The House of Commons sets aside three 'estimates days'
each year on which to consider the estimates of
public spending by government departments. The topic of debate
on these days is chosen by the Liaison
Committee. Usually the subject of a recent report
by a departmental select committee is chosen, which in
turn relates to a particular estimate.
National Tutoring
Programme and Adult Education
Motion made, and Question proposed,
That, for the year ending with 31 March 2022, for expenditure by
the Department for Education: (1) the resources authorised for
current purposes be reduced by £484,799,000 as set out in HC
1152,
(2) the resources authorised for capital purposes be reduced by
£385,099,000 as so set out, and
(3) the sum authorised for issue out of the Consolidated Fund be
reduced by £29,468,000.—(.)
3.02pm
(Harlow) (Con)
I thank the Backbench Business Committee for granting this
important debate. I particularly thank the members of the
Education Committee, including the hon. Member for Liverpool,
Riverside () for co-sponsoring the debate,
and my hon. Friend the Member for Penistone and Stocksbridge
(). My hon. Friend is a
brilliant Committee member and I appreciate all the work that she
does.
To reassure the Whip on the Front Bench and, I am sure, the
Minister, I should say that I fully support the estimates today.
I will try to recommend things that I think can be improved and
to argue that, although extra money has been raised, we need to
ensure that we have value for money and that that money is spent
well. I hope that the Government see my remarks in that
spirit.
In last year’s autumn Budget, the Chancellor and the Education
Secretary set out a vision of support for schools, skills and
families. Of course, I agree with that—it is very important to
focus on those three things—but I think that social justice needs
to be added. I believe that the fundamental challenges now facing
education are recovery from the covid-19 pandemic, addressing
social injustices and early years intervention. I see that my
right hon. Friend the Member for South Northamptonshire (Dame
) is in her place; she is an
expert on this issue in Parliament and does so much to ensure
that the Government focus on early intervention.
It is also important for me, in opening this debate, to thank the
teachers and support staff in schools and colleges in my
constituency, who do so much to keep pupils learning and who have
worked incredibly hard during the pandemic. I also thank the
teachers and support staff around the country.
Clearly, the Government are making progress on skills and
standards. Literacy rates are up and 1.9 million children are now
in good or outstanding schools. The Skills and Post-16 Education
Bill and the lifetime skills guarantee, which passed through the
House of Commons only a couple of weeks ago, could be very
exciting, alongside proper money—£3 billion of extra funding.
That should be welcome; that is real money.
As the Education Secretary and Ministers know, I think that more
needs to be done to increase the amount of careers encounters
that young people have at school. The Government are suggesting
just three—so one a year in key years—but I suggest that there
should be nine encounters altogether. That would not cost the
Government any more in funding.
I have also suggested that additional funding should be made
available to support adults to obtain a level 2 qualification as
long as they can demonstrate their intention to progress to level
3, as per the lifelong learning entitlement. As I said in our
debate on amendments to the skills Bill, many adults are not yet
ready to do a level 3 apprenticeship. I want them to do so—it is
wonderful that the Government are going to offer level 3 in the
core subjects—but if they are not ready, it makes sense to give
them the opportunity to start on a level 2 apprenticeship and use
that for progression, as long as they progress to level 3 after
that. I recognise that funds are difficult and that they are not
readily available, but if we are going to bid for things in the
next spending round, that should be a significant Government
priority.
To go back to the careers encounters—what is known as the “Baker
clause”—the Secretary of State has indicated to me that the
Government want to do more on that. The Minister responsible for
skills—the Under-Secretary of State for Education, my hon. Friend
the Member for Brentwood and Ongar ()—has said the same. The Bill
is being discussed in the Lords at the moment and no doubt this
issue is being brought up by Lord Baker and many other peers. If
we are serious about transforming adult education and building an
apprenticeship and skills nation, we have to get more skills
organisations, further education colleges, university technical
schools, apprenticeships, apprentice organisations and
apprentices into schools to encourage and set out the incredible
career paths available, so that pupils know that there is an
option not just of university, but of skills and
apprenticeships.
As I said in the previous debate on this subject, when I go
around the country and meet apprentices—meeting apprentices in
all walks of life is one of the most enjoyable parts of my job—it
grieves me that eight or nine times out of 10 they tell me that
they have never been encouraged by their school to do an
apprenticeship. My first speech in the House of Commons was on
this subject in 2010, and that situation has not improved. I have
even met degree apprentices who are doing incredible,
high-quality apprenticeships—they do not have a loan and are
going to get a good job at the end of their apprenticeship—who
have offered to go back to their school to talk about their
higher-level apprenticeship, but the school has turned them down.
That has not just happened once—I have asked those degree
apprentices about that—because, with their school, the whole
culture is university, university, university when it should be
skills, skills, skills.
I urge the Minister to introduce teaching degree apprenticeships.
I do not understand why there has been resistance to them in the
Department; we have policing degree apprentices, nursing degree
apprentices and many public sector apprentices in other walks of
life. We have apprentices in every other field, from engineering
and law to plumbing and hairdressing. Why on earth cannot we have
teaching degree apprentices? There are teaching assistant
apprentices; there are also graduate teaching apprentices, but
they have to go to university first. If we are to deal with the
teacher recruitment crisis—a third of new teachers are leaving
before five years in the profession—one way to encourage teachers
and would-be teachers would be by introducing teaching degree
apprentices. I would like to know the Government’s view on that
point. I see the Minister nodding; I hope it is a sympathetic
nod.
On adult education and skills, the Government are making
significant progress, even with the things that I am calling for,
and it is important to recognise that. I am excited about some of
what is going on. The Government are talking about skills and
apprenticeships in a way that they have not talked for a long
time. Importantly, they have also reversed the spending cuts to
further education.
Harlow College is, I would argue, one of the best colleges in
England. As its Member of Parliament, I have visited it nearly
100 times since 2010; it is one of my favourite places to visit
in my constituency because I see there how important and
transformative further education is. Colleges are places of
academic, vocational and social capital and are doing many of the
things that the Government want and need in order to ensure we
address the significant skills deficits in our country. However,
if we do not get educational recovery from the covid pandemic
right, and if we do not address social injustices in education,
many of our young people will be at risk of not even reaching
that stage in their academic career or reaping the benefits on
offer.
I want to focus on the catch-up programme, for which I
campaigned. From day one, I was passionately opposed to school
closures. I have said time and again that they were a disaster
for our children. I know that schools were open for vulnerable
children and for the children of key workers, but in the first
lockdown more than 90% of vulnerable children did not go to
school. We know the damage that that has done to educational
attainment, to mental health—referrals are up 60% and eating
disorders among young girls are up 400%—and to pupils’ life
chances. Tragically, it has also meant enormous safeguarding
hazards, with children suffering domestic abuse at home and
joining county lines gangs. Closing the schools was a mistake and
we should never do it again. That is why, alongside other hon.
Members, I campaigned for the catch-up programme early on and was
very excited when it was announced. I thought it was incredibly
important.
Let us look at the figures on the negative effects of school
closures. The Education Policy Institute is to education what the
Institute for Fiscal Studies is to economics: it is an incredibly
respected organisation. Its chair told the Education
Committee:
“In our most challenging communities for the most disadvantaged
youngsters, they could be five, six, seven—in the worst-case
scenarios eight—months behind in some of their learning.”
Ofsted says that some of the hardest-hit children returning to
school after the first lockdown had even forgotten how to eat
with a knife and fork and in some instances they had lost their
progress.
Given the importance of catch-up, there are real questions about
whether the catch-up programme, particularly the national
tutoring programme, is fit for purpose. My view is that, under
Randstad, it is just not working. The Education Committee has
heard evidence from multiple sources about the problems besieging
its delivery. In January, Schools Week reported that the national
tutoring programme had reached just 15% of its overall target.
Moreover, it reported that just 52,000 starts had been made
through the tuition pillar of the NTP—just 10% of the 524,000
target.
I have met quite a few headteachers, not just in Harlow but
around the country; the Committee has done roundtables and I have
gone to schools. They have talked about the bureaucratic
nightmare that they face while trying to use the catch-up
programme and the national tutoring programme. There are also
regional disparities: the NTP is reaching 96% of schools in the
south-east, which is good news, but it is reaching only 59% in
the north-east and the north-west, so there is a north-south
divide yet again. Perhaps most alarmingly, the Department for
Education’s annual report and accounts, published in December
2021, rated as critical and as very likely the possibility that
the measures in the national tutoring programme to address lost
learning would be insufficient.
Just last week, we heard that Randstad has removed the
requirement to reach 65% of pupil premium children from the
tutoring contracts with providers. What is the point of a
targeted recovery programme if it does not reach those who are
most in need, and if its targets are removed? Was the decision
taken by Randstad or by the Department? I very much hope that the
Minister will answer that question. Surely the whole point of the
programme is that it is disadvantaged children, who learned the
least during lockdown, who need most help. Every child suffered
during the lockdown and we need catch-up programmes for all, but
we must focus on the most vulnerable children. What is the point
of that decision? I do not understand why the target of reaching
65% of pupil premium children has been removed. It is really
important that the Minister explains what is going on.
The Government must also, as a priority, address the social
injustices in our education system. The Department rightly points
to higher standards; as I have mentioned, 1.9 million children
are in good or outstanding schools, which is really good news.
Until the pandemic, standards were going up, but we must also
address social injustice in education.
Let me explain what I mean by social injustice. Just 5% of
excluded pupils pass English and maths GCSE, just 7% of care
leavers achieve a good pass in English and maths GCSE, and 18% of
young people with special educational needs get a decent maths or
English grade at the time of taking GCSEs. Attainment 8 scores
for free school meal-eligible pupils varied across ethnic groups:
for white British pupils, the average was just 31.8; for black
Caribbean pupils, it was 34.1; Gypsy/Roma pupils scored 16.9; and
Irish Travellers scored just 22.2.
Until a few years ago, we were making improvements to the
attainment gap, but that progress is now stalling. Disadvantaged
pupils are now 18 months of learning behind their better-off
peers by the time they reach the age of 16. Progress had stalled
before covid, so we cannot just blame it all on covid that the
attainment gap between disadvantaged pupils and their better-off
peers is 18 months.
Children’s special educational needs is, understandably, a
subject that I care about very deeply and that my Select
Committee has done a lot of work on. Parents and families have
waited nearly three years for the SEN review to be published, and
in the meantime they are wading through a treacle of unkind
bureaucracy as they try to get a level educational playing field
for their children. The Committee has done a big report on
special educational needs. It is wrong that children are not
given a level playing field, it is wrong that so many families
have to wait for education, health and care plans, it is wrong
that the healthcare element of those plans is often non-existent,
and it is wrong that there are not enough trained staff.
It is not always a question of money. I recognise that the
Government put in an extra £800 million for special educational
needs a year or so ago. It is also about money not being spent in
the right way. We are wasting hundreds of millions of pounds on
tribunal cases that the local authorities always lose. Because
children with special educational needs are getting a poor
service, their parents are going to tribunals, and I believe that
more than 90% are winning their cases. That money could have been
spent on the frontline. This is what I mean about money not being
spent in the right way; the same applies to the catch-up
programme.
I have mentioned that just 5% of excluded pupils pass GCSEs in
English and maths. Every day, 40 pupils are excluded from our
schools and they are not ending up in some wonderful alternative
provision. As we know, there is a postcode lottery. Of course
there are good alternative-provision schools, but often in the
areas where the most pupils are excluded there is poor or
non-existent alternative provision. I agree with Michael Wilshaw
that we should try to minimise exclusions and that we should
invest in local support units in schools—even if they have to be
in a separate building—to train staff and to ensure that parents
understand their rights.
Our Committee wrote a report entitled “Forgotten children:
alternative provision and the scandal of ever increasing
exclusions”. The Government said that they welcomed the
recommendations of the Timpson review, but what worries me is
that very few of those recommendations have begun to be adopted.
That is what I mean by addressing social injustice in education.
I want disadvantaged pupils to benefit most from the catch-up
programme. I want children with special educational needs to have
a level playing field like everyone else, and to be able to get
on to the ladder of opportunity. I also want excluded pupils—40
of them each day, as I keep repeating—to be given that chance in
life, and not end up in prison. We know that 60% of prisoners
have been excluded from school.
A further problem that the Government must confront is persistent
absence, which has been highlighted by the Children’s
Commissioner today. I call children who are persistently absent
“the ghost children”. Even before the pandemic, the Centre for
Social Justice reported that about 60,000 children were severely
absent from school, and in the autumn of 2020 the total rose to
more than 90,000. In her report, the Children’s Commissioner says
that, according to a survey of local authorities, in the autumn
term of 2021, more than 1.7 million pupils were persistently
absent and 124,000 were severely absent. I pay huge tribute to
her for highlighting that and for her work with the Government to
try to get those children back to school. We are allowing this to
happen: more than 100,000 children have mostly not returned to
school since the schools were fully opened last March.
I urge the Minister to look at the recommendations from the
Centre for Social Justice—I stress that this is my personal view;
I am not speaking for my Committee at this point—and to use the
underspend from the tutoring programme to fund an additional
2,000 attendance practitioners to work on the ground and return
these children safely and securely to school. My hon. Friend the
Member for Penistone and Stocksbridge, who is better at
mathematics than I am, says that that is about 13 per county,
which is not a lot.
What are we going to do? Are we really going to allow this? These
children are potentially facing enormous safeguarding hazards, so
we have to get them back to school. The Government have said that
they will introduce a register of children who are not in school
and are being home-educated. That must happen, and it must happen
sooner rather than later. I have campaigned for it for a long
time, along with members of my Committee, and we recently
produced a report on the subject.
If the Minister does not agree with the recommendation from the
Centre for Social Justice for an additional 2,000 attendance
practitioners, I urge him at least to ensure that there is a
proper programme of action that we all know about to return those
“ghost children” to school. We need to know exactly what is
happening. Six attendance advisers are simply not enough to deal
with this problem. Education cannot just be for the majority.
Academic capital and social capital must go hand in hand. The
Government must prioritise levelling the playing field of
education so that every child, including those from disadvantaged
backgrounds, has the chance to climb the ladder.
Given that my right hon. Friend the Member for South
Northamptonshire is present, I had better say something about
early years provision. I suspect that she would be upset if I did
not, because she is such an expert on the subject. The additional
£500 million for family hubs that was announced in last year’s
Budget is very welcome: it is an incredible amount of money. The
Secretary of State visited my brilliant local family hub, which
is run by Virgin Care and Essex County Council and does a great
deal of work on parental engagement. As I have said, the
attainment gap between disadvantaged pupils and their better-off
peers is 18 months by the time the children reach the age of 16,
but we also know that 40% of that attainment gap begins before
children reach the age of five. Targeted support at this stage of
life is therefore crucial. We also need to ensure that younger
children from disadvantaged backgrounds are learning more at an
early age.
Dame (South Northamptonshire)
(Con)
Does my right hon. Friend agree that one way to ensure that every
baby has the chance of the best possible start in life is to
ensure that all the services that support families are universal,
and not in any way stigmatising?
I could not agree more. I have seen the work of Manchester
Council in this regard and I think that it should be replicated
throughout the country. More families would benefit as a result,
particularly disadvantaged families.
Parental engagement is critical and the family hubs should follow
a model of best practice. Feltham Academy, for instance, takes a
“cradle to career” approach. When I was in Nottingham last week,
I met the headteacher of a school that trains parents to act as
mentors in the community for other parents who would otherwise be
disengaged from the school. That really works.
I should like the Government to consider, in the spending round,
its funding of early years entitlements. I do not understand why
the three or four-year-old child of an MP, when both parents are
working and earning up to £100,000 each a year, qualifies for 30
hours of childcare, while the three or four-year-old child of a
single parent in my constituency—or elsewhere in the country—who
may not be able to work because they have that young child to
bring up qualifies for just 15 hours. I cannot see how that can
be the right decision on the Government’s part. I know the
Minister will tell me that some poorer families qualify for extra
benefits and extra hours, but the fact remains that that is the
position.
(Twickenham) (LD)
Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?
I always give way to the hon. Lady and I promise to do so if she
will allow me to finish this paragraph.
I am not necessarily asking for more money, but I do ask the
Minister to work with colleagues and consider reducing the
generous threshold that exists for parents to claim tax-free
childcare, a subsidy that does not capture society’s most
disadvantaged families. One way we could do this is by dropping
the eligibility cap to £65,000 from the existing £100,000 mark.
That could free up £150 million, which would go some way towards
covering the additional outlay.
(Twickenham) (LD)
I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on his excellent speech.
On his point about childcare, I declare an interest as he is
talking about MPs with children who qualify for the 30 hours free
childcare, as my three-year-old son does. We can have a good
debate about who should and should not be eligible for that, and
I agree broadly with the point he is making. Does he agree,
however, that those 15 or 30 free hours are not actually free
because most childcare providers cannot afford to provide
childcare at the rate the Government are giving them? Parents are
therefore regularly asked to top it up. I can afford the top-up,
but many people just cannot afford it and therefore cannot make
use of childcare, which is preventing them from going out to
work.
I absolutely accept that where there are strains for providers of
early years education, the Government should look at that and
fill in the holes, but I think it varies. Some providers have
found it very hard and some have managed to provide that service,
but I accept the point the hon. Lady makes.
In conclusion, education recovery and the catch-up programme must
be the immediate spending priority. I have previously described
the Education Secretary as someone who can get mangoes in the
Arctic and Brussels sprouts in the desert. He is that kind of
person, and I am not surprised that he has managed to wangle all
these extra billions from the Treasury for the catch-up and for
an overall budget growth of almost 3%. That is a significant
achievement in the current climate, and it has to be
acknowledged. The House will have noticed that I have not
necessarily been asking for lots more money; I have been asking
for the Department to spend the money more wisely. It needs to
demonstrate, above all, that the catch-up programme is providing
value for money. When the Minister goes back to the Treasury, it
is going to say that it is not working, and the evidence out
there is that it is not necessarily working for the most
disadvantaged. There are serious issues regarding the catch-up
programme and questions to be asked about whether children are
fully recovering from the lost learning in the pandemic. There
are long-term issues of social injustice that need to be tackled,
and of course early years must be supported, as I have just set
out.
I hope the Minister will recognise that these are the priorities
for the Government and that education will finally get a
long-term plan and a secure funding settlement. We can have a
debate about how much it is, but if the NHS can have a 10-year
plan and a long-term funding settlement and the Ministry of
Defence can have a big funding settlement over the next few years
and a strategic review, I do not understand why Education cannot
have a long-term plan and a secure funding settlement, at least
over a few years. That would give a lot of stability to everyone
working in education, to schools, to colleges and to
universities, and that would make a huge difference.
3.31pm
(Twickenham) (LD)
I find myself in a happy position, because normally I am
furiously trying to cut down my speech to three minutes. I do not
think that is going to happen today, however. I am really quite
surprised and shocked at how few people are here for this debate.
To my mind, education and our children’s future, particularly
given the impact of the pandemic, is one of the most important
issues facing us, and given that this debate is meant to be
partly focused around the national tutoring programme, which is
key to the recovery plan, I would have thought that Members on
both sides of the House would be interested, given that children
in every constituency are affected. I thank the right hon. Member
for Harlow () for his speech and
congratulate him on securing the debate.
When I looked at the estimates and saw that they had been reduced
from the beginning of the financial year, I was a little
surprised. I know that there are explanations as to why that has
been the case, but given that we have just been through one of
the biggest crises that has faced our country since the second
world war, which has had a massive impact on children’s learning,
their lives and their mental health, I would have thought that,
if anything, there would have been a surge of spending through
this financial year. I would have expected to see the estimates
go up, not down, so I am a little surprised by this. Maybe the
Minister will explain more when he responds. Certainly in my
constituency, where I am visiting schools week in, week out,
every school is really struggling to make ends meet and
increasingly relying on fundraising and parental donations, which
I find quite shocking.
I see spending on children and young people as an investment, not
a cost, and I would urge the Government to do the same. That
investment should be made wisely, but the national tutoring
programme, which was set up with the very best of intentions and
ambitions, risks proving to be “a disaster”, to use the words of
Lee Elliot Major, the professor of social mobility at Exeter
University. As the right hon. Member for Harlow has already said,
even the Department’s own annual report published in December
stated that the risk of catch-up efforts failing to address lost
learning was “critical or very likely”.
The concept of small group or one-to-one tuition is an
intervention that is well supported by evidence and welcomed by
many schools, yet we know that the Government’s contractor,
Randstad, has met only 10% of its targets for delivering this
sort of tuition. I am surprised that when I challenged the
Education Secretary in this Chamber a few weeks ago, when we were
in the heat of omicron, on why we were not putting air purifiers
into every school, he told me—as he told Sophie Raworth on
“Sunday Morning”—that he is laser-focused on ensuring value for
money. If Randstad is meeting only 10% of its target, I question
whether that is value for taxpayers’ money. I particularly look
forward to the Minister’s comments on that.
The national tutoring programme was particularly aimed at
tackling the learning loss that has been felt most keenly by the
most disadvantaged children. As the right hon. Member for Harlow
said, all the evidence seems to be pointing to those children
having been failed miserably. The National Audit Office
questioned whether the programme is reaching the most
disadvantaged, and the Education Policy Institute found a marked
disparity in the take-up of the NTP between the north and the
south. In the south, upwards of 96% of schools are engaging with
the programme, compared with just 50% of schools in the
north.
It has been reported that tutoring providers will no longer have
to ensure that their catch-up reaches at least two thirds of
poorer pupils after the target was ditched, even though this was
stipulated as a key performance indicator in Randstad’s contract.
How does this all fit with the Minister’s levelling-up
ambitions?
The feedback from those on the ground trying to access the
programme is damning. The leadership team of one academy trust
told me they would give NTP a generous two out of 10. There are
concerns that the tutoring partners strand is sucking teachers
out of schools, and particularly the supply pool, which the
Minister will know has come under significant pressure from
omicron. Although all the restrictions have been eased, there are
still staff and pupil absences in schools. There are many stories
of lessons being cancelled at the last moment and tutors not
turning up. Schools have had a mixed experience of the tutors
with whom they are partnered.
The administrative complexity and burden have left many schools
wondering about the value of opting into the programme. One
teacher described the admin side as a farce, telling me, “There’s
no way you’ll actually get paid if you try to put in honest
information. It’s obvious no meaningful records are being kept.
To get paid the first time, I had to do six hours of admin over a
weekend. There appears to be no evaluation or feedback on what’s
going on.”
With schools having to pay a contribution towards the school-led
strand of NTP, how does that work for schools that are struggling
financially given the huge disparities in school funding in
different parts of the country? I know that at least two primary
schools in Twickenham have a budget deficit. They lost
fundraising money during covid and were unable to claim for many
of their additional covid costs. They rely on parental donations
and parent teacher association fundraising for some of the
basics, with one school having to ask parents for monthly
donations to be able to employ teaching assistants. Many schools
are having to fundraise to fork out thousands to switch to one of
the Department for Education’s mandated phonics providers.
A DFE survey last year found that just 29% of schools are
planning to use the NTP in the current academic year, with 30%
being unsure. That statistic speaks for itself. The national
tutoring programme, if not failing, is severely struggling. It is
time for a fresh approach. The Liberal Democrats have been
calling for an ambitious package of support for our children and
young people as we deal with the consequences of the pandemic.
Sir Kevan Collins’s recommendation of £15 billion should be
honoured, with the majority of that money being put directly into
the hands of schools and a third going to parents and carers in
the form of catch-up vouchers, as they are best placed to know
what each individual young person needs, whether it is academic
or social. That could include counselling support and so on.
The Education Policy Institute suggests that the economic impact
of school closures during the pandemic could run into the
trillions over the next few decades. A £15 billion investment in
our young people would deliver a far greater return than most
infrastructure projects.
3.39pm
(Penistone and Stocksbridge)
(Con)
I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for Harlow
() on securing this debate and
on his excellent speech. I also congratulate the hon. Member for
Twickenham (), with whom I agree about the
impact of school closures. The biggest challenge facing our
children is recovering from the pandemic. In the context of this
debate, we are talking about lost learning in reading, writing
and maths. My right hon. Friend has already spoken about the
number of months—six, seven or eight—that some children are
behind, but of course our children face a much wider issue, as
they have lost social development and confidence, with many
struggling with anxiety placed on them by adults over the course
of the pandemic. These children have been forced to spend so much
time online—six or seven hours a day—often unaccompanied, as they
are doing work. Understandably, we have seen a rise in online
harms and serious situations for many of our children. So there
are huge challenges for our children at this point.
However, this debate is on the Department for Education’s
spending, and I know the Minister will be relieved that I will
focus my remarks on educational recovery. As has been mentioned,
the Government’s flagship programme for academic recovery is the
NTP, for which the plan is to deliver 100 million tutoring hours
for five to 19-year-olds by 2024. I am pleased that it is a
long-term strategy, acknowledging that we are not going to catch
up overnight or even in one or two years. I understand that in
the first year of the programme we have already launched 311,000
tutoring courses, and we are hoping to offer access to up to 2
million more this year. I very much support this approach in
principle, because I have no doubt that tutoring works and has
the potential to turbocharge progress.
I have been both a classroom teacher and a private tutor, and I
have to say that the roles are extremely different. A teacher who
has 30 year 8s in their chemistry class and is trying to do a
practical, where there are 30 Bunsen burners and perhaps some
scalpels out—and perhaps some lads want to start a fire in the
bin when they are not looking—is multitasking. They are
prioritising children’s safety, trying to get them logistically
to get the right equipment out and trying to keep to the lesson
plan. Of course, they are making formal and informal assessments
of what the children know, what progress they are making, who is
not paying attention and who is not understanding, but they are
very much focusing on bringing the class along as a whole as much
as they can. Of course, they do not have that much time to invest
in individual students who may be struggling, and their ability
to know what each student is struggling with at any particular
moment is limited. That is the role of a classroom teacher, and
that is how it should be.
One-to-one tutoring is completely different—it is child-led. A
good tutor can quickly establish the child’s strengths and
weaknesses, and what they do and do not know. They can use
intensive questioning to build a child’s knowledge and
confidence. Tutoring is especially good for children with low
confidence, who perhaps do not have the ability to contribute in
a large class. So I have no doubt that a tutoring programme is a
really positive way forward and could have truly transformational
results. Of course, it also gives the opportunities to
disadvantaged children that many advantaged children have been
using for many years; private tutoring has become the staple of
many middle-class educational aspirations. So the idea of being
able to give disadvantaged children access to a truly
transformational tool is a very positive development, and I
applaud the Government’s decision to allocate resources to this.
However, I agree that we need to look carefully at how this money
is spent, whether this approach is working and whether we are
getting value for money.
One issue we need to address is supply. There are not hundreds of
skilled tutors in every part of the country ready to deliver this
scheme. If there were, we would be in a completely different
scenario. We have to hope that if this programme is going to run
for a number of years, those skills will come, people will move
into tutoring and they will become the supply we perhaps do not
have now. We need to be careful, because tutoring is a skill and
teaching is a skill. Just because someone has A-level maths, it
does not mean they can tutor somebody for GCSE maths. The skills
of teaching and the way of assessing a child’s knowledge are not
something just anyone can do. We need to have skilled and trained
practitioners.
Schools do not always need to look for external tutors. There are
advantages in that approach, particularly for disadvantaged
children in meeting new adults and learning to form new
relationships, but for many schools the best thing will be to use
internal providers and train up existing staff. So I welcome the
£579 million for schools to develop localised, school-led
tutoring provision, as that is an excellent option for schools.
We need to be careful about small schools, which may not have the
resource, personnel-wise, to allocate to that, but it is
certainly a good development.
There are serious issues with Randstad, as we have heard on the
Education Committee. The Government urgently need to reassess its
ability to deliver the NTP, because if this is going to be our
flagship programme and we are relying on it to deliver results on
catching children up on academic education, we have to be sure
that it is working and it is money well spent, and that in four
or five years’ time we can look back and see that it has achieved
results.
We also need to consider the fact that some schools would prefer
to have their catch-up funding as a lump sum so that they can
decide how best to spend it. They know what their children need
most, and many will have more pressing concerns than academic
catch-up, as we know from the evidence to the Select Committee
about the wellbeing and mental health issues that many children
face. There is some great practice out there. For example,
Horizon Community College in Barnsley in my constituency appeared
on the local news last week. It has set up a wellbeing centre and
invited the charity Mind into the school. Children can drop into
the wellbeing centre at any point; it is having a huge impact on
the mental health of children at the school and they very much
welcome it. There are some great examples of good practice out
there, although it tends to be found among the bigger schools,
which have bigger budgets so can be more flexible. Nevertheless,
it is definitely something to learn from.
It is, of course, too soon to tell whether the national tutoring
programme is working—it needs to run for longer—but evaluation is
key and we have to find a way to assess it over time and,
obviously, to make sure it works to start with. If the outcomes
are good, I would like to see tutoring become an established part
of our education system. It provides a brilliant opportunity to
level up. There will of course be an element of trial and error
to start with, but if we find a way to make it work, particularly
for our most disadvantaged children but perhaps for those who
show the most academic promise as well as those who are
struggling, it could become a key part of our education strategy,
so I very much welcome it.
(Stockton South) (Con)
We are talking about the big challenge of catch-up across the
nation, but does my hon. Friend agree that it is also about the
vulnerability of young people? There is a complete contrast in
the way people have been affected—for example, there were
youngsters who did not have access to the internet at home or to
an iPad. It is not a consistent catch-up programme for everybody
because some did not have the tech and there were children with
special educational needs and so on. It is all about empowering
local leaders in local schools to deliver a tailor-made
solution.
My hon. Friend is absolutely right and I completely agree. All
children have been affected by the pandemic—of course, certain
demographics and ages have been affected more, but all children
have suffered—so he is right that we need to give headteachers in
particular the autonomy to decide how budgets are spent in their
schools in the best interests of their children.
Let me move on to the adult education budget. We have had a
chronic skills gap in this country for some time. The last census
showed that in Stocksbridge in my constituency less than 50% of
adults had a level 3 skill or above. The fact that there are 1.3
million job vacancies in the UK shows that our population must
have a skills gap. In England, just one in 10 adults has a
technical qualification; in Germany, the proportion is one in
five. We have clearly fallen behind many of our developed-nation
competitors when it comes to skills, so I welcome the extra
investment of £3.8 billion in further education and skills over
this Parliament. The £1.6 billion for the national skills fund
and the funding for the lifelong learning entitlement indicate a
positive change of direction by this Government that will have a
huge impact on levelling up and adult skills.
I wish to focus on a particular type of adult education provider.
In my constituency we have Northern College, which is one of just
four residential adult education colleges in the country. Its
Wentworth Castle setting is amazingly inspirational. I do not
know why they built it by the motorway—it is a bit noisy—but it
is a fantastic setting: the grounds are managed by the National
Trust and students have access to the best Italian staircase in
Europe and the longest suspended ceiling. It is an amazing
setting for adults who need a second chance at education, for
whatever reason.
The college offers short and long course, GCSEs, A-levels, access
courses, vocational qualifications, technical qualifications and
higher education courses. The residential element is so important
for people who need to step out of the normal run of their
lives—perhaps they do not live in supportive households—and need
the space to develop their learning skills. Many of the adults at
Northern College, which I have visited a number of times, have
been in prison or have been victims of domestic violence. For all
sorts of reasons, they need an intensive second chance in
education. The students themselves speak of the transformational
impact of residential education on their lives, and the
outcomes—in terms of people getting good jobs and staying in work
for the rest of their lives—are truly outstanding.
Residential adult education colleges are a very small aspect of
adult education provision—as I said, there are only four of them
in the entire country—but they are really important. Some adults
want to get another chance at education and to upskill, but if
someone is 35 and has been in prison, is it really appropriate
for them to go to their local further education college and sit
with a load of 16-year-olds with completely different life
experience and priorities? Northern College and the three other
colleges across the country offer a unique and successful
opportunity for people who need a second chance. I must mention
the inspirational leadership of the principal of Northern
College, Yultan Mellor, who has seen the college go from strength
to strength to the point at which it is truly transforming
lives.
I very much welcome the devolution of the adult education budget;
it is a good step forward. Northern College is now jointly funded
by the West Yorkshire Combined Authority and the South Yorkshire
Combined Authority, which is an understandable move given that
that is where the majority of students are drawn from. However,
as a result of this devolution, the residential uplift—the
element of funding that provides residential support to the
adults who need it—is now under threat. That is a problem because
there is good evidence to show that this period of intensive
learning, with the counselling and the study skills support that
is available for these adults, can be life changing. It is also
the case that Northern College is not just a local institution;
it is a national provider, so there should be some sort of
understanding that this residential uplift needs to continue.
The Under-Secretary of State for Education, my hon. Friend the
Member for Brentwood and Ongar () is due to meet me and the
principal shortly to talk about this matter, but may I ask
Ministers urgently to take a decision on this uplift so that
Northern College and the other three colleges can continue to be
an important part of our national education strategy? I know that
it is small, but it is key provision for many adults who would
not otherwise have the access, the opportunity and the success in
learning both academically and in skills.
I want to make two broader points about education spending.
First, we must recognise the limits of our education system and
what it can achieve. We often think that any issues or policies
around children have to be fixed by our education system,
particularly by our schools. Certainly the social demands on
schools have increased in recent years. It is not just post
pandemic, when, yes, children have regressed in terms of basic
skills, but was an issue even before then. There are increased
reports of children going to school without having been potty
trained, and increased incidences of parents not being able to
cope and needing the school’s support. We saw that particularly
at the beginning of the pandemic when we realised how many
families were completely reliant on schools not just for academic
provision, but for the surrounding services that schools
provide.
My hon. Friend is making a very powerful speech. She has talked
about how important the tutoring programme could be if it works
correctly. Does she not agree that attention needs to be paid not
just to the tuition catch-up, but to mental health and wellbeing
catch-up? As I highlighted a little bit in my speech, mental
health referrals among young children have gone up enormously
since lockdown.
I absolutely agree with my right hon. Friend. If children are not
in the emotional and mental state to be able to learn, all the
tutoring in the world will not get them to the place where they
need to be. We do have a crisis in child mental health. Lockdown
is one reason for that, but there are other reasons, too. We
should not fool ourselves that any amount of catch-up spending
will solve this crisis in mental health.
Mr (Yeovil) (Con)
Does my hon. Friend agree that part of getting children in the
right space to be able to learn well is about looking after them
in the classroom, too? Even simple things such as making sure
that they have had enough water to drink and that they get enough
exercise during the day are a massively important part of that
picture. It is not just about catch-up spending, but about how we
treat them.
I completely agree with my hon. Friend. We need to distinguish
between wellbeing and serious mental issues. The vast majority of
teachers and schools do an incredible job at looking after our
children’s wellbeing. I know that my own children probably drink
far more water at school than they do at home. There are also
programmes such as a Mile a Day. Many children in school also
take part in regular mind exercises and mindfulness, which
contribute to their wellbeing. However, some of the more sticky
mental health issues cannot be easily solved by schools, which
leads us into the wider issues. There has been a lack of
effective family policy for many years now. There are severe
financial pressures on many families not only because we have
quite an unfavourable taxation system here, but because we have
very high housing costs. There are financial pressures on
families.
I am sure my hon. Friend will agree that education is the answer
to nearly every problem, including the impact on our local
economy. In Teesside we have our fantastic new freeport with
18,000 jobs and now, thanks to devolved funding through the
combined authority, the Tees Valley Mayor will hopefully be able
to generate those skills among local people so we can take on
those great jobs.
As a south Yorkshire MP, I grudgingly welcome my hon. Friend’s
freeport, but I am afraid I do not agree that education is the
answer to everything. It is incredibly valuable, and it is
frustrating that the education budget has stalled while the
health budget has exploded over recent years. That is an issue.
However, I do not think education is the answer to
everything.
Great education for everybody is clearly a target, but there are
more important foundational issues, such as family life. Some of
the work of my right hon. Friend the Member for South
Northamptonshire (Dame ), who is no longer in her
place, has shown that those first two years of life are crucial
in determining the outcomes of the rest of someone’s life.
Academic education plays very little role in those first two
years, although development does.
We should recognise the importance of education, but we certainly
should not expect our schools to solve every social issue in our
country, especially the mental health crisis. We must be
realistic about what education spending alone can achieve and not
expect Ministers, the Department or schools to be able to solve
those deep, structural social issues, which we must address, but
which are not the subject of this debate.
We must also look at our overall education budget and how it is
weighted across different stages of a child’s life. According to
the House of Commons Library, our higher education spend is £11.6
billion a year, but our early years spend is £1.6 billion a year.
To me, that seems back to front. When is the best time to invest
in a child’s life? It is at the beginning, in the early years,
when those foundations are being laid. As my right hon. Friend
the Member for Harlow has said, 40% of the attainment gap that
develops between the best-off and worst-off children develops by
the age of two. I am not suggesting that we invert those two
budgets, but we should certainly think about whether we should
front-load our educational spend in the early years, when it
could potentially have more impact.
We must also ask whether the higher education budget of £11.6
billion is money well spent. Some 50% of our young people now go
to university, but five years after graduation 30% to 50% of
graduates are in non-graduate jobs, and 77% never earn enough to
repay their student loans. I welcome the recent reforms to make
higher education spending fairer to the taxpayer and to students,
but we need to go further. The cost to the taxpayer is £11.6
billion—I think it is more when we add in the local authority
contributions—but only half our young people see the benefit of
that enormous taxpayer spending.
We should ask whether we should more fairly distribute that £11.6
billion or more. I welcome the move to spend more on technical
and vocational education, but that is not a fraction of the
expenditure on higher education. Imagine if the schools budget
was spent on only half the population: it would be a deep
inequality, but that is what is happening in our higher education
budget.
Many of our universities are phenomenal, world-leading assets to
this country, but we must ask whether the massive expansion we
have seen in the sector in recent years is helpful to either
individuals or society. I certainly cannot find any evidence of
increased social mobility as a result of the massive increase in
higher education spending. I welcome the direction the Government
are moving in by raising the priority, the status and the budget
of vocational and technical education, because that is important,
but we must go further. If we are really going to level up
education and the education budget, we must look at distributing
the post-18 education spending far more fairly and equitably
between academic, technical and vocational routes.
Mr Fysh
Does my hon. Friend know about the wonderful work being done in
Somerset around Yeovil College to bring forward new T-levels and
different vocational education paths, which are making a huge
difference to local businesses and providing local opportunities
to develop those skills? It is amazing, and I thank the Minister
for how much focus there has been on that. A central plank of my
election pitch last time around was getting that skills
development put at the heart of Government, and this work is
absolutely delivering on that.
I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. I am not aware of
what goes on in Somerset—it is quite a long way from South
Yorkshire—but I agree that T-levels are a really important
development. Indeed, my right hon. Friend the Member for Harlow
and I recently met to discuss some of the amazing work that
university technical colleges are doing to roll out T-levels. I
do think that we are raising the status of technical education,
which is key, because half the battle is getting middle-class
parents to see that there are alternatives to university. I
really welcome that change in direction, but I think we need to
go further.
In conclusion, I welcome the national tutoring programme, which I
think has the potential to be transformational, but there are
some key questions about its deliverability. I welcome the
increase in the adult education budget and applaud Ministers for
some of their spending decisions. But we must go further. We need
real reform of our post-18 education spending if we are really to
level up.
4.00pm
(Warwick and Leamington)
(Lab)
I thank all right hon. and hon. Members for their contributions
to the debate and, in particular, the right hon. Member for
Harlow () for securing it and for his
comprehensive dissection of what is happening across the
education sector—I have a lot of respect for his experience and
knowledge of it. I think his analysis of the catch-up programme
was fairly damning, and I will come on to echo some of those
points.
The right hon. Gentleman, among his many remarks, highlighted the
percentage of teachers leaving the profession, which has to be
really alarming for all of us. I speak to a great many teachers
and headteachers, as I am sure all colleagues do, and I pick up a
sense of disillusionment, frustration and exhaustion, and a sense
of being undervalued by our society, and particularly by the
Department for Education. The pay freezes have really taken their
toll. So many teaching assistants are having to leave the
profession because schools cannot afford them, which is placing
great pressure on teachers, as we heard from the hon. Member for
Penistone and Stocksbridge ().
I also thank the hon. Member for Twickenham () for her contribution. She
was right to highlight the disappointing turnout by colleagues
today, because this is a hugely important debate. I for one would
have wanted to be on the Back Benches, had I been able to be so,
because this is having a huge impact on all our communities,
particularly on the next generation coming through. We should all
be focused on what it means not only for our society and economy,
but for those individuals. She also challenged the Government on
their failings with the catch-up programme and rightly raised the
issue of the shortage of teachers because the programme is
sucking teachers out of supply pools.
I listened with great interest to the hon. Member for Penistone
and Stocksbridge, a former teacher, explaining just how tough it
is for teachers right now. So many constituents are feeding back
to me on how this is being felt throughout senior leadership
teams, by governors and by all associated with schools, and on
the impact it is having on the delivery of education for this
generation.
The hon. Member for Penistone and Stocksbridge also spoke about
early years and the need perhaps to reconsider priorities. I
think the Government should take a long, hard look at what needs
to be delivered for early years. I think that we are all in
agreement. The right hon. Member for Harlow also highlighted the
need for early years education and just how much of the formative
education starts in those first five years. So much work has been
done by academics and researchers about what that means for life
chances in those first few months and years of a child’s
life.
I remind the House of the context in which the national tutoring
programme was launched. It was in response to the large-scale
disruption to primary and secondary schools caused by the covid
pandemic, and the Government were right to appoint the highly
respected Sir as their independent
education recovery tsar. His recommendations were calculated and
clear: if young people were to catch up on their missed
schooling, that would require no less than a £15 billion
investment in teachers, tutoring and an extended school day.
Instead, the Government settled on just one tenth of that
figure—a mere £1.4 billion or, to put it another way, little more
than £22 per child—and were widely condemned as selling children
short. Of course, Sir resigned in protest.
The national tutoring programme should be a key pillar of the
Department for Education’s offer to schoolchildren to allow them
to catch up on lost learning, but it is not. From the outset,
Ministers have sought to cut costs at the expense of prioritising
the needs of children recovering from the disruption caused by
the pandemic. Despite the DFE being allocated a budget of £62
million for the national tutoring programme contract—not a huge
amount in itself—it settled on a supplier that claimed it could
deliver for less than half that budgeted figure. In fact,
Randstad, a business specialising in human resources contracts,
promised it could provide the contract for 40% of that
figure—just £25 million. The reality is that it cannot deliver.
It underpriced and underestimated what was needed. The fact that,
as has been reported, Randstad undercut competitors by as much as
£10 million should have rung alarm bells in the Department and
for any procurement professional. Ministers have failed to get a
grip on the scale of the challenge facing them, and both pupils
and the taxpayer are being let down.
In January, the DFE released data acknowledging that the
Minister’s flagship initiative for children in England has
reached only 10% of its pupil engagement target a third of the
way through the school year. This is serious. To put those
percentages into absolute numbers, a mere 52,000 pupils out of
the 524,000 who are due to receive tutoring this year have
received it. These are the real-life consequences of this
Government’s decision to spend a mere £1.4 billion on catch-up,
far short of the £15 billion that Sir said was needed. This is
education on the cheap, and it is failing young people. Given the
scale of this challenge and the time that the Government have had
since the start of the pandemic to get this right, this admission
is as shocking as it is damning. Can the Minister therefore
update the House on how many pupils have been reached as of this
month?
The Minister for School Standards (Mr )
I would not want the hon. Gentleman inadvertently to mislead the
House about the so-called 10% figure. Across the three strands,
more than 300,000 pupils were reached even under those figures,
which refer to the first term of the programme in this academic
year, compared with the 300,000 who were reached over the whole
of the previous academic year. I will provide an update in my
speech, and we will come forward with further figures in due
course, but it is important to recognise that as many students
have received tuition under the national tutoring programme in
the first term of this academic year as in the whole of the first
year of the programme. We want to build on that and deliver the 2
million sessions that my hon. Friend the Member for Penistone and
Stocksbridge () referred to.
I thank the Minister for that point, but as I understand it from
the reports in Schools Week that have been referenced by
colleagues in the Chamber, there is a significant shortfall
against the target. I think everyone is agreed on that. Given
that the Minister has himself conceded that the Government need
to keep doing better and that they still have work to do, can he
really say that he has confidence that Randstad will hit its
targets when, as I said a moment ago, I have it that Randstad has
hit only 10% of its target a third of the way through the year? I
would be interested to know just how often the Minister reviews
the contract with Randstad and how often he is holding its feet
to the fire over its failures. Is it weekly or monthly that the
Department is getting reporting? If so, why has it not moved more
quickly?
Given that it is widely accepted that the impact of the pandemic
fell disproportionately on the shoulders of pupils on free school
meals and those designated as benefiting from pupil premium, the
priority could not be clearer, yet that is also the very group
that has been most let down by Randstad. Just last week, Randstad
sent emails to tutoring providers suggesting that they were
“no longer required to ensure 65% of their tuition support is
provided to children receiving pupil premium.”
Can the Minister confirm specifically whether this approach was
authorised by his Department? In a joint letter published by
seven tutoring providers, they damningly conclude that abandoning
the target will
“only serve to widen the attainment gap”.
I think that point was referenced by the right hon. Member for
Harlow.
This Government evidently have no intention of guaranteeing
education recovery support for those who need it most. To
compound that failure, Randstad is refusing to share data with
the Education Committee on the number of pupils receiving free
school meals who have been reached. Indeed, calls by my hon.
Friend the Member for Portsmouth South () to publish a regional
breakdown of delivery have gone unanswered, although I heard some
reference to them from the right hon. Member for Harlow. Can the
Minister confirm whether he has regional data? If so, will he
publish it as a matter of urgency? It is not just me asking; I am
sure all diligent Members, who may not be here today, would want
to see that information. It is vital that we know what is
happening in our constituencies in this area, which is one of the
most critical elements of the impact of the pandemic.
That also speaks to a wider point about the contractual
arrangements underpinning the national tutoring programme. In my
life before becoming the Member of Parliament for Warwick and
Leamington, I worked in the commercial sector, regularly dealing
with contracts and suppliers. It is why this contract strikes me
as particularly one-sided, and it further demonstrates the
Government’s failure to use public money wisely. That is
something we witnessed throughout the pandemic, whether on Test
and Trace or suppliers of contracts for personal protective
equipment.
Incredibly, the contract can be cancelled by the Government only
for website failures, and not for the quality of the teaching and
tutoring. By negotiating only three key performance indicators
upon which the Department can rely to trigger a swift termination
of the contract—none of which concern the quality or availability
of the tutoring itself—the Department has prioritised websites
over children’s learning. On top of that, recent reports show
that Randstad’s chaotic management means tutors are turning up to
empty classrooms due to confusion over targets, yet they are
still being paid. Teaching empty classrooms is hardly good value
for public money and hardly in the interests of the pupils who
are most in need of catch-up tutoring.
Indeed, when the Government outlined their national tutoring
programme, my hon. Friends the Members for Stretford and Urmston
() and for Ilford North () set out Labour’s bold alternative proposals.
Labour’s children’s recovery plan would have delivered small
group tutoring for all who need it and continued professional
development for teachers to support pupils to catch up on lost
learning. In addition, we would have set up catch-up breakfast
clubs and extracurricular activities, providing up to 1.5 billion
free healthy breakfasts a year to help children bounce back from
the pandemic. We would have ensured that there was quality mental
health support in every school and small group tutoring for all
children who needed it. It is a real missed opportunity that
Ministers did not listen to my hon. Friends and work with them
for the benefit of school children across this country. A
generation already scarred by real-term Government cuts to school
budgets during the past 12 years is being further disadvantaged
by this Conservative Government.
Unfortunately, the Government’s record on adult education is
similarly dismal. Whatever they may promise in the Skills and
Post-16 Education Bill, their actions speak louder than words.
The simple truth is that, since 2010, successive Governments have
flattened opportunities—a far cry from the claim to be levelling
up—by slashing further education funding by one third and the
adult education budget by half. More recently, the Education and
Skills Funding Agency’s decision to claw back unused adult skills
funds from colleges and local authorities if they missed their
2020-21 targets by more than 10% destabilised the sector—a point
that the principal of Warwickshire College Group emphasised to
me. With 45% of colleges already experiencing financial
difficulties prior to the pandemic, that policy only added to the
uncertainty and instability in the sector. The effect was
scarring, as I am sure the Minister is well aware given the
closure of Malvern Hills College, part of Warwickshire College
Group, in his neighbouring constituency of West
Worcestershire.
With the financial sustainability of FE institutions eroded and
many FE lecturers able to secure a higher wage in the private
sector or in the school system, where wages are on average £9,000
higher, the Government’s action, or lack thereof, on adult
education clearly does not match their rhetoric. Despite many
college students, apprentices and learners being adversely
affected by the pandemic, Ministers allocated funds only to hold
small-group tutoring for the most disadvantaged students aged 16
to 19, with no one-to-one support. When that funding was
announced, the Association of Colleges said:
“the failure to fund additional teaching hours or to extend the
pupil premium to age 18 means that many disadvantaged students
may fall through the gaps.”
Again, the Opposition proposed a solution in our further
education recovery premium, which would have extended existing
tutoring support in further education to assist those students
who most needed support.
As my hon. Friend the Member for Chesterfield (Mr Perkins) has
said repeatedly in this House, more than £2 billion in unspent
apprenticeship levy funds have been sent back to the Treasury
instead of being used to transform the life chances of our young
people. We would use the levy funds to create 100,000 new
apprenticeships to offer young people the first rung on the
ladder to a high-quality job. With our £250-million green
transformation fund, sustainable and green skilled jobs would be
at the forefront of the skills agenda.
We would also invest in today’s schoolchildren to ensure that
they are aware of the wide range of opportunities open to them
and that they can make informed decisions about their futures.
Every school child would have access to face-to-face professional
careers guidance and two weeks of compulsory work experience. In
spite of the Minister’s rhetoric about the importance of careers
guidance, Conservative Members chose to vote against our plans to
ensure that every child leaves school job-ready and
work-ready.
We have heard some fine words, but the Government cannot walk or
talk themselves away from their record. As the Minister said,
they need to do better—900% better—and there is still work to be
done. It is clear that the Opposition are putting forward
sensible, costed solutions that would tackle the real issues
facing our education system, while the Government appear to
dither, delay and indeed move the goalposts. We cannot have a
contractor changing its own targets—perhaps the Minister will
clarify that—but that is what the Government are allowing to
happen. That contract costs the Government just £25 million as
part of their £1.4-billion catch-up plan, but it is costing young
people, our society and our economy dearly and it is failing
children, particularly the most deprived and the most needy,
everywhere.
4.19pm
The Minister for School Standards (Mr )
First, I thank my right hon. Friend the Member for Harlow
() for opening this very
important debate. I am grateful for the opportunity to discuss my
Department’s plans for addressing the immediate and longer term
challenges facing young people and adults in education.
I find myself in a rare moment of agreement with the hon. Member
for Twickenham () in my surprise that the Back
Benches, certainly on the Opposition side of the House, were so
empty during this debate. Her party brought in at least two
Members throughout the entirety of the debate, but the Labour
Benches have been strangely unpopulated for most of it. However,
that has provided the opportunity for some really excellent
speeches by members of the Education Committee—my right hon.
Friend the Member for Harlow and my hon. Friend the Member for
Penistone and Stocksbridge ()—and I listened carefully to
the points they made.
Since the then Minister for School Standards led a debate on the
main estimates in July last year, our pupils, students and staff
in educational institutions have gone through more disruption and
distress, and now face a different environment as we begin to
live with covid. During this period, teachers and other
educational professionals have continued to show extraordinary
commitment and dedication, and I echo the thanks of the Chair of
the Select Committee to everybody who works in the sector. I know
that people in all our schools up and down the country have done
a phenomenal job in supporting the education of young people and
continue to do so.
The Secretary of State has set out his priorities of schools,
skills and families, and I think my right hon. Friend the Member
for Harlow is right to challenge us to include social justice in
that list. Given his focus in this debate, I want to talk about
our focus on disadvantaged pupils and the important work of the
national tutoring programme before moving on to talk about adult
education. First, though, I will set out, as I believe I am
supposed to do in these debates, the overall funding picture.
In 2021-22, the Department for Education resource budget is
around £82 billion. While there is a small decrease since the
beginning of the financial year, as the hon. Member for
Twickenham pointed out, this relates primarily to an accounting
movement driven by a decrease in the impairment to the student
loan book, which itself is driven by macroeconomic factors. Of
the £82 billion, £60.2 billion is for estimate lines relating to
early years and schools, and £20.3 billion for estimate lines
relating primarily to post-16 and skills. Overall, in 2021-22 the
Department is targeting about £10 billion of funding to
supporting additional needs and disadvantaged pupils in schools,
including through the pupil premium and our education recovery
programmes.
I assure my right hon. Friend the Member for Harlow and all those
present that we continue to look for ways to tilt our policies
towards disadvantaged and vulnerable pupils in our schools and
colleges. As well as the £2.5 billion pupil premium and the £1
billion recovery premium both focusing on disadvantaged pupils,
we are mindful of other pupil groups whose circumstances make
academic success a greater challenge. I am looking forward to
giving evidence on the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller population to my
right hon. Friend and his Select Committee, which I know is
carrying out an inquiry on that issue.
Following the 2019 children in need review, we have invested
significantly to support the outcomes of children with a social
worker. For example, last year we extended the role of virtual
school heads to ensure that every child with a social worker has
a local champion. For the past two years, we have funded research
to test what works best in improving their educational outcomes.
From September 2021, school designated safeguarding leads have a
greater focus on improving the educational outcomes of children
with a social worker, and we recently made changes to the school
admissions code to ensure that the fair access protocol
prioritises children who have been subject to a child in need
plan or a child protection plan in the last 12 months.
For those who have left the care system, local authorities have a
legal duty to support care leavers to engage in education,
employment or training, including by appointing a personal
adviser to help with the transition to independence. Care leavers
studying in further education are a priority group for the
16-to-19 bursary of £1,200 a year. Incentives are in place for
employers that recruit care leaver apprentices. The Government
meet all training costs for young people aged 16 and 17, and this
has been extended to the age of 25 for care leavers. Employers
can claim an additional £1,000 for every care leaver, in
recognition of the additional support they may need, and in 2018
we introduced a £1,000 bursary for care leavers starting an
apprenticeship. We have published guidance to universities
highlighting the areas where care leavers may need extra support,
with examples of effective practice from across the sector. Many
universities have now signed the care leaver covenant and
published an offer for care leavers, and we provide a £2,000
bursary for each care leaver who goes to university.
We have all witnessed the impact on pupils, students and staff of
school absence through illness or self-isolation. One of my
Department’s clear priorities is the return of ordered school
life and the recovery of lost academic ground, so I shall start
my overview with the catch-up funding we have made available to
all schools, directed to highly effective activities, and the
tutoring revolution we have launched across all parts of England
for pupils aged 5 to 16.
The recovery premium, a grant to all state schools in England for
this and the next two years, is additional funding worth over
£1.3 billion to help schools to deliver evidence-based approaches
to support education recovery. We know that disadvantaged pupils
have been hardest hit, and it is right that our recovery funding
prioritises those who need it most. The recovery premium is
therefore based on pupil premium eligibility to ensure that
schools with the highest numbers of disadvantaged pupils receive
the largest amounts. School leaders are encouraged to use the
funding to address their disadvantaged pupils’ specific needs
using proven practice, and those requirements are reflected in
the grant conditions for the pupil premium. We have protected the
pupil premium per pupil grant, and schools are sharing £2.5
billion this year, allocated according to the number of
disadvantaged pupils on their rolls. School leaders have a lot of
choice about how the grant is spent, but it should be on proven
approaches that evidence shows make a real difference to
disadvantaged pupils.
As we have heard from across the House, there is good evidence
that small group tutoring works to accelerate pupils’ progress.
Last year, in its first year, the national tutoring programme
launched more than 300,000 tutoring courses. Feedback from
schools and pupils was almost unanimous that the programme made a
real difference. Given the size of the challenge, our ambition
grew for this year, and we aim to supply up to 2 million
high-quality tuition courses. We listened to schools’ reflections
on the initial year and introduced a new option—school-led
tutoring—in September 2021, to complement the tuition partner and
academic mentor options.
The £579 million grant, calculated from the number of
disadvantaged pupils on roll, enables school leaders to arrange
subsidised tutoring themselves using existing staff who are well
informed about their pupils and already known to them. That new
approach has flourished. The figures we published in January for
the autumn term showed an estimated 230,000 courses started by
pupils through school-led tutoring, which was far ahead of the
expected uptake. When added to more than 70,000 courses started
with tuition partners and academic mentors, and last year’s
300,000 courses, it means that more than 600,000 pupils have
started to receive tuition since 2020. A school survey suggested
that 71% of responding schools felt the tutoring is benefiting
academic progress, and 80% felt that it is improving pupils’
confidence.
I greatly enjoyed seeing tutoring in action through different
models during my visits to Burnopfield Primary School in County
Durham, which was employing an academic mentor, and Dunton Green
Primary School in Kent, which was working on the school-led route
and where pupils and staff were enthusiastic about the fresh
approach to recovering lost education. The Department will be
publishing the latest participation data shortly to update the
House, the Education Committee, and the public about the progress
being made. I have heard loud and clear the calls for more
regional data to be available, and I am determined that we get
that out at the earliest opportunity.
It was great to hear from my hon. Friend the Member for Penistone
and Stocksbridge about her personal experience of teaching and
tutoring, and her support for the ambition of reaching 2 million
pupils over the course of this year. Although I acknowledge that
take-up has been slow in parts of the programme, this Department
listens to the schools it serves. Continuous improvement is built
into our operation. My officials are working with our delivery
partner, Randstad, to address challenges that have arisen this
year. Schools continue energetically to employ academic mentors,
for whom there is a healthy order book, and tuition partners
continue to recruit new schools. We continue to listen to both
schools and those delivering the tutoring. Last month we brought
together tutoring organisations for a national workshop, and the
Secretary of State and I recently met a group of the programme’s
tuition partners, to hear their experiences of delivering the
programme.
Overall, the programme is on track to deliver its objectives for
this year. We constantly review the effectiveness of our policy
delivery, making in-year adjustments to ensure that as many
pupils as possible benefit from tutoring. That flexibility means
that we do not anticipate a notable underspend at the end of the
year. The Secretary of State and I have regularly been meeting
Randstad, and our officials continue to monitor its performance
on a weekly basis.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Harlow has raised many times
using underspend from the tutoring programme to address the
hugely important issue of attendance. That is a shared priority,
and I totally understand his determination to consider that
issue, as well as the strong case that has been made for
attendance mentoring. I am keen that we explore and consider
that, but I do not think it right to cannibalise tutoring funding
to do it. I want to ensure that we find other ways of addressing
that issue.
A question has been raised about the target for disadvantaged
children within the national tutoring programme. I want to be
clear that the 65% pupil premium target is not being removed, and
the Department and Randstad remain committed to that target
across the tuition partners pillar. Some flexibility was
introduced for individual tutoring organisations so that schools
and pupils did not miss out on valuable tutoring. They were
encouraged to look at whether they could move ahead with
providing tuition courses to individual schools without having to
set that particular target within every single school. I
appreciate that the communication of that did not necessarily
come across as it should. It is important that we correct the
record to be clear that the 65% target still stands and is an
important part of how we are targeting this across the system. We
are looking at how we can further improve the national tutoring
programme for next year and will announce our plans in due
course.
My hope and expectation is that more schools and tutoring
organisations will get behind this concerted drive to tackle lost
education. I look to all hon. Members present and colleagues
across the country to champion this unique opportunity for
schools in their constituencies. Together, we can ensure that the
tutoring revolution delivers its benefits to every pupil who
needs it and that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Penistone and
Stocksbridge said, it becomes an established part of the
education system.
The Minister referenced the various funding announcements for the
national tutoring programme, but the House of Commons Library
briefing says today:
“It is not clear how much has been spent on the NTP so far.”
For the record, can he clarify exactly how much has been spent to
date and on the three individual strands: the school-led,
tutor-led and mentoring parts of the NTP?
Mr Walker
I do not have those figures to hand, but it is important to
state, as in a number of debates, it has been suggested that
there will be a major underspend in the programme, that I do not
necessarily anticipate that to be the case. I think that we can
spend the money and do so effectively, and part of the reason for
that is the flexibilities we have introduced to ensure that this
can be delivered across all three strands of the programme.
I turn to adult education. My ambition for schools is matched by
that of my ministerial colleagues with responsibility for adult
education. That ambition is backed by our investment of £3.8
billion more in further education and skills over the course of
this Parliament.
Apprenticeships are more important than ever in helping
businesses to recruit the right people and develop the skills
that they need. I pay tribute to my right hon. Friend the Member
for Harlow for his work over a long period to raise the profile
and esteem of apprenticeships. We are increasing apprenticeships
funding, which will grow to £2.7 billion by 2024-25, and we have
already seen more than 164,000 starts in the first quarter of the
academic year, which is roughly a third—34%—higher than in the
same period in 2020-21 and 5% higher than in 2019-20, before the
pandemic. We encourage people of all ages to consider
apprenticeships. There is now more choice than ever before, with
640 high-quality standards across a range of sectors.
I note my right hon. Friend’s interest in and continuing passion
for teacher apprenticeships and agree that apprenticeships should
give a route into a range of professions. I am assured that there
is a range of apprenticeships in education, including a level 6
teaching apprenticeship. But we should continue to look at this
area while of course maintaining the esteem of teaching being a
graduate profession. His suggestion is absolutely in line with
that.
I note that my right hon. Friend the Member for South
Northamptonshire (Dame ) had to leave the debate
earlier than we might have anticipated. She has been passionate
about advocating the importance of apprenticeships for the early
years. She has done fascinating work in that space in championing
the value not only of the early years but of its workforce. I was
pleased that, at the spending review, the Chancellor announced a
£300 million package to transform services for parents, carers,
babies and children in half of local authorities in England. That
includes £10 million for trials of innovative workforce models in
a smaller number of areas to test approaches to support available
to new parents. With that work, we can look at some of the areas
she has championed such as early years mental health support,
breastfeeding support and the early years development workforce
as potential areas for the development of new apprenticeship
standards.
We are also supporting the largest expansion of our traineeship
programme to ensure more young people can progress to an
apprenticeship or work. We are funding up to 72,000 traineeship
places over the next three years. As part of our post-16 reforms,
as set out in the skills for jobs White Paper, employer-led local
skills improvement plans will be rolled out across England. Those
will help to ensure that learners are able to develop the
critical skills that will enable them to get a well-paid and
secure job, no matter where they live.
(Luton North) (Lab)
Before I go any further, I want to declare an interest as
somebody who used to help to deliver union learning in workplaces
across the country, so I know that access to in-work, lifelong
learning has the power to transform lives. Does the Minister
accept that the decision to axe the union learning fund
undermines any warm words about skills, further education and
in-work learning?
Mr Walker
I do not accept that. Some valuable education was provided by
Unionlearn, but the Department has to make sure that it is
delivering skills in the most effective way. I am sure that the
Minister responsible for skills, the Under-Secretary of State for
Education, my hon. Friend the Member for Brentwood and Ongar
(), can speak for himself
about decisions that have been taken in that respect.
My hon. Friend the Member for Penistone and Stocksbridge spoke
very passionately about the role of Northern College in Barnsley
and the support that it gets from the combined authority. I know
that she is due to meet the skills Minister shortly and he will
no doubt be able to come back to her on the residential
uplift.
The Government are investing £2.5 billion in the national skills
fund. That includes investment of up to £550 million to
significantly expand skills boot camps and to expand the
eligibility for delivery of the free courses for jobs offer. We
know that improving numeracy skills can have a transformative
effect, unlocking employment and learning opportunities. That is
why we are allocating up to £559 million over the spending review
period for our national numeracy programme, Multiply, which is
launching this year. But that is not all. Many people need more
flexible access to courses, helping them to train, upskill or
retrain alongside work, family and personal commitments. That is
why the lifelong loan entitlement will be introduced from 2025,
providing individuals with a loan entitlement to the equivalent
of four years of post-18 education to use over their
lifetime.
I recognise the passion of my right hon. Friend the Member for
Harlow for careers advice and he continues to press the case for
more episodes of careers engagement at school. I have seen some
fantastic examples of that, including apprentices coming into
sixth-form colleges to talk about the value of what they do, but
we share his aspiration in that sense.
In conclusion, the national tutoring programme and our work to
reform adult education share a core mission: to help those
falling behind and to provide the framework for as many
individuals as possible to reach their potential, regardless of
their stage of life or location. I am proud of what the
Government are doing to deliver that. We will continue to target
investment at changes that will make the most difference, and I
unreservedly commend this estimate to the House.
Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr )
The last word goes to the mover of the motion, .
4.37pm
I will go in order through the Members who spoke. The hon. Member
for Twickenham (), who I hugely respect, was
on the frontline in trying to keep schools open for most pupils
during lockdown, alongside me and many other Members. She made
the problems with the catch-up programme very clear, which my
hon. Friend the Member for Penistone and Stocksbridge () and the Front Benchers
reflected on. There is a cross-party view that the catch-up
programme, as it is, may not be fit for purpose, particularly the
Randstad part of it. As I said, I urge the Government to look at
that, and I am encouraged by what the Minister said.
My fellow Education Committee member, my hon. Friend the Member
for Penistone and Stocksbridge, talked powerfully not just about
the catch-up programme, but about skills. What she said about
universities is absolutely right. We have had a mantra in this
country of university, university, university when it should have
been skills, skills, skills. There has been an imbalance and I
welcome the moves that the Government are making to change that.
That was an important point and I am glad that she mentioned the
statistics relating to Germany’s much more vocational
education.
I thank the shadow spokesman, the hon. Member for Warwick and
Leamington (), for his kind remarks. He
was right to highlight the problems with Randstad. He talked
about breakfast clubs. Again, I am not asking for more money,
but, if the Government were to use just £75 million of the £340
million raised from the sugar levy, that could reach 50% of the
most disadvantaged pupils and expand the existing breakfast
provision. That is quite important.
I welcome what the Minister said, particularly about the weekly
meetings with Randstad and trying to get the catch-up programme
working properly. It is important to acknowledge that the overall
amount for the tuition programme is £5 billion, not just £1.8
billion. That is a sizeable sum of money in this economic
climate. I do not mind at all where the Minister gets the money
from for the “ghost children”, but we have to get those 100,000
kids back to school. If there is no underspend, that is fine, but
it has to be a proper priority for the Government and there needs
to be a serious effort and plan. I am glad that the Minister has
explained about the target of 65% of disadvantaged children.
Finally, I do not understand why teaching degree apprentices
still have to be graduates. We allow policing degree apprentices
and nursing degree apprentices who have not been to university
first, so why not teaching degree apprentices?
As I said in the closing remarks of my speech, we need a
long-term plan. The Ministry of Defence has a strategic review;
the NHS and the Department of Health and Social Care have a
long-term plan for health and a funding settlement. If we had the
same in education, a lot of the problems that we have talked
about today could perhaps be better solved.