situation of low pay, limited career opportunity
and thousands of vacancies in the sector is an utter disgrace.
The committee’s recommendation that the Government must produce,
with people who work in and draw on adult social care, a
comprehensive, long-term, national workforce and skills plan, is
an absolute priority.
Finally, it is essential that a laser focus is maintained on
adult social care, and particularly on the incredible work and
dedication of unpaid carers. To this end, the committee strongly
believes in the establishment in the next 12 months of a
commissioner for care and support to act as a champion for older
adults, disabled people and unpaid carers. Critical early
priorities for such a commissioner would be to include oversight
of a government-commissioned, independent public review of the
Care Act 2014, working with local authorities to ensure that the
Act is fully implemented, and also to set up, as we have heard,
the identification of the millions of invisible unpaid carers,
perhaps through NHS patient records—with their permission—to
ensure a mechanism to provide carers with information, self-care
and digital resources to support them. They deserve nothing
less.
12.33pm
(CB) [V]
My Lords, I declare an interest as the recipient of a personal
health and social care budget. It was a great pleasure to serve
on the Adult Social Care Committee last year, and I congratulate
the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, on her very skilful chairing,
which ensured that the voices of all those involved in social
care were heard and listened to.
One of our significant recommendations is that the Government
work with local authorities, the voluntary sector and social care
providers to embed the principles of co-production. That will
give staff the necessary skills and the balance of power to the
individual receiving care.
Co-production bloomed with the passing of the Community Care
(Direct Payments) Act 1996, which was initiated by the noble
Lord, , in his 1993 Private
Member’s Bill. I remember watching the late championing the
legislation with skill and wisdom; I think I can speak on behalf
of all of us when I say that we miss her fierce presence today
and I pay tribute to her inspirational legacy.
The Act enabled disabled adults to purchase social care tailored
to our individual needs, giving us choice and control; it is what
enables me to be a Member of your Lordships’ House today. Under
the Act, disabled people established local centres for
independent living and worked with their LAs to educate and
support other disabled people in employing personal assistants to
meet their needs using the co-production model. Regretfully, the
committee heard evidence that this essential support has eroded
with a lack of investment. Older, disempowering models of social
care provision such as institutional care and threadbare support
at home are now commonplace—we need to get back to
co-production.
Our report proposes specific funding to ensure that local
authorities commission peer-led, independent organisations to
promote innovation and capacity building. Information, advice,
advocacy and peer support are key; local authorities already have
duties under the Care Act 2014 to provide information and advice.
Part of the funding identified in the current White Paper should
also be allocated to making direct payments and personal
assistance a realistic option.
This is an urgent problem. In a survey of 1,000 people by the LGA
last year, 77% found it more difficult to recruit a PA—that has
been my own experience. Not enough is known about the role of
PAs. One witness told us that if it were recognised as a valuable
and skilled role, “many will intuitively see that as a
vocation—as a career”. Raising its profile would attract more
people to the profession. The report recommends that a
government-led workforce revaluate the pay and working conditions
of PAs, and appropriate training.
To conclude, our committee endorsed Social Care Future’s simple
challenge for social care: to make possible the ambition of
people who “want to live in the place we call home, with the
people and things we love, in communities where we look out for
one another, doing what matters to us”. Indeed, our report is
titled A Gloriously Ordinary Life—that was how one witness
described their aspiration. The Government have the power to
ensure that this is not a pipe-dream.
12.38pm
(Con)
My Lords, it is an honour to follow the noble Baroness, Lady
Campbell. I learned so much from her. It was also an honour to
have served on the Adult Social Care Committee under the expert
chairmanship of the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, and I also pay
tribute to the excellent support staff that we had. When I joined
the committee, I thought it would be an important learning
experience in an area that I was not particularly familiar with.
However, as we met and listened to witnesses, it became apparent
that this was not an academic exercise but, sadly, a practical
guide for me and my family, as it is in one way or another for
every family in the country.
I will concentrate on just one area of the report, on page 45
with the heading “Navigating the social care system: a constant
fight”. Paragraph 147 states:
“Whether it is trying to get support for themselves or for the
person they provide care for, unpaid carers often find that they
are left to their own devices when it comes to navigating the
adult social care system”.
As stated in our report, witnesses found it difficult to organise
formal support for the person they care for.
Because of the difficulty of accessing care and support, social
workers and local authorities are seen as gatekeepers, and there
is little trust in the system’s ability or willingness to provide
help. How sad, as my noble friend Lady Fraser said, that some
unpaid carers told us that they live in fear of assessments which
they see as a process designed to minimise their needs so as to
deny them support.
I totally understand. My mother is suffering from brain cancer
and has 24/7 care at home in Liverpool. We have experienced, and
are experiencing, both some of the best and the worst that the
system has to offer. On the positive side, the care and attention
of the Marie Curie Hospice in Woolton, Liverpool, led by the
deeply sensitive and professional palliative care doctor Dr Mark
Mills and his team, has been exemplary. While mum is at home, the
staff at the hospice have been an enormous comfort and help, not
just to my mum but to my sister and brother too.
On the other hand, the experience we have had with the local
authority assessors has been woeful. On 9 February, my mother was
assessed by a nurse via Zoom. The nurse was in Kent and my mother
was over 200 miles away, unable to communicate, in her bed in
Liverpool. The assessment was to decide what the immediate next
step for her care plan should be. The report, compiled by a nurse
who has never met my mother, was then to be sent to an unknown
panel of people who also have never met her to decide the best
course of treatment and care. This absurd assessment was executed
over a three-hour Zoom call seven weeks ago, and as I stand here
today, we have heard nothing. The system is sadly broken. As we
speak, we should consider that people up and down the country are
battling to understand an incomprehensible system at the same
time as trying to care for their loved ones as best they can.
During the committee’s deliberations, we understood that we were
not going to be able to change a system that desperately needs an
overhaul, but we were attempting to move the dial a little to
bring some clarity to people doing their utmost to care. Our
committee has made 36 recommendations, and that only scratches
the surface. Each one is important. My own experiences have made
me think more carefully, for example, about the point forcefully
and powerfully made by the noble Baroness, Lady Barker, about
people without children ageing. Like the noble Baroness, Lady
Andrews, and the noble Lord, , I urge my noble friend the
Minister to look carefully at recommendation 9, where we ask the
Government to establish a commissioner for care to bring about a
more accessible adult social care system. I concur with the
suggested actions on page 45 of the Archbishops’ report that
assessment and budget planning should be simple and consistent,
and that care planning services should be focused on what matters
to people.
I appeal across this House to all parties and to none to help
that commissioner to take the politics out of care. We must come
together to find and implement an urgent solution so that people
up and down the country can fulfil with dignity what the late
wrote in his book Celebrating
Life—that the supreme act of caring is to make a difference to
someone else’s life. In his book the Dignity of Difference, he
said, “To care is to look into the face of the other and see
their uniqueness, their vulnerability and their pain”.
12.43pm
(Lab)
My Lords, it is a pleasure to speak in this debate today, and I
congratulate my noble friend Lady Andrews. I have lost count of
the number of debates on social care in which I have participated
in my 25 years in your Lordships’ House, and it has often been a
rather depressing experience. I would often have to cajole,
persuade or even beg people to take part. I took to calling the
few stalwarts who could always be relied upon to speak—the “usual
suspects”. We were a small but devoted band. For me, the best
thing about today’s debate is the number of your Lordships
speaking and the attention that is being drawn to social care, at
last. To be able to call my noble friend Lady Andrews and the
most reverend Primate the “usual suspects”
is a measure of the progress being made. Their influential
reports mark, in my view, a step change in views about social
care, which for so long has been the poor relation or the
Cinderella vis-à-vis the NHS.
That is not to say that the social care scene is any better than
the dire situation to which I have drawn attention over the
years. On the contrary, it is worse, as the statistics and
examples cited in the debate today illustrate. There is not
enough money, not enough integration, too many broken promises,
and too many vulnerable people and their families neglected. I,
like others, had hoped that we would have the long-promised plan
from the Government today, but in its absence we must once again
rely on promises and assurances that the Government hear our
pleas and will answer our questions.
Your Lordships will understand that, for me, the most important
recommendations in both the reports we are discussing today were
about unpaid carers. I thank the noble Lord, , for sharing his moving
personal experience on the issue of being an unpaid carer. Our
social care system relies heavily on the care and support from
these carers. In fact, they outnumber the paid health and care
workforce by at least two to one. Many live in poverty or on its
margins, often building up poverty for the future because of a
lack of access to pensions and paid employment. Their health
suffers physically and mentally, as we have heard.
The House of Lords report makes a series of sensible and modest
recommendations, recognising that carers have to deal with a
baffling range of organisations and agencies, which is stressful
and time-consuming. For example, the report recommends that
carers should be properly identified and have mechanisms for
getting information. It states that carer’s allowance is
inadequate and should be reviewed—hurrah—and recognises how
important respite care breaks are and that there should be
ring-fenced funding to provide them.
The recommendations from the Archbishops’ Commission are summed
up as a new deal for carers which ensures that they have the
practical, financial and emotional support to be able to provide
care, maintain a loving relationship and live a full life
themselves. These are modest enough demands which surely every
carer deserves so that they have opportunities for a rest, better
advice, better financial support, and coproduction so that they
are involved in planning. None of these recommendations is rocket
science, and neither are any of them unreasonable. They are
simply actions and commitments which would help unpaid carers do
what they want to do, willingly and with love: provide care for
their loved ones, as well as caring for themselves.
It is a great disappointment that the Minister is unable to
respond to all these recommendations today in the absence of the
Government’s plan. I acknowledge that their White Paper, People
at the Heart of Care, published in 2021, set out a 10-year vision
for adult social care in which unpaid carers were recognised as
equal partners in care. I cannot fault the Minister for the words
he has shared many times in your Lordships’ House when
acknowledging the vital role played by carers. I was delighted by
the support his noble friend, the noble Lord, , gave to the Private Member’s
Bill that would give carers access to unpaid leave, which we hope
will receive Royal Assent very soon. However, carers are at
breaking point. I ask the Minister to assure the House today that
he knows that more funding and better integration is vital for
their support. Warm words are not enough.
Beyond carers, can the Minister assure the House that when we
finally see this long- awaited plan, it will have some vision in
the spirit of that 10-year plan, and that it will make some
attempt to address the causes of the difficulties in health and
social care and not leave the Government open to charges of yet
another sticking-plaster solution? Health inequalities must be
addressed. They are the result of poverty and inadequate
services, which are in turn the result of many years of spending
cuts. The most efficient way to ensure our health and social care
services are not overwhelmed is to make sure that people do not
need them. If we could rebalance the agenda towards the
prevention of ill health, that is the sort of vision and focus
that could give some hope for the future of social care and
reassure the carers who are its main providers.
12.49pm
(LD)
My Lords, I considered myself fortunate to sit on the Select
Committee, most able chaired by the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews,
and joined by experts and enthusiasts for the subject, along with
brilliant witnesses. A few years ago, I would have had to declare
my interest as the chair of a national charity providing services
across England for adults with a learning disability. That is
where my heart is. I echo the question posed by the noble
Baroness, Lady Andrews, to the Minister about the national care
plan.
Everyone has a right to the best life possible, and that includes
people with learning disabilities, but they face obstacles that
are hard to imagine. Their challenges can be complex and
certainly lifelong. Even so, with the right care, support and
encouragement, everyone with a learning disability can find more
enjoyment, comfort and satisfaction in their lives. We saw
evidence of this on our several visits. I also met pensioner
children: children of our age being cared for by their parents. I
met 70 year-olds being cared for by 90 year-olds. They would have
had it no other way. I just cannot imagine that.
The Care Act 2014 changed the way that adults in England who
require care due to old age, illness or disability receive their
support. It replaced most existing legislation on this issue. The
Guardian called it
“the most significant change in social care law for 60
years.”
I remind noble Lords that it received its Second Reading in the
House of Lords when was Secretary of State. Its
authors were Health Ministers MP and MP. At its heart was the
well-being principle, which established local authorities’
responsibility to safeguard and further the well-being of those
under their jurisdiction. It introduced new ways of supporting
adult social care. A set of national minimum eligibility criteria
was introduced to ensure that people across the country received
the same care for the same needs. It rather begs the question of
whether local authorities and the CQC ensure that these criteria
are being delivered now. That would make a good Oral Question to
the Minister; I have put a marker down.
The Care Act 2014 is governed by six principles to safeguard
vulnerable adults from harm: empowerment, protection, prevention,
proportionality, partnership and accountability. They are as
important now as they were nearly 10 years ago, and they are all
to be found in the Select Committee’s report, A “Gloriously
Ordinary Life”.
Looking back, why did we need the Care Act 2014? Previously,
there were lots of different laws on care and support in England,
and it was difficult to know what support and care one could get.
The Act brought them all together under one new law and
determined what type of care people should get. The Act also
gives guidance and information for authorities on how to use its
provisions appropriately. It gives clear and simple rules and
advice on care and support for adults. The Act helps to improve
people’s independence and well-being. It aims to protect
vulnerable adults from any kind of mistreatment, giving people
who need support more control over what happens. Consequently, it
has improved their quality of life by keeping them safe and
protected.
My noble friend Lady Barker brought up the issue of costs.
Alongside that Act was a discussion about paying for care,
influenced by Andrew Dilnot, now warden of Nuffield College, who
was also a witness to our committee. Back then, he was chairman
of the UK Statistics Authority and of the Commission on Funding
of Care and Support, which reported in 2011.
The six principles I mentioned that govern the Care Act 2014 to
safeguard adults were first introduced by the Department of
Health in 2011, and they are embedded in the Act to apply to all
health and care settings. It is the law that sets out how adult
social care in England should be provided. It requires local
authorities to make sure that people who live in their areas
receive services that prevent their care needs becoming more
serious or delay the impact of their needs.
Disabled adults and older people, as well as unpaid carers,
frequently pointed to the vision described by Social Care Future.
With the right care, support and encouragement, I believe that
everyone with a learning disability can find more enjoyment,
comfort and satisfaction in their lives—their glorious lives, as
the title to the report realised.
12.55pm
(Lab)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend Lady Andrews for initiating
this debate, and congratulate her on the Select Committee report.
It has been said before, but the report follows other
distinguished predecessors. When preparing for this debate, I
pulled out my well-thumbed copy of the Dilnot report and the
Economic Affairs Committee’s report—otherwise known as “Lord
Forsyth’s report”—together with speeches made by my noble friend
Lady Pitkeathley. Here we are again: the needs are more desperate
and the achievements are less. Some 58,000 fewer older people now
receive long-term care, compared with 2015-16. There will be no
major development until after the general election, as the
introduction of a cap on lifetime care costs and changes to the
means test have now been postponed until October 2025. As has
been said, these changes were contained in the Care Act 2014, yet
we know that 10 years will have gone by before we even start to
build a system.
Those providers in the social care industry—if they are caring
and conscientious—are seeing diminishing profits and worse
deficits. More than half of providers had to turn down admissions
and 20% of them have closed services. Those that are less caring
and conscientious are making good money out of human misery.
Local government funding is half of what it was 10 years ago.
What help will the Government give to providers in their
remaining two years? In particular, will they continue the
enhanced support for energy costs at least to assist providers to
stay in business?
With no long-term policy changes in prospect, we have to turn to
the short-term mitigations, with the top priority being staffing.
Can the Minister tell the House whether it is correct that the
Government’s promise in the social care White Paper to dedicate
£500 million for
“investment in knowledge, skills, health and wellbeing and
recruitment policies”
has been cut by 50%? The executive chair of the National Care
Association, Nadra Ahmed, representing the independent carers,
believes that the report of these cuts is correct. Martin Green,
the chief executive of Care England, commenting on the rumour of
cuts, said that
“it will set back social care for many years to come.”
The number of vacancies in the care sector is 165,000. The number
of additional social care workers required is estimated to be
480,00 by 2035. Skills for Care has predicted that the UK will
lose 430,000 carers in the next 10 years if those aged 55 and
over take retirement. Hft and Care England published the 2022
Sector Pulse Checkreport, which covers, among other things, how
the care sector is mitigating staff shortages. The “refer a
friend” scheme, international recruitment and increasing use of
agency staff each contains its own problems.
“Refer a friend”—a scheme where existing members of staff refer
friends or relatives in exchange for financial reward—was the
most popular method of recruitment, selected by 24% of
respondents. In my view, this method contains real risks that
suitability and skills will take second place to the loyalties of
relationships. We have seen the consequences of this in various
cover-ups of mistreatment of the most vulnerable. I have been a
fellow of the CIPD for more than 20 years. Unless the right
checks and balances are in place, the “refer a friend” scheme
could be seen as a sub-optimal recruitment method.
The second method is international recruitment, used by 15% of
respondents. In February 2022, the Government expanded the
shortage occupation list; that was welcome but the primary
barrier here is pay. The minimum wage that the Government have
set for care workers employed from overseas is £10.10 per hour,
which causes a disparity in pay between overseas workers and the
existing workforce. Obtaining a certificate of sponsorship is
bureaucratic and time-consuming, often taking up to 12 weeks.
Visa applications are also an issue, with costly legal services
beyond the reach of smaller providers. Even the agencies that
provide these staff can no longer guarantee to provide workers,
which has broader implications for the NHS. Many NHS nurses are
doing extra shifts in adult social care rather than working
overtime in the NHS. The report concludes that
“failure to manage this market will see nurses leave both the NHS
and adult social care and become agency nurses at a few, select
high-paying agencies.”
In conclusion, if you are in need of social care and money is not
a worry, you can probably still receive a good experience. If you
are poor, growing old will be the biggest challenge in your life
at a time when you are least able to cope.
1.01pm
The Lord
My Lords, I have had the great privilege of sitting on both the
Adult Social Care Committee and the Archbishops’ Commission on
Reimagining Care. I also pay tribute to the outstanding work of
their respective chairs, the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, and Dr
.
When the two reports were published, it came as no great surprise
that there were huge areas of overlap. In fact, a careful
analysis has revealed at least 17 different points of congruence,
ranging from providing everyone with the opportunity to lead a
full life, through to appointing a commissioner for care and
support and properly implementing the Care Act 2014—all of which
have already been mentioned.
As we have heard, the role of unpaid carers, including children,
was highlighted in particular by both reports. Because that
became such a central feature of the Select Committee’s
investigation and report, it is being fully addressed by many
noble Lords speaking in this important debate. Rather than
repeating their valuable contributions, I, like the noble Lord,
, and the noble Baroness, Lady
Shephard, want to focus on another area of concern raised by both
reports, namely the current difficulty experienced by those who
try to navigate the statutory care and support system. Phrases
such as a “baffling range of organisations” and a “fog of
confusion” abound. As we heard from the noble Baroness, Lady
Pitkeathley, whose long-term contribution to this debate we so
value, dealing with the complex and circular bureaucracy is
time-consuming and frustrating.
As we heard from the most reverend Primate the , the commission’s
central recommendation is the development of a national care
covenant. This covenant would emerge from a major programme of
public engagement with cross-party support and significant
co-production, as with the NHS constitution. It would reflect
four main themes. The first is the empowering of communities,
which have a vital role to play in all this, not only in
addressing practical needs but in combating loneliness and social
isolation and fostering physical and mental well-being. Both the
committee and the commission witnessed many good examples of that
happening in practice, but we all know that supportive and
inclusive communities do not just happen by accident; they need
investment and nurturing. They also need local authorities to
work in partnership with them, to provide a network of
community-based support for everyone.
The second theme is a new deal for carers that includes
recognition of their value. We applaud that recognition in the
White Paper, People at the Heart of Care. As we have heard, as
well as respite and, where necessary, financial support for
unpaid carers, care for carers is essential to the future of
social care.
The third theme is a universal entitlement to care and support,
including the pooling of risk, to ensure that everyone is able to
lead what the committee calls a “gloriously ordinary” life.
The fourth theme is the acceptance of our mutual responsibility
as citizens. A covenant of this kind would make it abundantly
clear that social care is not just the state’s responsibility. As
citizens, our rights come with corresponding responsibilities;
the principle of interdependence, mentioned by the most reverend
Primate the , emphasises the
simple fact that, in this arena, all of us have a vital part to
play.
The commission began its report with a call to rethink attitudes
and values, several of which have already been mentioned. It
concluded that, ultimately, the whole care system needs to
redesigned rather than merely adjusted. However, a national care
covenant that would rebalance roles and responsibilities was its
key proposal. I very much hope that His Majesty’s Government
might consider this alongside their other plans for implementing
the recommendations in People at the Heart of Care, which we all
look forward to seeing in the very near future.
1.06pm
(Lab)
My Lords, social care is the Passchendaele of the welfare state.
It is now 25 years since I sat on the royal commission on this
subject. Since then, there has been a veritable snowstorm of
excellent reports—including the two in front of us today—with,
often, government promises and, sometimes, government policy
statements. However, all have melted the moment they touched the
ground.
I cannot hope to cover the whole subject in the time available to
me so I will concentrate on one issue that is very close to my
heart. After that royal commission, my noble friend called me into his office; he
was in charge of funding long-term care. He asked me a very good
question: “If you had a bit of money to spend in the social care
field, where would you spend it?” I replied, unhesitatingly, “On
increasing the pay of social care workers.” Then, I said by £1 an
hour; now, it would be more like £2. It is a scandal what goes on
now for both the workers involved and the people for whom they
care.
In January this year, Skills for Care reported that 10.9% of
posts—around 170,000 of them—were vacant, meaning people will not
be properly cared for. According to the latest figures, a care
worker in the independent sector earns £9.66 an hour; in local
authorities, it is £11.03. Care workers’ pay has dropped behind
that in other sectors. In 2012-13, retail assistants earned 16p
an hour less than care workers; today, they get 21p an hour more.
One care manager is quoted by the Commons Health and Social Care
Committee as saying:
“I dread hearing Aldi opening up nearby, as I know I will lose
staff.”
Being a social care worker does not just involve hard skills,
though there are those. It also involves soft skills in getting
on with people. Do we really want those soft skills transferred
to behind cashier points in supermarkets?
There are also problems of low promotion. People love the job but
cannot see the way forward. There is also the problem of local
authority finance. Councils are trying to push care home fees
down. Homes make it work because they charge the councils the
marginal cost of putting up with someone and get the rest of the
money back off the private payers. The Government said that they
would tackle this. Can the Minister kindly tell us where they
have got to? I would be most grateful.
This problem is going to get worse and worse, for the simple
reason of demographics—an increasing elderly population with
increasing care needs. The overall population in England grew by
7% in the 10 years between 2011 and 2021. The number of people
aged 85 or over rose by 16%, so nearly three times as fast. Many
of those people will need care. By 2038, 57% more adults in the
population will be 65 or over, compared with today. How are we
going to care for them?
I make this final point. There is a crude choice in social care.
You can spend the money that you have available on helping people
to pay their care home fees, which helps the top half of the
population, or you can spend it on providing better care. The
Government plan to prioritise a cap. Fortunately, the proposal
for that has now been ditched, or postponed indefinitely.
However, they should have prioritised the first, with better care
for all, starting with better care for those who give their lives
to these difficult but rewarding tasks.
1.11pm
Baroness O'Grady of Upper Holloway (Lab)
My Lords, I congratulate my noble friend Lady Andrews and her
committee, and the most reverend Primate the , on two excellent
reports, and address my contribution to the urgent recommendation
for a proper social care workforce strategy.
I declare an interest. When I was general secretary of the TUC,
we sought and secured core participant status in the Covid public
inquiry. We worked closely with Covid bereaved families’
campaigns throughout. I believe that the evidence is there that
many Covid deaths in care homes and among front-line
workers—disproportionately among black and ethnic-minority
workers—were entirely preventable. From the start, the Cinderella
status of the social care service was symbolised by that failure
to provide staff with proper PPE. The absence of proper sick pay
also put staff and service users at terrible risk. Statutory sick
pay is still far too low, at just £99 a week, and 2 million
people in this country do not earn enough to qualify at all. No
worker should be forced to choose between going into work and
risking spreading a virus, or staying home but being unable to
feed their family.
Many hoped that the pandemic would spark a sea-change in our
social care service, and that severe cuts to local authority
budgets, inflicted over many years, would be restored, but today
the service is still subsidised by the love, the labour and the
low pay of unpaid carers and the social care workforce,
predominantly women. In my experience, staff care deeply for
those whom they care for, and find their work profoundly
satisfying. While progression routes are poor and training needs
to be improved, be in no doubt that this is skilled work.
However, that vocation is being exploited. Nearly a quarter of
the workforce are on zero-hour contracts. Most care workers earn
barely above the national minimum wage, which is currently £9.50
and due to rise to just £10.42 in April.
The Government rebranded the national minimum wage, calling it a
living wage, but the real living wage, calculated according to
how much it costs to lead a basic decent life, is much higher:
£11.95 in London and £10.90 in the rest of the UK. The Resolution
Foundation, along with many others, has argued that the bottom
rate of pay for care workers needs to be significantly higher
even than that, just to tackle the crisis in recruitment,
retention and turnover. Service users, their families, and decent
employers, know that even with the potential of new technologies,
the heart of the service is human. How we treat and reward care
workers reflects how much we, as a society, value those who
receive care. No doubt the Government will ask how we pay for it.
Part of the answer must be a fairer taxation system. It cannot be
right that a care worker pays a bigger share of her income in tax
than the private equity chief who buys up care homes, saddles
them with debt, and then sells them on for profit.
I am proud that as part of its New Deal for Working People,
Labour is committed to a policy of sectoral fair pay agreements,
just as the New Zealand Government have introduced, and as is
common across Europe. It is only right that first in the queue
for a UK fair pay agreement should be social care workers. I hope
that we can build a broad consensus for this approach, bringing
Governments, employers and unions together to lift the status of
social care as well as the pay, conditions and morale of staff.
Investing in our social care service would relieve pressure on
the NHS and, I hope, act as a catalyst for creating the decent
and properly staffed and funded service that those in need of
care deserve, and that care workers themselves have well and
truly earned.
1.16pm
(GP)
My Lords, I agree with the noble Baroness, Lady O’Grady, that
social care jobs—indeed, all jobs—should pay a real living wage.
It should be a foundation of our social contract. I thank the
noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, and her committee, for this report,
which shows great compassion and sense, as does the report from
the Archbishops’ Commission on Reimagining Care. We can hope only
that the Government will follow their lead. There is little that
I could disagree with in the intentions of either report, but as
Greens we always aim to go further, so I particularly acknowledge
the interrelationship of other policy natures and the nature of
our society, rather than looking at social care as a stand-alone
unit or looking simply to join it up with healthcare. This is
really systems thinking.
First, I give a personal reflection. The noble Baroness, Lady
Barker, referred to the 1 million people who do not have
children. This is personal to me, since I am one of the 18% of
women of my age, and most ages now since those born in the 1950s,
who do not have children. I have no brothers and sisters—no
living relatives at all. That reflects the position of increasing
numbers of our society, something that we are entirely unready
for. Civil society is generating solutions. I note particularly
the Older Women’s Co-Housing project in north London.
The Government do not need to direct these, but they must do far
more to enable them to happen, for we have now a society that
does not care for the vulnerable. Any of us could be left in that
situation, at any time. That is why Green Party policy is free
social care to all who need it. Provision of free social care
must be central to any green new deal. When you hear that phrase,
you might think of hard hats and solar panels, but you should
equally think of a person caring for someone and meeting their
needs—someone holding another’s hand when they need it.
That would be central to what the most reverend Primate referred
to as a fulfilled life, which we should be offering everyone.
Care must be provided, as the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, said,
in a way that is “not transactional, not contractual”. That is
our vision, and why the Green Party says that the profit motive
has no place in any form of care provision—health or social. The
terrible state of our care system owes a great deal to
privatisation, which has taken public and individuals’ money and
often put it into the hands of hedge funds and other tax-dodgers,
while exploiting our workers and providing terrible care.
A study this week from the Guardianshowed that the five largest
private care chains are taking £150 million a year in taxpayers’
money for places in elderly care homes rated as “inadequate” or
“requiring improvement”, including some classed as “not safe”.
The leading earner from public funds is HC-One, a chain of 285
care homes majority-owned by a US private equity company. It was
paid £50 million, the Guardiancalculated, by town halls in 2022
for homes in the two lowest CQC categories.
Many noble Lords have referred to unpaid carers. Another Green
promise is a universal basic income—a foundational, secure
payment to every member of our society. If they chose to be a
carer, we would top that up. This is a system in which everyone
would have the security to care without fear of poverty. That
truly is system change.
As the noble Baroness, Lady Barker, alluded to, we are that point
in the electoral cycle where parties are drawing up their
manifestos. I am not expecting other parties to adopt wholesale
the Green vision—although I would be happy if they did—but I will
offer a couple of smaller-scale policies that I would be very
happy if any party wanted to steal.
First, I was speaking earlier today about the concessionary bus
travel scheme. How about we extend free public transport to
family carers? That would be a modest acknowledgement of the
contribution they make to our society. Secondly, young carers are
far too often ignored. They often start at a terribly young age,
with huge responsibilities. The pupil premium should be applied
to them to help their schools support them. Thirdly, on housing,
we were talking this week in the levelling-up Bill about the need
for vastly better housing, both newbuild and refit, and every new
home should be built to lifetime homes design standards. That
would mean that people could stay longer in their own homes.
I have a final thought on technology. There is no doubt that it
can help a lot, particularly in medical care, by providing
security and reassurance and notification of when help is need.
But please, let us not assume that a robot, no matter how snazzy,
can actually provide human care—the comfort of a human touch, the
thoughtful listening to a cry of pain. If noble Lords are tempted
by the technological care vision, I point them to the Isaac
Asimov novel The Naked Sun. There is a great deal of robot “care”
in that, and I promise you it is a dystopia.
1.22pm
(Lab)
My Lords, I declare an interest: I was the general secretary of
Unison, the public service union, which represents over half a
million health and social care workers—members who worked
throughout the pandemic.
As we have heard today, despite all the inquiries, reports and
initiatives, no matter what the Government may say, social care
has not been fixed—far from it. As we have also heard today, it
is quite simply broken. This has been said not just in this
Chamber. The King’s Fund states that there is no credible
programme to address the issues and that the workforce is in
crisis. The social care ombudsman highlights an underresourced
system, unable to consistently meet the needs of those whom it is
designed to serve. The Care Quality Commission, the independent
regulator, despite its own workforce challenges, states that the
workforce crisis in adult social care needs to be addressed
urgently.
I do not detract from the issues involved in kinship care and
unpaid care, which have to be addressed as a matter of urgency,
but there is also consensus across social care that nothing can
be achieved in the sector until the workforce crisis is
addressed. A third of staff leave every year. There are over
165,000 vacancies—more than in the NHS. Vacancy rates are at over
10% and are growing by the day. Many staff are on zero-hours
contracts and many have no sick pay arrangements. Many people who
work in domiciliary care are not even paid travelling time
between visits to people in their care, meaning that they earn
less than the minimum wage. There is alarming exploitation of
migrant workers, with repayment clauses tying them to their jobs
and employers. This is done throughout social care.
A small number of councils do show the way, agreeing ethical care
charters with their providers and unions that cover training, pay
rates and standards of care. A small number are sharing best
practice. But these councils are few and far between. In too many
areas, career development and progression are simply
non-existent. The pay differential between a new starter and an
experienced, long-serving member of staff in social care has been
squeezed down to a measly 7p an hour. This feeds the increasingly
high turnover rate of staff and reinforces the image of care work
as a low-skilled, unregulated profession.
Astonishingly, despite the massive problems, the social care
sector has no workforce plan and the Government lack ambition to
deal with the crisis in care. What is needed more than anything
is a Government committed to a national care service. Call it
what you want, but we are crying out for a national care service,
with a Government who recognise the beneficial impact that social
care could have on the economy. It would boost the independence
of those who receive care and allow more women who deliver the
bulk of unpaid care to play a larger and more active role in our
economy.
We need to raise the status of the care sector in our society,
with a new deal for care workers, making social care an
attractive sector to work in. Caring for the future is an
integral part of any industrial society moving forward, and
something that is long overdue. We need a Government who will
ensure that no private equity firm is able to profit from running
care homes where they are failing residents and underpaying
staff. We need a Government who care for carers; a new Government
who will boost the status of social care, making it the
profession it really should be—one that people want to work in.
We need a new Government who will change the perception of social
care from being merely a drain on resources and make it a crucial
component of the drive to boost economic growth. That is where
the future of social care should lie. It is a massive challenge
to all of us, but one that we have a duty to tackle together.
1.28pm
(Lab)
My Lords, I also thank my noble friend Lady Andrews for
introducing this debate in such an inspiring way. I was not a
member of her committee and nor was I, for obvious reasons and
much to my regret, a member of the Archbishops’ Commission, but I
can hardly express ignorance of the reports or of the many
reports that have come out before this, so I am fairly well
informed.
We have become so used to debating a situation that has been a
disgrace for so long that it has become a sort of constant
background noise that we have managed to ignore. For example, we
are all fully aware that, for many years, large numbers of
patients have been stuck in acute hospital beds quite
unnecessarily, when they would be much better cared for in the
community, but they cannot be moved, sometimes for weeks, because
there is no one out there to look after them. Nowadays, it is
almost as difficult to get out of hospital as it is to get in. If
that phrase sounds familiar, it is because I have used it many
times before in the more than 20 years that I have been in this
House. I may be a bit of a bore on the subject, but I will
emphasise a few more obvious facts.
As others have mentioned, the number of patients who need care in
the community is rising as the population ages, yet the number of
staff available to support them is going down. No one seems
surprised by that anymore. In my few remarks, I will concentrate
on the workers on whom this whole shaky system is dependent; it
is they with whom the buck stops.
The care workers’ lot is not a happy one. Recruitment is
difficult and retention is worse. The turnover rate of care home
staff is 35%; that is a third of staff leaving every year. I have
heard various figures, such as 105,000 adult care worker
vacancies advertised every day and 15,000 fewer filled posts last
year than eight years earlier. As we have heard, pay is a
significant factor in this poor recruitment and retention. An
average of £9.60 an hour means many can earn more in jobs at
Tesco or Amazon, and about a third of them are on zero-hours
contracts, as we have heard.
But it is not just about pay. We must pay them at a rate
commensurate with their responsibilities, but it is about much
more than that. These workers are at the bottom of the feeding
chain: they are underappreciated, underrated and underrespected.
We know that nurses and doctors are widely respected in the
community, but not care workers. There are no media articles
extolling their virtues and no TV programmes or films with them
as heroes. They are the neglected end of the health and social
care system. “Entrenched invisibility” was the phrase I heard
today, yet we absolutely depend on them. So many of the problems
in the NHS—bed blockages, ambulance queues, long waits in A&E
and departments on trolleys waiting for beds—are due directly to
the paucity of care in the community. So it is here, with the
care workers, that we should begin.
As we have heard today, we must give them the recognition and
respect that they deserve, by not simply giving them a salary
that recognises their important roles but much more than that. We
must offer them a training programme that is both mandatory and
nationally recognised. We must then give them a professional
qualification and a place on a national register. Only in this
way will they hold their heads up as qualified professionals,
along with the prospect of career progression within care work or
even on to a nursing career as, for example, nursing auxiliaries.
Will the Minister please ensure that something along those lines
is included in the long-awaited social care plan?
I know that this is not a novel set of proposals. I recently took
a rather unrewarding look back at some of the speeches I have
given on this topic in the Lords over the very many years that I
have been here. I am more than used to not being listened to—how
could I not be, having been married for more than 50 years? On
this occasion, at least, I hope the Minister will give me a
little more encouragement.
1.33pm
(LD)
My Lords—follow that. As the excellent reports we are debating
today make clear, we are failing those in our society most in
need of our care. As we have heard powerfully in today’s debate,
the social care sector is in crisis due to chronic underfunding
and the repeated deferral of hard decisions. Fundamentally as a
society, we are sending the message that we do not truly value
caring and caregivers.
The care that people, both older people and those of working age,
need to have a good quality of life is often either unaffordable
or unavailable. People who could be supported to stay in their
own homes are being moved into residential care and people who
are medically ready to leave hospital are unable to, because the
care they need in the community is just not there. This has
knock-on effects throughout the NHS. We know from the CQC’s
latest State of Care report that the health and care system is
gridlocked and is unable to operate effectively or, in some
cases, at all—as we heard so poignantly from the noble Lord,
.
As we have also heard, demand for care is rising as people live
longer and often with more complex needs. As my noble friend Lady
Barker explained, we now have a growing number of people without
children of their own. Recent analysis from the King’s Fund
showed that overall requests for social care have hit an all-time
high.
At the same time, as we have heard, the workforce is in near
meltdown. I want to explain why I use that term. We know that
there are severe staff shortages and problems both in retention
and in recruitment, which mean that current needs are not being
met. Without major change, things are going to get worse as
demand grows. As we have heard, according to the King’s Fund, the
current social care staff vacancy rate is the highest since
records began: 165,000 unfilled posts is a huge number.
Looking ahead, Care England estimates that the number of adult
social care jobs will need to increase by 27%, to around 2.3
million, by 2035. In reality, we are looking at the prospect of
further workforce reductions over the next 10 years as the
current care workforce, more than a quarter of whom are over 55,
retire and are not replaced. Poor pay and conditions are key
drivers affecting recruitment. One in three care workers is paid
the minimum wage, or less as their travelling time between
clients typically goes unremunerated. At the same time, other
sectors are offering far higher rates for, frankly, less
demanding work.
It is a scandal that the social care workforce is among the
lowest paid in our economy and zero-hours contracts are
prevalent. The Health Foundation has found that staff experience
much higher levels of poverty and deprivation than other UK
workers and health workers. For many in the sector, career
progression is simply non-existent. Given all this, it is not a
surprise that the workforce is in near meltdown.
The impact of these workforce shortages on both patients and the
wider NHS is devastating. First, increasing numbers of people,
especially the elderly, have unmet care needs. Due to a shortage
of care workers, 170,000 hours a week of home care could not be
delivered during the first three months of 2022. That is seven
times more than spring 2021.
Secondly, there is a backlog in initial assessments and long
waiting times for many people to have their needs assessed.
Shockingly, people are dying while waiting for care. Age UK found
that some 37,000 people died in 2020-21 without receiving the
care that they were waiting for. According to the CQC’s recent
State of Care report, only two in five patients are able to leave
hospital without delay when ready for discharge.
Many of these problems, which so many noble Lords have talked
about, are rooted in funding, which has been inadequate for many
years. According to the Health Foundation,
“When the pandemic hit … government spending per person on social
care was lower in real terms than in 2009/10”.
This is compounded by how social care funding is often piecemeal,
with crisis cash in winter making planning harder. This is
exacerbated by the fact that the actual costs of providing care,
either in the home or in running a care home—wages, Covid
expenses and the increased costs of food and heating—are rising,
but many local authorities are rationing social care to those in
greatest need due to inadequate funding from government. This
point was underlined last year by the Local Government and Social
Care Ombudsman. At an individual level, a failure to introduce a
cap on lifetime care costs means that one in seven people over 65
faces catastrophic costs of more than £100,000.
Like other noble Lords, I was particularly alarmed to read recent
press reports suggesting that the Government are poised to cut
£250 million from investment in the social care workforce in
England. I join the noble Baronesses, Lady Andrews and Lady
Donaghy, in asking the Minister, when responding, categorially to
either confirm or deny that this is the plan.
Of course, all of this results in an overreliance on informal
unpaid carers, as demonstrated vividly in the recent report of
the Select Committee chaired by the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews.
According to Carers UK, in England the number of unpaid carers
outnumbered the paid health and care workforce by at least two to
one. Many other speakers have pointed this out passionately in
our debate today. Millions of unpaid carers are having to bear
the negative effects of social care workforce shortages and a
lack of funding for social care. This leaves far too many of them
with very little support, often feeling isolated and undervalued
in the face of the relentless demands of caregiving.
Too many unpaid caregivers face financial hardships themselves,
as they receive little financial support. Many find it hard to
juggle staying in paid employment with caring. That is why I was
so pleased to support the Private Member’s Bill put through the
Commons by my honourable friend ; it had its Second
Reading here recently. It creates a new entitlement for employees
to take up to a week of unpaid leave a year in order to provide
or arrange for care. Yes, it is a very small step forward in
improving employment rights for unpaid carers, but it is
important none the less.
The most depressing thing in today’s debate has been the litany
of broken promises of reform over the past decade. We had Dilnot,
endlessly postponed; and White and Green Papers that never
materialised. As my noble friend Lady Jolly reminded us, the Care
Act 2014 was a seminal piece of legislation, but key provisions
in it have been indefinitely postponed. The Government’s “Build
Back Better” plan for health and social care, published in 2021,
led to the passing of a law to collect a health and social care
levy, but this was then reversed and the charging reforms
outlined were subsequently delayed—again.
Despite all this doom and gloom, I want to end with some
solutions to add to the others that have been put forward. There
are five things on my immediate wish list which I am very much
hoping to see in the long-awaited government social care
implementation plan.
First, we need to invest in the workforce, pay wages people can
live on and offer career progression by professionalising the
care sector. That is why I am so pleased that Liberal Democrats
are calling for a legal obligation to provide a carer’s minimum
wage, to be set at a rate of £2 an hour above the national
minimum wage. This much-needed boost is long overdue, and I know
others have referred to it.
Secondly, the Government need properly to fund local authorities
so they can continue to provide the social care services they are
legally required to, and ensure that care homes are paid a
realistic rate rather than relying on excessive
cross-subsidisation by self-funders.
Thirdly, we desperately need to integrate services, so that there
is a joined-up preventive approach which reduces the risk of
reaching crisis point and needing care home placement or hospital
admission. I hope the development of 42 integrated care systems
can help bring this about, but concerns remain that social care
sector providers struggle to get their voices heard within these
systems.
Fourthly, we must provide more support for informal carers and
introduce a statutory guarantee of regular respite breaks for
unpaid carers.
Finally, as others have said—including, very powerfully, the
noble Lord, Lord Bradley—the carer’s allowance must be reformed
so that it no longer discourages carers from remaining in paid
work. The carer’s allowance is the lowest benefit of its kind and
does not reflect the contribution of unpaid carers; it must be
increased.
I therefore ask the Minister: what assurance can he give me that
the vital issues that I and others have underlined will indeed be
addressed in the Government’s plan?
1.43pm
(Lab)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for securing this important
debate and for her excellent introduction, and I sincerely
endorse noble Lords’ praise for her expert chairing of the Select
Committee. She was just the right person to lead this
authoritative cross-party group, whose spotlight on adult social
care could not be timelier as we are now in sight—we hope—of the
Government’s long-promised follow-up White Paper. It is a moment
that many of us cannot quite believe in, having waited so long
for something to come out of the oven-ready, back-pocket social
care plan promises made since this Government took office. We
have had a decade of social care reform failure and have become
used to hearing that world-leading proposals are on the way, only
for them to be delayed, substantially changed and delayed
again.
We were led to believe that the White Paper would be the national
plan we have been promised, and that we would have it as the
backdrop for today. Now we understand it will be published in the
recess, that it is a two-year update rather than a plan, and that
next week we may have the promised workforce plan—or a bit of
it—and a key policy document on primary care. Like other noble
Lords, I hope the Minister will be able to enlighten us on what
is happening. Can he explain why all this has to be in recess,
rather than when Parliament is sitting? We are still awaiting the
Government’s response to the Select Committee report. Can he say
when that will be published, so that, post-recess, we can have an
urgent and full debate on the report as well as the White
Paper?
When we get the White Paper and any workforce proposals, we will
examine them in detail to judge whether they are anywhere near
being the comprehensive national plan for social care we have
been led to expect, with the milestones for reform the Minister
has promised, including on workforce, data and technology. The
first White Paper was strong on vision—on what social care could
look like—but only partial in terms of the issues it addressed
and the mostly short-term sticking plaster funding it came up
with. It was also decidedly lacking on how today’s and tomorrow’s
demands for social care could be met, addressed and funded, or
how it fitted in with the then proposed cap on care costs, or the
fair costs of care proposals.
The urgent need for a comprehensive national plan is where the
Lords Select Committee report comes in. It is a giant piece of
work that leads the way on reform, with clear stepping stones. I
congratulate the whole committee on its depth of analysis and its
understanding of the extent and reach of social care, impacting
10 million of us at any one time. The report focuses on giving
disabled people drawing on care and support the same choice and
control over their lives as other people, on fair pay and
recognition for care workers, and on support for unpaid carers.
These are the key fundamentals of social care reform which we
fully support.
I welcome today’s contributions by so many noble Lords, including
eight other Select Committee members, and in particular the
contribution from my noble friend , who spoke from these Benches
with his usual wisdom and expertise. Contributions have ranged
across key social care issues; we could not have had a more
comprehensive debate. I hope the Minister will make sure that he
promises to follow up with a written response on any issues he
does not have time to address, and will forgive me because I have
so much to say and do not have the time to say it.
I want to underline five key issues. First, the Lords committee’s
report underlines the imperative for a fundamental rethink and a
change in society’s perceptions of and attitudes to social care.
It builds on the current legislative framework for care
eligibility and entitlement achieved through cross-party support
for the Care Act 2014 and promotes social care’s positive
benefits as an essential service which benefits individuals,
society and the economy, not just as an ancillary to the NHS, as
my noble friend Lady Andrews has so ably stressed.
In this context, I welcome the Reimagining Care Commission
reflections of the most reverend Primate the and the right
reverend Prelate the , which strongly
reinforce the Lords committee’s ambition of making social care
the national imperative it needs to be. In particular, the
commission demonstrates the breadth and reach of social care
across communities, and I applaud the vital work that faith
communities do which helps to plug the enormous gaps locally in
social care provision. In the words of Labour’s shadow Minister
for care, , the report is “refreshingly bold”, which is exactly
what is needed. I also commend the commission’s work on the
national care covenant, and look forward to continuing dialogue
on this.
Secondly, I emphasise the importance of choice and control by
disabled adults over their care and support, which was strongly
supported by speakers from across the House, in particular in the
forceful contribution by the noble Baroness, Lady Campbell,
underlining what she has been saying for years, and especially
the importance of coproduction. Of course the care of older
people is vital, but working-age adults with disabilities make up
one-third of social care users and half the budget for social
care.
The committee’s spotlight on the more than 1 million people
living on their own, without families or children, is also
welcome. The noble Baroness, Lady Barker, spoke strongly on this,
as did a number of other noble Lords. As a carer, I know how
thoroughly the current system relies on advocacy, usually by
relatives who are unpaid carers navigating their way for their
loved one’s entitlement to care services, which so often fail to
speak to each other. I always fear for people living on their own
who are receiving domiciliary social care; they are often without
other visitors or friends and are utterly dependent on the system
working well and seeing to their needs. Their well-being has to
be a key part of what a good service looks like.
Thirdly, it is important to value care workers with proper career
progression and the pay, training, and terms and conditions that
they deserve. Every speaker has made a strong case for this and
for the comprehensive workforce plan that is urgently needed. We
have today had added expertise and weight from the former general
secretary of the TUC, my noble friend Lady O’Grady, and the
former general secretary of UNISON, my noble friend Lord Prentis.
Record levels of staff vacancies, with the highest rates in
domiciliary care, for registered managers and for nurses, need an
urgent and long-term solution, not just short-term funding or
reliance on local councils to raise funding to meet costs, with
all the difficulties and inequities that brings.
Fourthly, I strongly echo the deep concerns of all noble Lords,
especially my noble friend Lady Pitkeathley, that unpaid carers
are at breaking point. In reality, they have received very little
concrete support to date, apart from government backing for the
Private Member’s Bill giving them one week’s unpaid leave from
work. How are the Government going to address unpaid carers’ huge
daily problems of poverty and exhaustion, and the lack of
available and affordable respite care?
Fifthly, the key message from today has to be that reform and
change for social care must be whole-system wide: a long-term,
joined-up comprehensive plan. On residential care, for example,
which a number of noble Lords mentioned, every day it becomes
glaringly obvious that urgent reform and fundamental changes are
needed to the current business model, and this must be an
essential part of any comprehensive national plan. Only last week
we saw reports of councils spending half a billion pounds over
the past four years, buying up beds in care homes rated as
inadequate or as requiring improvement by the Care Quality
Commission, driving up profits and dividends for private
investors at the same time as residents suffer unsafe treatment,
mostly because the homes cannot fill their chronic staff
shortages in many areas. Poor-quality providers which put private
profits before care should not be tolerated. Does the Minister
consider that the current business model for residential care is
fit for purpose? What are the Government’s plans to ensure that
public money is spent caring for residents?
This situation starkly underlines the precarious position local
authorities continue to find themselves in as providers of care,
care homes and domiciliary care. As noble Lords have said, this
is all in the context of a 29% overall reduction in funding since
2010—one-third of the funding has been lost.
The Government have had 13 years to deliver on providing a
concrete future for social care, but their measures have, for the
most part, been disjointed, stop-start, short-term crisis
reactions. They have failed to identify and deliver on the root
causes of the issues facing older and disabled people. Demand for
social care is now hitting a record high, and the current picture
was graphically painted by noble Lords today. The King’s Fund’s
excellent briefing sums it up by stressing that key trends in
social care are all going in the wrong direction: demand up,
access down, financial eligibility tighter and charging reform
put back, the costs of delivering care rising with local
authorities paying more for care home places and home care
support, the workforce in crisis, unpaid carers receiving less
support, and public satisfaction with social care lower than
ever.
A national plan for social care has to be just that: national. It
must be comprehensive, long-term and cross-system to provide
joined-up integrated care in the home and community, tackle
fundamental inequalities in the current system, and deliver a new
deal for care workers and support, care and respite for unpaid
carers. Step-by-step investment and reform is the only away to
provide the stability, certainty and long-term planning to
achieve the fundamental shift towards early intervention,
prevention and rehabilitation that is so desperately needed.
1.53pm
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of Health
and Social Care () (Con)
My Lords, it is my pleasure to respond to the excellent debate
today, to follow so many distinguished speakers and, probably
most of all, to hear, in my noble friend Lord Polak’s words, the
politics being taken out of care. Today has been an excellent
example of that, and I hope I can follow in that vein.
I regret that our social care report has not been published
today. As noble Lords will be aware, we were hoping it would be
published yesterday, and we were going to offer an embargoed copy
of the report so that everyone could contribute. That is the
reason for the delay in responding to both committee reports. I
undertake that we will respond to both reports after we publish
our social care report, and I personally offer a round table to
everyone who is interested, where I will seek to bring the
relevant officials along as well. I hope we can have a productive
conversation in a similar vein to this one, where we all get
around the table as people who care about this issue and, as
mentioned, take the politics out of care.
I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews, for securing today’s
debate, all noble Lords across the Chamber for their thoughtful
and considered contributions, and all those who have sat on the
committees that have been mentioned. I feel that they have really
added impetus to this whole debate. I hope the report that we
offer will answer many of these points, build on the progress
made so far in this space and bring a vision into reality.
Before I go into detail and respond to the reports, starting with
the Lords Select Committee report, I would like to say how
fitting the words “gloriously ordinary life” are. I was struck by
the whole sense that, if I caught the phrase right, we can live
in a place we call home, with the people we love and the things
we care about. That is something that we can all agree with and
commit to as our North Star and vision for what we hope to
do.
Not only is it vital that we allow people to live in the way that
they want but it is a vital part of our health service, as
mentioned by my noble friend Lady Shephard and the noble Lord,
, who had many brave words to
say today. We all know it is vital to unblock the system. Some
13% of our beds are blocked at the moment, to answer my noble
friend Lady Shephard’s point. As the noble Lord, , said, it is often as
difficult to get out of hospital as it is to get into it. We have
put in funding to help with this issue: £700 million of funding
this year alone to help with discharge and £1.6 billion over the
next two years. This whole debate shows that it is vital not just
to the well-being of our people that we have a good system of
social care but to our health service in improving the whole flow
of the system.
On that, I reassure noble Lords that the Government recognise the
importance of responding to the Lords Select Committee report. As
mentioned, we will release a response shortly after the social
care report is published—I hope, as I say, next week. I assure
the committee that the Government agree with the vision in the
report. We particularly welcome the committee’s view that social
care does not have the voice and the visibility that it deserves.
That often means that people are not supported to meet their
ambitions. By rethinking attitudes to care and support, we can
ensure that people access the care and support that meet their
needs.
Equally, I thank the most reverend Primate the , the right
reverend Prelate the and the Commission on
Reimagining Care for its recent report, Care and Support
Reimagined: a National Care Covenant for England. I was struck by
the words, “care based on faith and values”, where we recognise
that we all have a mutual responsibility in delivering that. That
struck a chord with me, along with the idea of the need to
develop a national care covenant, where we all look to do our
part in delivering the system. I look forward to developing those
thoughts more at the round table.
It is important that we recognise the important contribution that
communities and faith organisations make to adult social care. We
echo the commission’s vision for care and support that is
inclusive, universal and fair, and recognises our mutual
responsibilities as citizens. The Government are keen to work
collaboratively to make change a reality, and, having spoken to
Minister , I know how much she enjoyed
the meeting she had with the commission and how keen she is to
drive forward the report.
I turn to the Government’s vision for adult social care. Again, I
apologise; I feel that my hands are slightly tied behind my back,
having to make this speech prior to the publication of our
report. As we all know, back in December 2021 the Government
published People at the Heart of Care. This set out a 10-year
vision that put people at the centre of social care to make sure
that everyone who draws on care and support feels empowered to
have the choice, control and support they need to live
independent and fulfilling lives. This is a vision that aims to
make social care fair, accessible and of high quality, and to
lead to better outcomes for people who draw on, work in and
provide care and support. This Government remain committed to
that vision.
I am pleased to report that the Government’s upcoming plan will
outline how we will make progress towards this vision. It will
also provide the clarity asked for by this House on key policy
areas, including outlining how we plan to allocate the funding
set aside for reform. Ahead of that publication, I would like to
share some of the progress that the Government have made so
far.
I start with the workforce, the importance of which the noble
Lords, and Lord Prentis, and the noble
Baronesses, Lady O’Grady and Lady Tyler, to name just a few,
focused on. This was a point reiterated by our Prime Minister the
other day. We all know that the social care workforce is one of
our biggest assets, but we recognise the challenge we have right
now to recruit a workforce of the right size, with the right
skills, that feels appropriately motivated and rewarded. The
Government have taken action to boost workforce capacity with
recruitment opportunities both at home and abroad, with over
55,000 visas granted for care workers and senior care workers
last year. This is complemented by our national recruitment
campaign, Made with Care.
To respond to the points made by the noble Lord, , and the noble Baroness, Lady
Wheeler, our upcoming plan for adult social care will include
proposals for a new adult social care workforce pathway, building
on our commitments in the People at the Heart of Care White Paper
to give a career structure for people in this vital sector. Our
chief nurse champions and raises the profile and visibility of
nursing in social care, working alongside the Chief Social Worker
for Adults to increase the recognition and appreciation of all
our care workers.
On funding in this space—this is a point noble Lords have heard
me make many times before but it is worth reflecting on—the £7.5
billion increase over the next two years will flow through to
workers. The vital point is that it will largely flow through
into the workforce.
Many noble Lords talked about technology. We all know that to
increase workforce capacity we have to significantly increase the
use of digital tools. Last year, we made £35 million available to
the integrated care systems to support sector digitisation,
including the adoption of digital social care records. As a
result, approximately 52% of providers now have a digital social
care record, up from 40% in December 2021, and we have plans to
extend this much further. These records can provide up to 20
minutes per care worker per shift, and allow more time to provide
care and support. Good data is fundamental to the delivery of
high-quality care and, as the noble Baroness, Lady Barker,
mentioned, sharing that data is vital as well. Our use and
understanding of adult social care data is better than it has
ever been, but we know there is a lot more to do.
From next month, our flagship client-level data project will
become mandatory for local authorities in England. This will
transform our understanding of people’s experiences and outcomes.
For the first time, we will be able to track an individual’s
journey through the health and care system to aid with navigating
its difficulties—again, as mentioned by the most reverend Primate
the and my noble
friend . Also as of Monday, the Care
Quality Commission will begin to assess local authorities’
delivery of their Care Act duties, including those for unpaid
carers. This will make good practice, positive outcomes and
outstanding quality easier to spot locally and share nationally,
while identifying where improvement and additional support is
needed. But as much as data and technology could help, I totally
agree with the point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Bennett:
there is no substitution for the loving care of a human.
To ensure that care and support is personalised to people’s
needs, our White Paper rightly sets out our ambition to support
high-quality, safe and suitable homes, recognising that they can
help people of all ages stay independent and healthy for longer.
That is why, alongside the Department for Levelling Up, Housing
and Communities, we will shortly launch the older peoples’
housing taskforce. It will bring together experts from across the
sector to make recommendations on how people can access the
housing they need.
I turn to the area of unpaid carers, which we all agree is the
backbone. As noble Lords are aware, it is something that I have
personal experience of. The point was brought out very well by my
noble friend Lady Fraser, among others, because it is important
that we recognise the vital role that unpaid carers play in our
communities. We all owe them a debt of gratitude. Under the Care
Act 2014, local authorities are required to undertake a carer’s
assessment for any unpaid carer who appears to have a need for
support, and to meet their eligible needs on request from that
carer. This year, we have earmarked over £290 million for unpaid
carers through the better care fund, including to provide short
breaks and respite services. It is a step in the right direction;
I use those words advisedly because carers are a vital area, as
many noble Lords, particularly the noble Baroness, Lady
Pitkeathley, have recognised, and there is a lot more that we
need to do.
I hope that I have addressed many of the questions as I have gone
through. I will try to pick up a few others and, as ever, follow
up in writing in detail. It will be after the reports are
published next week—and, to answer the noble Baroness, Lady
Andrews, yes, we are planning to publish more on people at the
heart of social care next week.
In answer to the noble Lord, , yes, the ICBs will be at the
forefront of this system for the planning and provision of social
care. However, I will need to come back in writing on his
question around the role of the DWP in analysing and reporting in
this space.
In answer to the noble Baroness, Lady Campbell, we definitely
embrace the principles of co-production. I hope that will come
out in the report itself, as we work with 200 stakeholders in the
provision of it all. We really hope to see the ICBs at the
forefront of this and the better care fund being a key part of
co-production.
I was struck by the point made by the noble Baroness, Lady Jolly,
about 90 year-olds caring for 70 year-olds. I await my next Oral
Question after the Recess.
The noble Baroness, Lady Donaghy, asked about help for providers
on energy funding. Again, I hope noble Lords would agree that we
have provided significant help. I am glad to see that, the last
time I looked, gas prices were lower than last summer, when the
action was prompted. They are moving in the right direction, but
it is probably an example of needing to watch this space, while
being mindful of the issue at stake there.
I hope that I have answered many of the questions raised. In
conclusion, over the past year, the Government have invested
significantly and have secured another £7.5 billion of funding
for over the next two years—but this is only the start of the
journey.
Baroness O'Grady of Upper Holloway (Lab)
Before the Minister sits down, can he provide an answer to the
question about the media reports on cuts to the £500 million
workforce budget?
(Con)
This is one of the areas covered in the report that will be
published next week. At this stage, I can say only that the need
for the training and development of our social care staff is
understood and recognised in that report. I hope that it will
give a response to the noble Baroness’s question, and that she
understands why I cannot say more at this point.
Taking the words of the Select Committee’s report, I hope that
these actions show that we are moving in the right direction
“to live in the place we call home, with the people … we
love”,
based on faith, value and our own mutual responsibility in
delivering that aim. Once again, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady
Andrews, for securing the debate and this valuable opportunity to
discuss the future of adult social care. I reiterate the hope
that we can all gather at a round table to discuss this once the
report has been announced and we have responded to the various
other reports. Finally, I extend my thanks to everyone who works
in the social care sector and to the unpaid carers for everything
they do to support others.
2.12pm
(Lab)
My Lords, I am very grateful to the Minister for his response,
for the compassion he shows and for the shared values we clearly
hold across the Chamber. He had a difficult job trying to sum up
and satisfy the consensus of opinion and expertise across the
House while not being able to tell us what the national plan will
contain. We regret that it will be published in the Recess. We
would like an immediate opportunity to debate it. I hope that
business managers will give us that opportunity as soon as
possible when we come back, and that we can have a substantial
debate on it, as well as on the Select Committee’s report. In the
meantime, I think that everyone would be very grateful to join
him and officials around a table, not least because it signals
the inclusivity which marks the debate and marks what my noble
friend called the “noise” that has
been associated with the debate for so long. We want to take up
that offer.
I thank the noble Lord, , for identifying the need to
take politics out of social care, because that is only too
evidently what needs to happen. We must be as committed to
finding the investment, particularly in the workforce, as we are
to making sure that we understand the values we share.
I thank everyone who has taken part; it has been an exceptional
debate. I thank noble Lords for their generous response to both
reports. It was very good that we had the opportunity to listen
to the most reverend Primate and the right reverend Prelate on
the notion of a covenant and the very specific overlap in the
consensus about what needs to be done—it has been an incredibly
valuable opportunity because of that.
There have been very valuable speeches from across the Chamber,
including from my noble friend on the Front Bench. It has been a
comprehensive debate, but it has been as broad and rich as it has
been deep because of the personal experience that it has called
up, as well as the range of professional experience and the types
of caring that people know about—learning disabilities, elderly
care, disabled people. We heard from the trade union perspective
the challenge of reconstructing a workforce that is modern and
fit for the future. We heard from the unpaid carers’
perspective.
It has been an extraordinarily important debate for the Minister,
because the challenges that have been articulated and the detail
have been rooted in real experience over many years across this
House. This House has a very long memory, having been here
before, time and again. This is the time for change. Whatever is
in that national care plan will be tested to destruction against
our experience of 20 to 30 years of waiting and hoping for
something better and bringing it to the boil in different ways.
Nothing about this is easy and nothing will be particularly
quick, but let us have some clarity, total transparency and
reality, but let us also have that vision. The most reverend
Primate started by asking who is responsible. That is such a
fundamental question, and the answer is that we all are. That is
something that has come out in the inclusive nature of this
debate as well. With that, I beg to move.
Motion agreed.
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