Committee calls for evidence on the UK-EU relationship
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The House of Lords European Affairs Committee launches a
wide-ranging inquiry into the UK-EU relationship and is interested
in receiving written submissions by 28 October 2022. Call for
written evidence Send a written submission Inquiry: The UK-EU
relationship European Affairs Committee Background The UK left the
EU on 31 January 2020, and the transition period ended on 31
December 2020. The UK-EU relationship is...Request free trial
The House of Lords European Affairs Committee launches a wide-ranging inquiry into the UK-EU relationship and is interested in receiving written submissions by 28 October 2022.
Background The UK left the EU on 31 January 2020, and the transition period ended on 31 December 2020. The UK-EU relationship is currently governed by the Withdrawal Agreement (agreed on 17 October 2019) and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement (agreed on 24 December 2020). The European Affairs Committee, established in April 2021, has so far conducted discrete inquiries into specific policy areas relevant to the UK-EU relationship, including the rights of UK and EU citizens, trade in goods between Great Britain and the EU, and the UK-EU relationship in financial services – all of which have culminated in the publication of substantial reports. In this inquiry, the Committeae will seek to take a step back and examine the overarching state of UK-EU relations, particularly in the context of ongoing geopolitical developments in Europe and explore how the relationship might be developed or improved. The Committee’s inquiry will also seek to shed light on the UK-EU relationship by examining several specific areas that it has identified either as ongoing issues of concern or as opportunities for future cooperation. The inquiry will encompass the following four topics:
Taken together, the Committee anticipates that these topics will form the building blocks of a wide-ranging report that will take stock of the current state of UK-EU relations, and the options that the Government might pursue for developing and improving the relationship in the future. The Committee invites interested individuals and organisations to submit written evidence to this inquiry by 28 October 2022. Public evidence sessions are expected to take place between September and December, and the Committee aims to report to the House by Spring 2023. Questions The Committee’s call for evidence asks the following questions: The overall political, diplomatic and institutional relationship 1. How would you describe the current state of UK-EU relations? Has this changed since the end of the transition period and, if so, how and why? a. How would you characterise the current levels of trust between the UK and the EU? b. To what extent is the state of the overall political relationship affecting UK-EU cooperation in specific policy areas? If so, how and why?
a. What, if any, is the likely impact on the UK of any future enlargement of the EU, particularly into Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans? b. French President Emmanuel Macron has recently advocated the creation of a new European Political Community, which could encompass non-EU states such as the UK. Do you think this is likely to come to fruition? If it did, what are the implications for the UK and its relationship with the EU?
a. Is the UK-EU institutional framework fit for purpose? If not, what changes could or should be made? b. Would UK/EU relations benefit from regular summit-level meetings? If so, what form and how frequent should these be? 4. What role should the UK play in the Council of Europe now that it has left the EU? The foreign policy and security relationship 5. How would you assess the current state of UK-EU cooperation on foreign policy, security and defence? 6. Has the absence of an institutional framework for structured UK-EU cooperation on foreign policy, security and defence made it more difficult for the UK and the EU to work together in this area? a. Previously, the Government has argued that an institutionalised framework is not necessary for the purposes of UK-EU foreign policy, security and defence cooperation. Do you agree with this position? b. Would an institutionalised framework for UK-EU foreign policy and security cooperation add value? What form might such a framework take if it is to be successful?b. Should the UK Government seek to deepen cooperation with the EU on foreign policy, security and defence and, if so, how? c. In your assessment, would the EU be amenable to deepening cooperation with the UK in this area? If so, on what terms?
a. Should Russia’s invasion of Ukraine trigger a wider rethink of UK-EU foreign policy, security and defence cooperation?
a. The implications for the UK of the EU’s approach to ‘strategic autonomy’ in foreign policy; b. The implications for the UK of a possible move towards Qualified Majority Voting in EU foreign and security policy; c. The implications for UK defence procurement of the launch of the European Defence Fund.
a. The 2022 NATO Strategic Concept states that “For the development of the strategic partnership between NATO and the EU, non-EU Allies’ fullest involvement in EU defence efforts is essential.” As a non-EU Member of NATO, how should the UK approach the relationship between NATO and the EU? b. In its most recent Annual Work Programme the European Commission proposed a new EU/NATO Joint Declaration. What might the implications of this be for UK-EU relations? Environment and climate change 10. How would you assess the current state of UK-EU cooperation on environment and climate change matters? a. To what extent are the UK and the EU aligned in their overall aims in this area? 11. Should the UK seek to link its Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) with that of the EU? 12. A proposed EU Regulation on a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) potentially applies to Northern Ireland under the terms of the Protocol. Focusing on its wider policy implications, what impact would the EU CBAM have on policy in Great Britain? a. The UK Government is currently consulting on introducing its own CBAM. If it did so, what would be the implications of this for the relationship with the EU? 13. Are there any changes you would like to see the Government pursue as far as the UK-EU relationship on environment and climate change is concerned? a. To what extent would these require negotiation with the EU? Culture, education and mobility 14. How important are cultural and educational links to the overall UK-EU relationship and the UK’s soft power? a. The UK Government opted not to participate in the EU’s Erasmus+ programme for student exchanges. What has been the impact of this decision on universities and students? b. The Government has launched a domestic alternative to the Erasmus+ programme - the Turing scheme. To what extent has this been an adequate replacement for the Erasmus+ programme? c. How has Brexit impacted school visits between the UK and the EU?
a. To what extent would these require negotiation with the EU? 16. What has been the impact of the TCA’s mobility provisions on UK businesses and individuals, and particularly on young people?
a. Is the cultural sector well served by the current
arrangements? 17. Are there any changes you would like to see the Government pursue as far as UK-EU mobility is concerned? a. To what extent would these changes require negotiation, either with the EU or bilaterally with Member States? |