Layla Moran (Oxford West and Abingdon) (LD) I beg to move, That
this House has considered non-disclosure agreements and alleged
cases of sexual violence, bullying and harassment in universities.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Efford. At
the outset of this debate I want to commend the brave young women
who have spoken out about their experiences of sexual assault and
harassment. This campaign started with survivors and it is a
testament to...Request free trial
(Oxford West and Abingdon)
(LD)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered non-disclosure agreements and
alleged cases of sexual violence, bullying and harassment in
universities.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Efford. At
the outset of this debate I want to commend the brave young women
who have spoken out about their experiences of sexual assault and
harassment. This campaign started with survivors and it is a
testament to their courage that it has reached this place today.
I start this debate by sharing their words. First is Naomi’s
story. She said:
“I and several of my friends were involved in a case with a
serial offender in my college. He behaved generally creepily
towards me, and on one occasion came into a room I was sleeping
in. He also assaulted multiple people in College. They confided
in me and we decided to report him to our College. We decided to
do this rather than going to the police, because we believed
College would provide a safe space for us. My friends just wanted
to be able to breathe when walking around College, and weren't
concerned about getting the guy locked up.
College ran a disciplinary case during which we were all brutally
questioned on the truthfulness of our stories. Around three weeks
after the hearing, we were informed by email that the panel had
found insufficient evidence and wouldn’t be doing anything. They
did not tell us what would amount to sufficient evidence. The
whole process felt deliberately untransparent.
We all signed no-contact agreements, which contained really
important safety measures that we wanted in place, but also…a
gagging clause. For me, it…felt like the icing on the cake of a
ridiculous system that had let us down. The disciplinary process
had failed to sanction a rapist, but was threatening us with
sanctions if we talked about it. I can see how for other people
it could be very damaging.”
The sad thing is that Naomi’s story is not unique. Another
survivor—I will call her Lucy—had a similar experience, but at a
different college. After being assaulted by her then partner in
her dorm room, she was given a no-contact agreement that included
a clause that forbade her from making any information about the
assault or the subsequent investigation publicly available.
Speaking about the clause, she said:
“I signed it, feeling terrified that if I didn’t agree to it he
would be able to enter my accommodation without any consequence.
But I was incredibly upset about the effective gag clause. I was
terrified of telling absolutely anyone anything, because what if
college interpreted that as ‘publicly available’? I felt I
couldn’t talk to anyone, my friends or my mental health support
or my GP, because of it and felt very alone.”
That is not just one story in one college that happened a long
time ago, and not just one incident of bad management by a rogue
member of staff. That is recent and these stories are rife. From
speaking to the student group, It Happens Here, which supports
survivors of sexual assault at the University of Oxford, I know
that there are survivors in colleges across universities who have
all too similar stories.
(Strangford) (DUP)
I thank the hon. Lady for securing this debate on something that
is often discussed and seen in the papers. It is something that,
unfortunately, happens in universities right across this great
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Does she
agree that universities have been aware of the problem and the
potential for mischief with non-disclosure agreements for some
time now, and yet the necessary safeguarding has not been put in
place? Now is the time for the Minister to take the steps that
universities have thus far refused to put in place to protect
staff and students alike.
I could not agree more. There are now movements in place—I will
come to those in a moment—but they are far too slow, and by the
time that they come into force all the young women who are
affected have moved on.
Gagging clauses have significant emotional and psychological
effects on the survivor. Young women who have just suffered a
traumatic ordeal are then presented with what looks like a
sophisticated legal contract, written by their superiors who
control the fate of their degrees. The fact that these contracts
are not legally enforceable does not really matter. How on earth
can a vulnerable university student know that? I am not sure I
would either.
The imbalance of power between the institution and the victim is
huge. We must understand that this issue is not with the
no-contact agreements themselves. They actually contain important
safety and security measures that survivors stressed they wanted
in place. Those measures are what makes it all the more
challenging to object to the gagging clause. As Lucy said,
survivors feel they have no choice but to sign in order to
protect themselves.
The perception of a lack of choice and the coercion to sign
against their instincts and wishes is the issue I hope to address
today. Expecting a young person who is in extreme psychological
distress to challenge staff at their university and then seek to
renegotiate a contract that contains important safety measures is
absurd. We would not expect it of ourselves, and we certainly
should not expect it of them.
That is why I have written to all 39 Oxford colleges, asking them
to sign this pledge against the use of non-disclosure agreements
in the cases of sexual harassment, abuse or misconduct. I am
pleased to report that three colleges—Lady Margaret Hall, Keble
and Linacre—have now done so. I express cautious optimism that a
number of colleges have made their own statements, albeit not
signed the pledge. I urge colleges that are reluctant to sign the
pledge or have concerns about it to meet me to discuss it.
University is a stepping stone between childhood and adulthood.
It is supposed to be a place of safety and security—a home away
from home. It is where young people learn how to behave as an
adult and how they can expect to be treated. My fear is that
these young women are being taught that their voice and their
pain is less important that the institution’s reputation.
Signing the pledge is a no-brainer, but it should be only the
beginning of the work that needs to be done to stamp out this
deeply deplorable practice. In my view, the pledge does not go
far enough. Students have expressed concerns that colleges and
universities will sign up to it and then sneak clauses into
agreements like no-contact agreements and argue that it does not
actually constitute a no-disclosure agreement. Clarification on
that point from the Minister would be really helpful.
There is also no real consequence of breaking the pledge. Can’t
Buy My Silence provides a platform to report breaches of the
pledge, with the only listed sanction being the removal of the
university’s name from the list of pledges. I have met with the
Office for Students—which comes to the point the hon. Member for
Strangford () made—to discuss its role in regulating the behaviour
of universities and investigating how the sector is to meet the
standards set.
I am pleased that the Office for Students recognises that there
is more it can do and intends to do on bad behaviour by
universities. However, I am concerned that this work is far too
slow. I ask the Minister to do whatever she can to expedite this
process and get some real regulatory bite behind that statement
of expectation. I welcome the steps taken by the Government and
the Department for Education. I am pleased that the Minister has
backed the university pledge, created by the campaign group Can’t
Buy My Silence. I welcome her response to my letter earlier this
year, especially her offer of a meeting. We are still waiting on
that meeting. I wonder if today she could reiterate that offer,
so that we might discuss in private some of the details I was
unable to give in the debate today. I am sorry to say that I
think she will be shocked by them.
Survivors need more than commitments, pledges and statements.
They need concrete action. If this is happening in Oxford
colleges, it is happening in other universities and other
institutions. The Can’t Buy My Silence campaign began with Zelda
Perkins being placed under an NDA by her then employer Harvey
Weinstein. She was paid £120,000 to keep quiet about Weinstein’s
abuse and mistreatment of her and her team.
NDAs occur in many different walks of life—in settlement
agreements of severance packages as well as in cases of
wrongdoing. Where both parties agree to sign to an NDA, we do not
take issue. It is not a problem when it is signed freely. Whether
it be a university student or an employee reporting their boss’s
bad behaviour, the practice of individuals feeling in any way
pressured or forced to sign up to these clauses needs to
stop.
If we decide to regulate the use of non-disclosure agreements, we
will not be the first. Prince Edward Island in Canada is one step
ahead, having already passed a Bill to regulate such agreements.
It is called the Non-disclosure Agreements Act, and it was passed
in May 2022. It states that
“A party responsible or person who committed or who is alleged to
have committed harassment or discrimination may only enter into a
non-disclosure agreement with a relevant person…if such an
agreement is the expressed wish and preference of the relevant
person concerned”—
the expressed wish of the survivor, the victim, the person who is
reporting. It is so simple: no one in any circumstance, in any
university or otherwise, should enter into a non-disclosure
agreement or gagging clause against their will. As such, I will
table a private Member’s Bill today to establish exactly that
principle. I hope that colleagues and Ministers who I know are on
board with the campaign will consider supporting that Bill.
Moreover, the vehicle to attach my Bill to is on the horizon. The
Ministry of Justice, in consultation with the Home Office, is
bringing forward a victims Bill that will contain measures to, in
the Ministry’s own words,
“amplify victims’ voices and make sure victims are at the heart
of the criminal justice system”.
I had a positive meeting with the Home Secretary, at which she
agreed to work with me on trying to include a ban on NDAs in that
Bill. She further agreed that no one in any setting, of any age,
should be able to silence the voice of a victim of crime. I have
urged the Government to back my Bill, and to insert the language
needed to tackle that egregious practice once and for all into
the victims Bill.
Finally, though—this is a point made by some who do not want to
sign the pledge—we have to acknowledge that tackling gagging
clauses will only scratch the surface of the problems faced by
women and girls. It is far and away the lowest-hanging fruit, but
it is important. One survivor said to me:
“If they can’t do this, then I don’t have confidence they’ll do
anything.”
Women and girls are keenly aware of the dangers that face us when
we are walking home at night, venturing into a nightclub, or
staying in our own homes. We are frequently subject to
harassment, with 71% of women of all ages in the UK having
experienced some form of sexual harassment in a public space. A
smaller number, but still substantial, are subject to sexual
offences, with the number recorded by the police reaching an
all-time high in 2021—over 170,000.
At the top of that pyramid—or the bottom—are, I am afraid, those
who have lost their lives. This weekend, I attended a vigil at my
local church in Botley. We read out the names of the 140 women
who were killed by men in 2021, of whom Sarah Everard was
probably the most famous. Local artist Alice Brookes
hand-stitched every name into a pillowcase. They were hung in a
line wrapped around the church—it was incredibly moving. While
those statistics are appalling, I do not think anyone is
surprised by them any more. The scale of the crime is enormous,
and what struck me about my conversations with survivors was that
they had no faith in even reporting to the police. Sadly, the
statistics confirm why: just 2.9% of reported sexual offences and
1.3% of recorded rapes result in a charge or summons.
While there is clearly much to do to end the epidemic of violence
against women and girls, I hope that we can at least work
together today to end the misuse of non-disclosure agreements and
gagging clauses, not just in university settings but elsewhere in
society. Young women up and down the country, not just those in
Oxford, have been silenced by a system that is supposed to
protect them, so I ask the Minister to not just encourage
colleges and universities to sign the pledge, but work with
colleagues across Government to stamp out that deeply harmful
practice in its entirety. Through the victims Bill, we have a
golden opportunity to enshrine in law the principle that no
victim’s voice should be silenced, and although sexual violence
takes so much from survivors, we can restore what should never
have been taken away in the first place: their voice, their
agency, and their power.
11.14am
The Minister for Higher and Further Education ()
I thank the hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon () for securing this vital debate
on an issue that I am personally passionate about and that is, as
she knows, very close to my heart.
Some of the issues that we deal with come down to a simple
assessment of whether something right or wrong. I have said for
some time that the use of non-disclosure agreements to silence
victims of sexual harassment, bullying and other forms of abuse
in universities is very much one of those issues—it is simply
wrong. That is why, back in January, I launched a pledge, with
the support of Can’t Buy My Silence, for universities to commit
to stopping using NDAs in this way. Sixty-seven institutions have
now signed up, protecting more than 1 million students. I do want
to correct the record: it was not the case that the Government
supported the pledge; the Government created the pledge.
I am pleased to hear that the Members present share my view that
it is simply wrong to use NDAs in this way. It is a gross and
grotesque misuse of our legal system and one that I personally
find indefensible. The only thing worse than a person
experiencing this kind of horrific abuse is their then being
forced to remain silent about it, even to friends and
family—loved ones—for life, when they are trying to deal with the
horrendous incident.
If you will permit me, Mr Efford, I want to put the voices of
real victims on the record today, because, like the hon. Member
for Oxford West and Abingdon, I feel that the weight of their
stories will convince anyone who does not perceive the issue in
the way I have outlined. One anonymous victim said:
“I was asked to sign an NDA so that I would not tell anyone my
experience of sexual harassment to protect the university…I felt
helpless, hopeless, and powerless. It was a feeling worse for me
than the year and a half of sexual harassment I endured from my
employer.”
Another victim said:
“I signed an NDA a few years ago after more than a year’s
bullying by two managers at a university…The process of
negotiating the NDA was very one sided and stressful. I was given
a short timescale to comply and told the university would not
negotiate the offer.”
That is simply not acceptable, and it is just a tiny snapshot of
the sickening result of powerful institutions using NDAs to
silence students and staff. There are many more cases below the
surface. We must empower and enable those people to speak up. As
is clear from the testimonies logged by Can’t Buy My Silence,
this is not simply one group victimising another. Those silenced
include men and women, staff and students, and people in senior
positions as well as junior positions. It is not good enough to
simply confine our concern to one of those groups; we need a
holistic and comprehensive response to the problem.
In considering some of the solutions suggested by the hon. Member
for Oxford West and Abingdon, it may be helpful to Members newer
to the campaign if I briefly recap how we got to where we are and
what prompted me to take action on behalf of the Government. Last
year, I received correspondence from the newly established
campaign group called Can’t Buy My Silence. Only a few lines into
the explanation of the campaign, my heart sank at the thought of
the victims who had been on the wrong side of an NDA in our
universities. I immediately voiced my support for the campaign
and went further than had been asked for by calling a meeting
with it to establish what I could do as the Minister.
Our discussions on the best solutions led to the conclusion that
although universities are of course autonomous institutions, they
are accountable to their students and staff. In deciding which
university to attend, students are looking for providers to show
that they will value not only their academic growth and their
professional growth, but their safety and wellbeing. The students
I meet throughout England want to learn in an environment where
they are free and comfortable to go forward and flourish and to
report incidents and get appropriate support.
Of course, the same goes for staff—the people who make our
universities such wonderful places to learn. Overwhelmingly, they
want the institutions that they work for to commit to creating a
safer and fairer working environment. Establishing that clear and
direct channel of accountability between students, staff and a
university therefore became my priority. That is why on 18
January I launched a pledge that commits universities to never
using NDAs to suppress the student voice or the staff voice in
relation to reporting incidents of sexual violence, harassment
and bullying.
I must put it on the record that it is an honour to have
supported the work of Can’t Buy My Silence, which was co-founded
by Zelda Perkins, the first woman to break an NDA against Harvey
Weinstein. I am grateful to her and all the campaigners at Can’t
Buy My Silence for both their advocacy on this issue and their
support of my pledge.
I am pleased to report that, as of 22 June, 67 institutions have
signed up to the pledge, including 63 providers in England and
three Oxford colleges. Of course, that is not far enough—we must
go further—but it does mean that more than 1 million students are
now studying at institutions covered by the pledge. That is
around half the English student population. That milestone was
reached in just a matter of months, before the issue received
wider attention in Parliament beyond my own speeches and
advocacy. I am therefore confident that, with the support of the
Members present—especially those with universities that have not
yet signed up to the pledge in their constituencies—we will be
able to ensure that every student in this country is covered by
the pledge.
I take this opportunity to once again call on Members of the
House and every university to sign the pledge. It is vital that
they put on the record publicly that stamp: that they will not
tolerate this kind of behaviour in their institution. I ask
anybody who has not already contacted their universities to do
so. I will not hesitate to publicly name and shame any provider
that has not signed up to the pledge.
However, as Members have said, we must go further. The Everyone’s
Invited campaign has highlighted that there is much more to be
done in a lot of areas to ensure that students are adequately
safeguarded at university and have the best experience while they
are there. I have made it clear that I believe that the Office
for Students, as the higher education regulator, has a key role
to play in achieving that.
In April 2021, the Office for Students published a statement of
expectations on harassment and sexual misconduct. The framework
provides a set of consistent recommendations to support higher
education providers in England to develop and implement effective
systems, policies and processes to prevent and respond to
incidents of harassment and sexual misconduct. Section 6 of the
statement makes clear the expectation that providers
“should have a fair, clear and accessible approach to taking
action in response to reports and disclosures.”
It seems to me that not using NDAs in such cases is one obvious
way that providers can meet that expectation.
I have asked the Office for Students to work on a new condition
of registration and am pleased to report to the hon. Member for
Oxford West and Abingdon that it is doing that. I have regular
conversations about the progress of the registration
condition.
The Office for Students told me about the new condition, which
will potentially be very useful. However, my heart sank when it
said that it now has to have a long process of consultation, so
it will potentially take years to come into effect. Is there
anything the Minister can do to expedite that process?
I would be shocked if the Office for Students said verbatim that
it would take years, because it certainly will not. Of course, it
is right and proper that a regulator would consult on such a
change, but it certainly will not take years. It is a priority
for me, the Secretary of State for Education and the Government
at large. The registration condition would mean that higher
education providers could be sanctioned for failing to take
seriously their duties—including on NDAs—with a fine, suspension
or even deregistration as a university. It will really have the
teeth to effect change.
Back in September 2021, I welcomed Universities UK publishing its
sexual misconduct guidance, which explicitly advises
vice-chancellors not to use NDAs in sexual harassment, abuse and
misconduct cases and highlights the fact that there is support
from the sector on this very issue. Additionally, the Government
provided £4.7 million of funding to the Office for Students for
safeguarding projects between 2017 and 2020, and providers have
been leading and sharing best practice from those projects.
I also wish to highlight the publication last July of the
Government’s strategy to tackle violence against women and girls,
in the wake of the absolutely tragic murder of Sarah Everard. The
strategy includes reviewing options to limit the use of NDAs in
cases of sexual harassment in higher education.
I should add that the ask for higher education providers to
commit to the pledge in order to spearhead a cultural shift
against the misuse of NDAs in their own universities is only a
first step towards ridding the sector of the use of NDAs in
sexual harassment cases. I reiterate that although I consider
commitment to the pledge to be important, it is of course not
good enough on its own. That is why I have continued to go
further and why I will not stop pressing this case to ensure that
more is done.
I again thank the hon. Member for Oxford West and Abingdon and
those who attended the debate. Today’s discussion shows that
there is a collective resolve, and not just here in Parliament;
many members of the university sector have spoken up against
NDAs, along with victims among students and staff. It is
absolutely clear that we must address this issue, which is why
this is the first Government to put this issue on the agenda and
to begin to tackle it.
I conclude by urging every university to sign up to the pledge.
Universities are in many ways the engines of social change, often
showing the leadership required to effect major change in our
society. I believe that if our higher education sector tackles
the issue head on, more institutions and more sectors in public
and private life will follow its example.
Question put and agreed to.
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