Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Bill Bill, not amended in the
Public Bill Committee, considered Third Reading Queen’s consent
signified. 10.46am Mr Peter Bone (Wellingborough) (Con) I beg to
move, That the Bill be now read the Third time. I thank my right
hon. Friend the Member for Hemel Hempstead (Sir Mike Penning) for
giving the Queen’s consent. I thank all those who have supported
the Bill, particularly those were selected for and
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Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Bill
Bill, not amended in the Public Bill Committee, considered
Third Reading
Queen’s consent signified.
10.46am
(Wellingborough) (Con)
I beg to move, That the Bill be now read the Third time.
I thank my right hon. Friend the Member for Hemel Hempstead
( ) for giving the Queen’s
consent. I thank all those who have supported the Bill,
particularly those were selected for and attended the Bill
Committee without whom it could not have progressed. I was
thinking that to speed things up, I could just say, “This Bill is
going to save the average motorist 50 quid a year and is one in
the eye for the European Court of Justice”, but we probably need
to do a bit more than that. The expressions of Opposition Members
tell me that I better press on.
My Bill, which received Second Reading on 29 October last year
and passed Committee stage on 5 January this year, deals with an
issue that was considered in detail during a Westminster Hall
debate entitled “Motor Insurance: Court Judgments” on 22
September 2021. That debate was led expertly by my right hon.
Friend the Member for Chipping Barnet (), who cannot be here
today, but I thank her for all her continued support for the
Bill.
As an aside, when we have presentation Bills, it is a very good
idea, if there is not time in this Chamber for us to debate
Second Reading for as long as we would like, to obtain a
Westminster Hall debate so that we can get the issue discussed at
length before coming to this Chamber. That is a very good example
of what happened.
The Bill’s purpose is to remove the requirement for compulsory
motor insurance for vehicles used exclusively on private land and
for a wide range of vehicles not constructed for road use. People
might say, “You don’t have to have motor insurance for vehicles
used on private land or for vehicles that are not a motor
vehicle.” They would be right that that is the interpretation of
the Road Traffic Act 1998 that has stood since its inception.
That interpretation was held to be correct by the Government,
motor insurance and motorists alike, but then along came the ECJ
and the Vnuk case.
In 2014, the ECJ made a decision that confounded the European
Union and the British Government. The case of Vnuk extended the
requirement for compulsory third-party motor insurance far beyond
the scope of the Road Traffic Act. If the ruling is allowed to be
enforced in our courts, it will put ordinary people in breach of
the law for not having motor insurance for their vehicles used
exclusively on private land. To give just a few examples, motor
insurance will become compulsory for a golf cart that never
leaves the golf course, a ride-on lawnmower that someone uses in
their back garden and a tractor-trailer that is never designed to
leave the farm. It would also extend compulsory motor insurance
to machines that were never intended to be used on any road.
The Road Traffic Act 1988 requires that motor vehicles intended
for use on roads and other public land must be insured. It does
not require compulsory insurance for vehicles on private land,
nor does it require compulsory insurance for vehicles not
intended to be used on roads. The whole purpose of this Bill is
to return the law of this land to that envisaged in the 1988
Act.
(East Yorkshire) (Con)
I congratulate my hon. Friend on getting so far with his Bill. I
chair the all-party parliamentary historic vehicles group and
meet many motorists and motoring organisations, including those
connected with motorsport, and I have yet to hear a single
objection to the measure he proposes. Is he aware how much
widespread support he has?
Mr Bone
I am very grateful to my right hon. Friend, who has been a
staunch supporter of this Bill. To his point, there has been no
objection; in fact, there has been tremendous support. I am
afraid that in the whole process, the only person who has bowled
a bouncer is him—but I will come to that later.
(Cardiff North) (Lab)
Can the hon. Gentleman clarify what would happen? We know that
many accidents take place on farmland. Does public liability
insurance apply? Could he confirm what would happen to somebody
who was the victim of an awful accident on that farmland, for
example?
Mr Bone
The hon. Lady goes to the crux of the matter. That question was
brought up in Committee by the right hon. Member for Warley
(), and I will discuss it in
some detail later on; if I may, I will deal with it when I get to
it.
This Bill will restore the interpretation to British statute that
this sovereign Parliament always intended. Most importantly, it
will end any associated liability for insurance claims against
the Motor Insurers’ Bureau for the cost of accidents on private
land when motor insurance was not held. Importantly, the Bill
does not seek to invent new policy, nor, to the point the hon.
Member for Cardiff North () raised, would it limit the
Government or Parliament in changing insurance regulations for
motor vehicles in the future, if that is what Parliament decides
to do.
How did we get into this mess? Under the European Union
withdrawal agreement, the Vnuk decision has become retained EU
case law. In other words, it is the law of the land unless we
change it. We cannot just ignore it, because it is an EU court
decision and has now become the law of the land. Therefore, it is
essential that we act to prevent this European Court of Justice
decision from punishing motorists through higher premiums. At a
time when the cost of living is at the forefront of all our
minds, this is an opportunity to save ordinary people from an
unnecessary burden.
I will explain further: if the status quo is allowed to continue,
to account for its liability for accidents on private land, the
Motor Insurers Bureau will have to increase its charging levy.
That levy is paid by the motor insurers, which in turn will pass
on the cost to the motorist.
That is all well and good, but how much will the extra cost be
reflected in the average motorist’s insurance premium? The
Government actuaries have got out their bean counters, pressed a
few buttons on the computer and estimated the cost. By removing
the Vnuk judgment, the average motorist will be saved from a £50
price hike to their insurance premiums. Let me say that again:
the Government experts say the Bill will save the average
motorist £50 each and every year.
Clearly, there are huge benefits to motorists, so it is no
surprise that the Bill enjoys support from both sides of the
House. I thank hon. Members on the Opposition Benches for
supporting something that will benefit all motorists. On Fridays,
as we know, it is good when both sides of the House work together
to achieve something that helps our constituents.
(South Cambridgeshire)
(Con)
My hon. Friend mentions that motorists might benefit from reduced
insurance by getting rid of the clause. Will those of us who have
just renewed our car insurance, including me, get some sort of
discount as a result?
Mr Bone
Nice try! It is important that the motor insurance industry knows
that the Bill is making progress, so it has not put the £50 on.
If we do not do it, that will happen. It is not that people will
see their motor insurance go down by £50 per year, but that they
will not see it go up by £50 a year. My hon. Friend can go ahead
and renew his motor insurance.
I believe that I am correct in saying that, if passed, the Bill
will be the first Act of Parliament to remove retained EU law. It
will certainly be the first to remove retained EU case law, so it
will be a landmark step in taking back control of our own laws.
It is just one of the clear advantages of leaving the European
Union that we can now alter our laws to ensure that they are
interpreted the way that this sovereign Parliament intends.
The Bill will be the first of many post-Brexit dividends to be
established in primary legislation. We will deliver the
independence that the British people voted for and put pounds
back into their pockets. In fact, it would not be a bad idea for
the Government to have a Brexit Minister whose sole
responsibility it was to root out such savings across the whole
of Whitehall—and for that person to be a Brexiteer who had
consistently supported that point of view, maybe even a Spartan,
and clearly not someone who is a member of the current
Government. Does that give the Minister any clues?
The Vnuk judgment has also led the European Union to revise its
European directive, because it was as surprised by the decision
as we were, although, as with many decisions taken at EU level,
the interest of the ordinary motorist has been sacrificed in the
name of greater harmonisation between states. The revisions it
has made will fail to protect motorists in the EU from the
associated costs of the compulsory insurance requirement on
private land. Because of Brexit, this Parliament has the
opportunity to do better, and that is just what we are doing with
the Bill.
I will briefly mention the case of Colley v Shuker, which is
being considered by the Court of Appeal next week, as I know the
implications of the Bill have been questioned in relation to it.
It is clear, however, that the case bears no connection to the
Bill that we are considering today, as it involves an accident
where an insurance policy was in place. The effect of the Bill is
only to restore the statute book to the position that everyone
understood it to be before the Vnuk decision.
I mentioned earlier my gratitude to Committee members and I am
thankful for their excellent contributions. In Committee, the
right hon. Member for Warley raised an important point, which the
hon. Member for Cardiff North made today, that the obligation
that we have discussed arises in cases where there has been an
accident and possibly an injury. It is certainly true that
protecting genuine victims and general safety is of the utmost
importance when considering insurance requirements but, in most
cases, for accidents involving motor vehicles on private land, a
different type of insurance policy will already be in place. In
many cases, there is even an existing compulsory insurance
requirement, such as public liability insurance, employers
liability insurance or events insurance.
As previously stated, the Bill does not seek to create new law or
to tie the hands of Parliament in making changes to the
requirements for motor insurance in the future. What it does is
restore the interpretations of the Road Traffic Act 1988, which
stood for almost 30 years. In that time, copious case law in
British courts shaped the interpretation of that Act and
established through precedent recourse to the Motor Insurers’
Bureau in certain circumstances. To give the House an example,
although my local Waitrose car park might technically be on
private land, were I to have an accident with an uninsured
driver, the Motor Insurers’ Bureau would have liability, as
established through existing case law. It is impossible to
anticipate every possible accident scenario, although the Road
Traffic Act has historically proved very adaptable. If, out of
the blue, an incident highlighted a deficiency in protection for
injured parties, I have every confidence this Parliament would
act to rectify that.
I would also like to address the concerns of my right hon. Friend
the Member for East Yorkshire ( ), who bowled the Minister quite
the bouncer during the Committee. I must add my thanks to the
Under-Secretary of State for Transport, my hon. Friend the Member
for Aldridge-Brownhills (), for stepping in at the very
last minute to deal with the Bill in Committee, as the
responsible Minister was unfortunately ill on that day.
My right hon. Friend the Member for East Yorkshire raised a
concern about how electric scooters will fall under the Road
Traffic Act. It is my understanding that electric scooters would
be classified as motor vehicles under the Road Traffic Act and
would therefore require compulsory insurance. However, electric
scooters are not allowed to be used on the roads, so Parliament
will have to clarify that situation. That is not relevant to this
Bill, because all we are doing is restoring the law to what it
was before the Vnuk judgment.
Will my hon. Friend give way?
Mr Bone
I feel another bouncer coming.
I am trying to be helpful, actually. Although it is, as my hon.
Friend says, not a debate for today, does he agree that there is
a good case that if electric scooters are allowed on the public
highway, they should be insured?
Mr Bone
I think the law as it stands requires them to be compulsorily
insured, even though they are not allowed on the road. That is a
dilemma for the Government to sort out, but it is not, happily,
for this debate.
I will move on to a second similar thing. I understand that there
is a bespoke arrangement in place for electric bikes, whereby
insurance is not compulsory. Although these bikes are used on
public roads, they do not have to be compulsorily insured. It is
also true that given how expensive the equipment is, many
electric bike owners still opt to take out an insurance policy.
It may be possible to look at expanding the arrangement to
electric scooters, but again that will be a matter for Parliament
to consider, and it is not relevant to what the Bill does. My
right hon. Friend has brought it up, and it needs to be looked at
by the Government.
Finally, clause 2(2) sets out the jurisdictions of the Bill. The
provisions in the Bill extend and apply to England, Wales and
Scotland only. The exclusion of Northern Ireland is consistent
with the convention that Westminster will not normally legislate
for matters that are within the legislative competency of any of
the devolved Administrations. The Bill therefore does not
legislate for Northern Ireland, as the matters to which the
provisions of the Bill relate are within the legislative
competency of the Northern Ireland Assembly. I understand,
however, that the Northern Ireland Assembly is closely following
the passage of this Bill, which will set an example that it might
want to follow.
I am thrilled that leaving the European Union has given us this
opportunity to deliver a clear Brexit dividend and to finally
take back control of our laws. I hope this Bill will be the first
of many over the course of this Government to deliver on our key
post-Brexit objective.
11.04am
(Stourbridge) (Con)
I rise to support the Bill from my hon. Friend the Member for
Wellingborough (Mr Bone). I thank him for such a detailed speech
that made me fully understand exactly the content of the
Bill.
I was reading up on this, and the ECJ ruling and the subsequent
rulings that upheld the Vnuk ruling are simply impractical. The
ECJ’s ruling was based on the Vnuk case of 2007, whereby the
eponymous farmworker from Slovenia was injured because of being
knocked off a ladder by a trailer that was attached to a
reversing tractor. The incident occurred on private property, and
compulsory motor insurance was already purchased to comply with
Slovenian law. Mr Vnuk’s claim for damages against the insurance
company that provided the tractor’s compulsory motor insurance
policy was initially rejected by the Slovenian courts. However,
the European Court of Justice, in its infinite wisdom, overturned
the decision of the Slovenian courts, and ruled in favour of Mr
Vnuk—quite unbelievable. Now that we are out of the European
Union, as my hon. Friend mentioned many times in his speech, we
can pass this important Bill, so that we will have a common sense
approach to motor insurance claims—indeed, a common sense
approach to much of everything, now that we have left the
European Union.
The Vnuk case led to the extension of the 2009 EU motor insurance
directive on compulsory motor insurance for vehicles used on
private land. In addition, the definition of a motor vehicle, as
defined in the Road Traffic Act 1988, was widened to include
vehicles that were not adapted for use on the roads. Were it not
for the introduction of the Bill, motor vehicles would now
include agricultural machinery such as tractors, motorsports
vehicles, and light electric vehicles, all of which are not
commonly used on public roads. The European Court of Justice’s
broad interpretation of the 2009 EU directive has led to
excessive liabilities, and the implementation of the Vnuk
decision would have had a hugely detrimental impact on insurance
providers and motorists, as my hon. Friend clearly said.
The Government Actuary’s Department has analysed the financial
impact of the Vnuk ruling, and the figures do not make good
reading for insurance providers and motorists. Based on an
increased frequency of claims due to an increased number of both
legitimate and fraudulent claims relating to incidents on private
land, the insurance industry would have faced costs in the region
of £2 billion. Those costs would have been passed on to motorists
who were facing an approximate additional cost of more than £1.2
billion. That would have translated into a £50 increase in
insurance premiums for the average car user. At a time when
motorists are feeling the pinch with rising prices at the pumps,
the removal of the European Court of Justice ruling on the Vnuk
case from British law by the Bill will be welcomed by my
constituents. More than 64% of voters in Stourbridge voted leave,
and this Bill will be welcomed by them as a prime example of the
UK, and this Government, taking back control of our laws.
The 2014 ruling by the European Court of Justice undermined the
Road Traffic Act passed by the House in 1988, whereby compulsory
motor insurance was limited to accidents on roads and public
places. Some 94% of respondents to the Department of Transport’s
consultation, which sought the views on the ECJ’s position from
insurance providers and policy holders, opposed the ruling and
supported the original Act passed by this House. Now that the UK
has left the European Union and the jurisdiction of the European
Court of Justice, we are free to make our own laws in the
interests of the British people. This Bill takes advantage of our
freedom from the European Court of Justice to remove an
impractical ECJ ruling from UK law and deliver lower insurance
premiums for motorists. I am therefore delighted to support the
Bill, and I know my sentiment will be shared by many people in my
constituency.
11.08am
(East Surrey) (Con)
It is always a pleasure to follow my hon. Friend the Member for
Stourbridge (), and I congratulate my hon.
Friend the Member for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on this excellent
Bill. I have been in my place for only a couple of years, but in
this House it sometimes feels as if the job of Parliament is to
add to legislation, and it is also really important that we look
at deregulation. When we see regulation that is costly and has no
support from industry or consumers, and that does not work
practically, it is very much the business of this House to root
it out.
We have talked a bit about the Vnuk ruling and how it will apply
to the EU 2009 motor insurance directive, which would extend
compulsory insurance to vehicles on private land and possibly to
vehicles not constructed for road use. My hon. Friend the hon.
Member for Wellingborough mentioned golf buggies, tractors and
ride-on mowers, but there is also a real possibility that it
might affect mobility scooters.
I support the Bill because not only would that regulation add
huge costs to motor insurance, but it is not wanted in this
country and, practically, it does not work. We have heard about
some of the costs; I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for
Stourbridge that, at this time, adding a motor insurance hike of
£2 billion—an average £50 rise for 25 million people—is not
something we want to pursue. Although we may have different views
across the House, and indeed across our party, on how to address
the cost of living issue, we can all agree that it is a real
issue this year and we do not want to add to that through
unnecessary regulation.
The Department for Transport did run a consultation in 2016-17.
There were 902 respondents, 94% of whom rejected the policy. That
consultation was not just industry-based but included members of
the public. When regulation is not wanted by industry or the
consumer, we have to wonder why we feel we can impose that on the
British people.
On whether the regulation would work, RSA’s consultation response
shows that there is no guarantee that private insurance markets
would provide competitive policies. It is a very bad idea for
Government to intervene on insurance markets and force them to
put forward products that they would not necessarily do
themselves. There is no guarantee that the products work and that
they would be at a decent cost to consumers. Looking at some of
the vehicles that the regulation might extend to shows that there
is no clear practical way of enforcing the legislation. The sheer
volume of claims that might end up coming forward could overwhelm
the insurance industry, which would not work for anyone at
all.
Finally, to echo the point made by other hon. Members who have
spoken, let us look at why we are in this place. The EU has not
yet put forward the legislation, but because the European Union
(Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020 took a snapshot of EU law on 31
December 2020, we are still having to use some EU law unless we
decide to overturn it. The EU courts must have regard to the
existing decisions and general principles set out by the European
court before 2020. That is a really good example of the
real-world effects of a relentless, bureaucratic engine and a
one-size-fits-all policy approach on our consumers here, when it
is not wanted.
I congratulate my hon. Friend the hon. Member for Wellingborough
on one of my favourite pieces of legislation, which I am happy to
support.
11.13am
(Loughborough) (Con)
I am delighted to follow my hon. Friend the Member for East
Surrey (). I nearly said right hon.
Friend—it is only a matter of time. I congratulate my hon. Friend
the Member for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on an excellent piece of
legislation.
Brexit was an historic moment for our country, which brought with
it the opportunity to free our businesses from overbearing
bureaucracy and reduce costs for consumers in order to boost
innovation and growth across the economy.
I just could not let that go, sorry. Notwithstanding this Bill,
which does look to streamline certain issues, there are many
Brexit-related issues up and down the country, in our businesses
and at our borders. I do not think the hon. Member can justify
the comments she just made.
Mr Deputy Speaker ( )
The good news is, this is not a debate about Brexit. I do not
mind passing references to it, but let us not turn the debate
into something that it is not.
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker.
This Bill is another step in the right direction as, by ending
the effect of the Vnuk decision, we will remove needless and
excessive liabilities that place an unnecessary administrative
and financial burden on the Motor Insurer’s Bureau, businesses
and policy holders. Indeed, I note that the Government Actuary’s
Department has estimated that Vnuk would lead to an estimated £50
annual increase in insurance premiums for motorists and £2
billion in extra overall costs for the insurance industry. This
would be a terrible outcome, given the current issues over the
cost of living. I also agree with my right hon. Friend the Member
for Chipping Barnet () that, given that £50 is
only the average, younger drivers will bear the brunt of the
increase as they constitute a higher risk.
We also know that Vnuk would impact significantly on businesses,
in particular those in the motor sport industry. Ahead of the
debate, I was contacted by one of my constituents, Mr John
Kirkpatrick, who is a director of the Motorsport Industry
Association. He has informed me that the association has been
lobbying the European Commission against the adoption of the Vnuk
proposal because, as the UK Government have acknowledged, it
could lead to an additional annual cost of £458 million for the
UK’s motorsports industry. I am told that the industry has a
turnover of £10 billion annually and is of huge importance to the
midlands, being the centre of motorsport valley and employing
40,000 people. It is also recognised globally as the centre of
excellence and the go-to community of knowledge and innovation.
So this Bill would go a long way to supporting the midlands
economy and helping to level up the country.
Of course, since the ruling the EU has also taken steps to
address its impact. This leaves the UK in the perverse situation
that it is stuck with a snapshot of EU law at the end of the
transition period, all while the EU itself is enacting reforms to
address what it has described as absurd over-regulation. Well,
amen to that, Mr Deputy Speaker.
Taking all this into account, I will be supporting the Bill
today, and I hope that the Government continue to work to remove
all unnecessary red tape inherited from our membership of the EU
so that we put the success of our businesses and the finances of
consumers first.
11.17am
(Dudley North) (Con)
By way of a passing reference to Brexit, I would like to reassure
my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) that my
thinking is very much aligned with his on all matters Brexit, so
he should feel a degree of confidence in what I am about to
say.
The people in my constituency overwhelmingly voted to leave the
European Union—I believe in the region of 72%. The general
election in December 2019 proved yet again at the fourth time of
asking that the United Kingdom wanted to leave. So would you not
agree, Mr Deputy Speaker, that it is right that we should
continue to end needless retained EU laws? I am pleased to
support the Bill and that the Government also support it.
I echo Mark Shepherd from the Association of British Insurers,
who said:
“There would have been no easy way to monitor compliance and
enforcement for those using their vehicles on private land. It
would also have been difficult to establish the circumstances of
any claim, so increased the scope for fraud, that ultimately ends
up being paid for by motorists through their insurance
premiums.”
That is something that any one of us is very familiar with if we
own a car.
Following Vnuk and the subsequent case of Lewis v. Tindale, the
UK motor insurance industry has found itself financially liable,
via the MIB levy, for accidents involving uninsured vehicles in
circumstances where compulsory insurance is not required. This
arises from the decision in Vnuk and Lewis and the imposition of
EU law requirements that were retained post Brexit by the
European Union Withdrawal Act 2018. The Bill will remove the
lingering effect of EU law in this area and restate the position
under the 1988 Act whereby motor insurance is required only for
the use of motor vehicles on a road or other public place. I
should perhaps declare a minor interest here: I own one vehicle
that is currently off the road.
(Hemel Hempstead) (Con)
SORN.
SORN—that is the word.
At a time when everyone is facing increasing household bills,
fuel costs and cost of living, we should make it our priority to
get rid of any unnecessary financial burdens. The Bill will
reduce the cost of insurance for motorists across the UK. As has
been said a couple of times already, implementing Vnuk across the
UK would have cost something in the region of £2 billion,
covering all existing motor cars, motorbikes, business vehicles,
motorsports and other businesses.
I am a car owner too—I think most of us are—but is it not also
important that without the Bill, the future of British motorsport
could be seriously at risk?
I thank my right hon. Friend for his intervention and I
completely agree with his observation.
It has been calculated that insurance policyholders could face an
estimated cost of over £1 billion if Vnuk were implemented,
expressed as a potential increase in individual insurance
premiums of circa £50 for 25 million consumers. An extra £50 a
month is a lot of money for many families; it could mean choosing
between eating or heating their homes. Our constituents should
keep that £50 in their own pockets, and not cover the costs of
some idiots who may cause accidents and fail to insure their
vehicles while they are at it. To me, the Bill smacks of pure
common sense.
11.21am
(Vale of Clwyd) (Con)
It is a privilege to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley
North (). I congratulate my hon.
Friend the Member for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on his work on the
Bill over a considerable number of weeks, and I am pleased to
speak in support of its Third Reading.
The Government’s intention to support the objectives of the Bill
is clear. Following an incident in 2007, a European Court of
Justice ruling in 2014 directed the extension of the provisions
requiring motor insurance for those using public roads to a wider
range of vehicles on private land, as we have heard. That
includes in gardens, on golf courses, at motorsport events and
even in museums, and therefore potentially includes lawnmowers,
quad bikes, golf buggies, mobility scooters and other light
electric vehicles, motorsports vehicles, and agricultural and
construction machinery.
In practice, of course, this would be largely unenforceable, and
it would quite possibly be an unwelcome duty on the police. The
House of Commons Library notes that the EU itself has now reached
an agreement
“to reverse some of the impact”
of the decision, so I am glad that Ministers are supportive of
efforts to truly tackle the relevant piece of inherited EU law
here in Great Britain through this Bill.
For most, of course, the primary benefit of the Bill is that it
will overcome a punishing rise in insurance premiums. The average
motor insurance premium in the UK is already £436 per year,
rising to over £1,000 for higher-risk groups. In the three months
to December 2021, there was a further 5% increase in premiums,
and as life returns to normal and—we hope—our road miles increase
again, that may well increase further. Doing what we can to stop
additional price hikes should therefore be a priority, and the
Bill will help to achieve that.
The Government Actuary’s Department has calculated that
implementing the ECJ’s ruling would increase motor insurance
bills by up to £50 for each of the 25 million motorists in the UK
as a result of their subsidising off-road insurance claims. The
total cost would amount to £1.2 billion or, on some estimates, up
to £2 billion. As we have heard, a Department for Transport
consultation on the matter in 2016 found that 94% were against
making the changes to compulsory motor insurance that would
otherwise arise. Of course, in many cases insurance is already in
place to cover accidents, including employers liability insurance
and public liability insurance, as the hon. Member for Cardiff
North () pointed out.
At a time when petrol and diesel costs have been rising, a
further increase in the cost of running a car would be most
unwelcome. That is particularly significant for many people in my
north Wales constituency, for whom car ownership is often vital.
Local public transport provision is limited in many ways. As
chairman of the all-party parliamentary group on Mersey Dee North
Wales, I am working with hon. and right hon. Members and local
government representatives and officials to secure improvements
in that.
Sir Peter Hendy’s Union connectivity review has recognised the
significance of upgraded rail connectivity. Even so, the
improvement to public transport connections is a slow process.
Sir Peter also recognised the need to upgrade road
infrastructure, including the A55. The transition to electric
vehicles means that cars are here to stay, and my constituents
need them to be affordable.
The Bill’s explanatory notes acknowledge that its provisions
could lead to a loss of tax revenue from insurance premium tax.
By pledging their support for the Bill, Ministers are clear that
they have the interests of motorists at the forefront of their
considerations.
Does my hon. Friend agree that, in addition to those tax savings,
a number of very large businesses—farms, for example—have
numerous vehicles that never go on the public highway, and this
would have a greater impact on them?
Dr Davies
Indeed. It is true that those with multiple vehicles stand to be
punished even more if the Bill does not pass—my hon. Friend is
quite right.
My constituent Andrew Wilde wrote to me earlier this week. His
whole family are motorsport enthusiasts—in fact, he is a member
of the North Wales Autograss Club —and he believes that the Bill
will support the whole industry. He worries that without this
Bill, the UK motorsport sector will see insurance costs increase
by over £450 million.
Andrew goes on to say:
“I believe motorsport brings a lot to this country - more than
simply Lewis Hamilton winning the FI Title. That can be seen when
you drive down the M40 & see the high quality companies based
in our country. It provides good quality jobs & just as
important, hundreds of thousands of the population with
enjoyment, either participating or watching.”
I very much share my constituent’s positivity, and I am pleased
to support the Bill.
11.27am
(South Cambridgeshire)
(Con)
It is an honour to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Vale of
Clwyd (Dr Davies). I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for
Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on bringing forward this legislation. It
is the first to get rid of some inherited EU law, as he said, for
many of the reasons that have been highlighted by other
Members.
Clearly, anything that reduces costs for motorists is welcome. As
many Members have done, I declare an interest as a motorist who
pays car insurance, which costs a lot of money. Anything that
brings that cost down is very welcome, particularly during a
cost-of-living crisis, and this measure that will help with
that.
As my hon. Friends the Members for Vale of Clwyd and for Dudley
North () mentioned, the retained law
is incredibly impractical in the details. Just how would it work?
How would responsibility be assigned? How would pay-outs be made?
None of that has been properly sorted out. Practical measures are
very important in a farming constituency such as South
Cambridgeshire, where there are an awful lot of off-road
vehicles—I live in a small farmhouse, and we can drive for quite
a long way without going on to a public road.
Just as important is the unpopularity of the retained law not
just in the industry, but among the public. Various Members have
mentioned the consultation that the Government held, in which 94%
of respondents said that they did not want that legislation. It
is expensive, impractical and unpopular, yet we still have it in
the UK.
My constituency is quite different from many of those that other
hon. Members have mentioned because it overwhelmingly—63%— voted
remain. I think, however, that even my constituents would have
trouble understanding why the European Court of Justice, rather
than this Parliament, should be able to decide the policy and
laws on insuring golf buggies.
(Heywood and Middleton)
(Con)
Does my hon. Friend agree that one of the first positive signs of
our new freedom post-Brexit is that we can start to reverse some
of the impractical judgments that were made without the UK
specifically in mind, which started, for example, with the
Factortame case?
I completely agree. I declare another interest. I used to be
Europe editor of The Times and I lived in Brussels for many
years. I used to drive around across borders. If you drive for a
couple of hours from Brussels you get into Luxembourg. Another
half an hour and you are in Germany. Within 10 minutes, you can
drive between France, Germany and Luxembourg: you are crossing
borders the whole time. From that point of view, one can
understand why one would want some co-ordination between
insurance policies and so on. In the UK, we are an island. That
is a very different position and different motoring rules apply.
Often, the EU would have motoring rules, for example regulations
on child seats in cars, that might have made sense if one lived
in Luxembourg and drove into Germany and France every day and
would not want to have the different regulation of child seats.
In the UK, however, there is no particular reason why we should
have the same regulation for child seats in cars as there is in,
say, Poland.
(Wythenshawe and Sale East)
(Lab)
We drive on the left.
We do. Clearly, people do drive from what is now the EU to the
UK, but the volume of traffic is very low.
I want to raise a point about why we ended up with this European
Court of Justice ruling. As a Europe editor of The Times, I wrote
various think-tank reports about EU regulations and structure. I
advised the Government and was involved with European law-making
for about 20 years. In the Lisbon treaty, there is the principle
of subsidiarity. We do not talk about it much in this place. When
Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister, she talked about it and
everyone scratched their heads saying, “What is subsidiarity?”
The basic principle is that one should make laws at a European
level only where necessary, for example on cross-border issues
such as pollution or trade. I cannot see any argument for why the
insurance of golf buggies needs a pan-European law.
I join my hon. Friend in declaring an interest as the insurer of
several vehicles. Is it not the other side-effects of Vnuk that
are so offensive and why we are right to support the Bill?
Without the Bill, would it not mean that, for example, ride-on
lawnmowers would need to have insurance?
My right hon. Friend is absolutely right. That ECJ judgment has
incredibly wide-ranging implications across many different
sectors. I picked on golf buggies, but it affects lawnmowers,
agricultural vehicles and electric scooters, as we heard. It is
incredibly wide ranging. It is baffling and extraordinary how a
Slovenian farmer, Mr Vnuk, getting knocked off his ladder—poor
guy; I hope he was not too badly injured and I hope he got
compensation—can lead to a series of different judgments,
amendments and so on that cost the British motor insurance
industry £458 million or a £50 increase in premiums for British
drivers, a total of £1 billion a year. It is difficult to explain
to voters, even in remain constituencies like mine, what the
justification is for that.
Before my right hon. Friend’s intervention, I mentioned
subsidiarity as a principle enshrined in an EU treaty. There are
various mechanisms in the EU to try to ensure subsidiarity.
Parliamentary committees of national Parliaments are meant to
have votes and give red flag warnings when EU legislation
contravenes it. However, this was not EU legislation. It was a
judgment from the European Court of Justice and, as case law has
the effect of legislation, it was enshrined in UK law after we
left the EU. That raises the question of the European Court of
Justice.
I reported on the European Court of Justice. I have visited its
buildings many times. I will give one little anecdote about a
story I once tried to do. The British Government were appointing
a judge to the ECJ. I thought that that was quite an important
story. The British Government were involved and the ECJ had, when
we were in the EU, a constitutional role in the UK. It could make
laws that overrode the national Parliament and the national
Government, and could change the lives of British citizens. The
Vnuk ruling is a clear example of that. At the same time that I
was suggesting to the editor of The Times that I write a story
about the British Government’s appointing a judge to the European
Court of Justice, there was some controversy over a judge on the
United States Supreme Court, as hon. Members may recall—one of
them had a nanny they should not have employed, or something. I
said, “This is a far more important story. The British Government
are involved. This court changes the lives of British citizens.
It can overrule the British Government and the British
Parliament.”
I wrote my story, and the next day the Supreme Court wrangling
was front page of The Times, the main story, and my story about
our appointing a judge to the European Court of Justice was a
“News in Brief”, a tiny little thing. This is not a pro-remain or
pro-Brexit argument, but even when we were members of the EU we
had virtually no knowledge or understanding of the workings of
the European Court of Justice or its important or
significance.
When we were members of the EU, I used to play a little parlour
game: “We have the right to appoint a British judge to the
European Court of Justice. What is the name of our judge on the
European Court of Justice?” I used to ask MPs and so on, and no
one had any idea. I searched for his name in newspaper articles
and this particular judge was never mentioned—I cannot actually
remember his name now. I will save their blushes, but I asked the
serving Europe Minister at the time, “What is the name of our
judge on the European Court of Justice?” and he had no idea. I
thought, “We really do have a problem as a country. We have no
understanding or appreciation of the importance of the court, the
way it works or the influence it has over our daily lives in this
country.”
The Vnuk judgment is not only a clear example of the role of that
court, overriding the objections of the British Government and of
Parliament, but a clear breach of the principle of subsidiarity,
which is enshrined in EU treaty law. There will probably be other
examples of retained EU legislation; my hon. Friend the Member
for Wellingborough suggested that there will be a whole series of
such bits of legislation that we think are inappropriate for the
UK. He suggested a new Government position: a Brexit Minister,
someone who has had an interest in this issue for the whole time
and is not currently serving as a member of the Government. I
wonder who he could be thinking about?
Without repeating that suggestion, let me make another one. I
keep coming across different bits of legislation in this place
that we can only enact as a result of our having left the EU.
This Bill is one example, but there are many others. It would be
useful for the Government to compile a list across all the
different Departments of all the little things we are doing as a
result of leaving the EU, as well as the big things such as
reforming the common agricultural policy and so on.
(North West Durham)
(Con)
One of the first things we did was to change the taxation on
motorhomes, which is very important to my constituents because
North West Durham is where we manufacture many of them. Under the
EU regulations that came forward, gold-plated by our civil
service, we would have seen a 700% tax increase, which we have
been able to reverse since leaving the EU. I agree with my hon.
Friend’s point, but does he think that we need to see all those
practical examples laid out by the British Government to show the
benefits of our having left the EU?
Mr Deputy Speaker ( )
Order. Before the hon. Gentleman responds to that, is there any
possibility of steering his great speech back to Third Reading of
the Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Bill?
I was talking about the underlying legislative process for the
Bill. I thank my hon. Friend for his intervention, and I agree;
there are probably many other bits of legislation such as this,
and it would be good to get a holistic view of the impact of all
that.
For all the reasons I mentioned at the beginning of my speech,
before talking about European jurisprudence, I fully support this
Bill. The Vnuk ruling is impractical, it is expensive to
motorists, including myself, and it does not serve the deemed
objectives. For the reasons mentioned by the Opposition, the
Government probably do need to think about whether there are any
other bits of legislation needed to ensure that there is no harm
done by lack of insurance on private land, but this Bill is
incredibly popular and I fully support it.
11.38am
(Hemel Hempstead) (Con)
I will be quite short, because there is a lot of important
business still to come. As a Eurosceptic before Brexiteers were
even invented, I completely agree with my hon. Friend the Member
for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) and with this Bill.
I am a little sceptical in another way, however, and this is for
the Minister’s ears. The motor insurance industry is very clever
at telling us by how much something would go up if we did
something, and often their actuaries very early on write in to
the risk that premiums would go up—and premiums are going up in
the country today. When I was in the Minister’s position on the
Treasury Bench as the roads Minister, the industry came to me and
said, “If we have continuous insurance, we will be able to lower
premiums, because we are taking the risk away in respect of
uninsured motorists”—who are paid for by everybody in the Chamber
and around the country who insures their vehicle. Motor insurance
sits with our constituents.
I completely agree with the principle that nobody should be on
our roads who is not insured. If the vehicle is off the road, we
should make a statutory off road notification and register it as
off the road, because the law states that it should be insured
even if it is on the drive.
I have not seen any proof or example of motor insurance going
down since those promises were made. The Minister should keep a
close eye on the motor insurance industry. It is a very
profitable marketplace. The industry may say the cost will go up
by £50 per policy, but that £50 has actually already been written
in. The Minister should give the industry a subtle hint and say,
“How come it hasn’t gone down since we have had continuous
insurance?”
11.40am
(Wythenshawe and Sale East)
(Lab)
What an excellent finish to the contribution from the right hon.
Member for Hemel Hempstead ( ). I will get on to the £50
bonus in a few moments.
I congratulate the hon. Member for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on
securing progress for his Bill and on selflessly putting himself
forward to be the Brexit dividend Minister. No wonder he has been
mounting a full-throated defence of the Prime Minister on the
news channels over the past few days. Those things are possibly
connected.
The hon. Gentleman did a good job of explaining the background of
the Vnuk case and its consequences for motorists here. I thank
him for that good explanation. I did not agree with everything he
said but people will look back at the Hansard report and say it
was a good contribution.
As has been made clear, we have operated under the scheme set out
in the Road Traffic Act for many decades. It is proportionate and
it works, although that is not to say we should not revisit it
from time to time. The Government have intended to overturn Vnuk
for quite some time. The cost of uninsured drivers is currently
met by the Motor Insurers’ Bureau. The Government have estimated
that the implementation of the ECJ ruling in the Vnuk case could
cost policy holders £1.227 billion, or an average rise of around
£50 for 25 million customers. I think that figure is right, but I
will come back to it, if I may.
I say respectfully to the shadow Minister that that cost is being
met not by the Motor Insurers’ Bureau but by motorists in this
country. That is probably very important.
It is indeed met by motorists, who are hard pressed in this cost
of living crisis.
A few people veered slightly off the highway in the debate. There
were terrific contributions from the hon. Members for Stourbridge
(), for East Surrey (), for Loughborough (), for Dudley North (), for Vale of Clwyd (Dr
Davies) and for South Cambridgeshire (). I would love to talk
about subsidiarity well into the night and juxtapose it with the
principle of solidarity that the European Union was founded
on—that is not a remainer case; it is just a great debate—but
that is not for this place today.
Churchill said that a fanatic is someone who will not change
their mind and cannot change the subject. We have seen a bit of
that today. From some Government Members we have seen what I
would call hubris—they are glad after the fact. Ask Odysseus how
that worked out; I would be careful with it. The right hon.
Member for Hemel Hempstead hit the nail on the head: there will
be no £50 dividend. I shall say why—and I am going to veer off
course.
There is an £11 billion pothole-repair backlog in this country.
That is what is driving up motor insurance, because most damage
is done by potholes. The Secretary of State for Transport has cut
pothole-repair funding in Hertfordshire by 23%. The area
represented by the Under-Secretary of State for Transport, the
hon. Member for Copeland () in Cumbria has the most
reported potholes in the land. For the last 40 years—during which
the seat belt rules have applied—the number of fatalities on our
roads has gone down and down and down. In 2020, the number rose
by 5%: we have reversed a 40-year trend. That is what will have
an impact on people’s motor insurance, for sure. The £50
deficit—the “Brexit deficit”—is a complete misnomer. It will not
affect motor insurance one bit. I think that that is what the
right hon. Member for Hemel Hempstead was referring to, but let
us see the insurers put that £50 in their policies! I doubt we
will see that happen any time soon.
I could carry on, and name other factors that will have an impact
on motor insurance—[Interruption.] It seems that Members do not
want me to do that, but let me briefly talk about the highway
code that we are implementing next week. There has been no
promotion of it—absolutely nothing. The Government’s transport
team are saying that they will get round to that in February, way
after it has happened. We have major changes coming. What will
that do to the accident ratio in the next few months, and what
will it do to motor insurance payments? The cost of living crisis
has been mentioned a great deal. How will the hike in national
insurance payments affect the crisis that our people face? How
will the depletion of our gas storage affect it?
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, for allowing me to veer off track
ever so slightly. I congratulate the hon. Member for
Wellingborough on the Bill, but it is clear that there is much
more work to do. We need to ensure that people who have to drive
can afford their motor insurance and can afford to drive safely,
and we need to look at the whole picture, in the round, of the
damage being done to road maintenance and road safety. I look
forward to hearing from the Minister about that.
11.46am
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Transport ()
I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough (Mr
Bone) on his expertise, his dedication, his hard work and, of
course, his success in promoting his Bill and securing its
passage as far as Report. I also congratulate him on his success
in having secured what has become, as my hon. Friend the Member
for East Surrey () told us today, her
favourite piece of legislation. Sadly, she is not in her place to
hear of that success.
May I say what an honour it is—and a pleasure, as always—to
follow the hon. Member for Wythenshawe and Sale East ()? I thank and pay tribute to my
right hon. Friends the Members for Chipping Barnet () and for East Yorkshire
( ), my hon. Friends the Members
for East Surrey, for Stourbridge (), for Loughborough (), for Dudley North (), for Vale of Clwyd (Dr
Davies) and for South Cambridgeshire (), and my right hon. Friend
the Member for Hemel Hempstead ( ), as well as others who have
spoken today or during the Bill’s earlier stages.
As all those right hon. and hon. Members, and my ministerial
colleagues, have made clear, this is an important issue. The
Government have made it plain since 2014 that they do not agree
with the European Court of Justice’s ruling in the Vnuk case, and
that view was shared by 94% of the 92 respondents to the
Department for Transport’s consultation. The Vnuk decision
created the unnecessary extension of motor insurance to private
land, as well as, potentially, a greater range of vehicles. That
is why we have announced that we will remove the effects of Vnuk
from British law in February 2021. As my hon. Friend the Member
for Wellingborough said, it will be a landmark moment when we
remove law that does not work for the United Kingdom. That will
include removing the associated financial liability imposed on
the Motor Insurers’ Bureau via the courts’ decision in MIB v.
Lewis.
The Bill represents the best possible opportunity to address this
issue at the earliest possible opportunity. It will clarify the
way in which the compulsory insurance obligation operates in
Great Britain, and will make it clear that there is no obligation
to extend insurance to private land and vehicles not constructed
for road use. It removes any retained EU law rights to
compensation from the Motor Insurers’ Bureau, and it provides
that retained EU case law that is inconsistent with the position
that it sets out will cease to have effect. That effectively
removes the Vnuk decision from the law, and that is why the
Government support it. I should perhaps declare a minor interest
here: I own one vehicle that is currently off the road.
(Hemel Hempstead) (Con)
SORN.
SORN—that is the word.
At a time when everyone is facing increasing household bills,
fuel costs and cost of living, we should make it our priority to
get rid of any unnecessary financial burdens. The Bill will
reduce the cost of insurance for motorists across the UK. As has
been said a couple of times already, implementing Vnuk across the
UK would have cost something in the region of £2 billion,
covering all existing motor cars, motorbikes, business vehicles,
motorsports and other businesses.
I am a car owner too—I think most of us are—but is it not also
important that without the Bill, the future of British motorsport
could be seriously at risk?
I thank my right hon. Friend for his intervention and I
completely agree with his observation.
It has been calculated that insurance policyholders could face an
estimated cost of over £1 billion if Vnuk were implemented,
expressed as a potential increase in individual insurance
premiums of circa £50 for 25 million consumers. An extra £50 a
month is a lot of money for many families; it could mean choosing
between eating or heating their homes. Our constituents should
keep that £50 in their own pockets, and not cover the costs of
some idiots who may cause accidents and fail to insure their
vehicles while they are at it. To me, the Bill smacks of pure
common sense.
11.21am
(Vale of Clwyd) (Con)
It is a privilege to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley
North (). I congratulate my hon.
Friend the Member for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on his work on the
Bill over a considerable number of weeks, and I am pleased to
speak in support of its Third Reading.
The Government’s intention to support the objectives of the Bill
is clear. Following an incident in 2007, a European Court of
Justice ruling in 2014 directed the extension of the provisions
requiring motor insurance for those using public roads to a wider
range of vehicles on private land, as we have heard. That
includes in gardens, on golf courses, at motorsport events and
even in museums, and therefore potentially includes lawnmowers,
quad bikes, golf buggies, mobility scooters and other light
electric vehicles, motorsports vehicles, and agricultural and
construction machinery.
In practice, of course, this would be largely unenforceable, and
it would quite possibly be an unwelcome duty on the police. The
House of Commons Library notes that the EU itself has now reached
an agreement
“to reverse some of the impact”
of the decision, so I am glad that Ministers are supportive of
efforts to truly tackle the relevant piece of inherited EU law
here in Great Britain through this Bill.
For most, of course, the primary benefit of the Bill is that it
will overcome a punishing rise in insurance premiums. The average
motor insurance premium in the UK is already £436 per year,
rising to over £1,000 for higher-risk groups. In the three months
to December 2021, there was a further 5% increase in premiums,
and as life returns to normal and—we hope—our road miles increase
again, that may well increase further. Doing what we can to stop
additional price hikes should therefore be a priority, and the
Bill will help to achieve that.
The Government Actuary’s Department has calculated that
implementing the ECJ’s ruling would increase motor insurance
bills by up to £50 for each of the 25 million motorists in the UK
as a result of their subsidising off-road insurance claims. The
total cost would amount to £1.2 billion or, on some estimates, up
to £2 billion. As we have heard, a Department for Transport
consultation on the matter in 2016 found that 94% were against
making the changes to compulsory motor insurance that would
otherwise arise. Of course, in many cases insurance is already in
place to cover accidents, including employers liability insurance
and public liability insurance, as the hon. Member for Cardiff
North () pointed out.
At a time when petrol and diesel costs have been rising, a
further increase in the cost of running a car would be most
unwelcome. That is particularly significant for many people in my
north Wales constituency, for whom car ownership is often vital.
Local public transport provision is limited in many ways. As
chairman of the all-party parliamentary group on Mersey Dee North
Wales, I am working with hon. and right hon. Members and local
government representatives and officials to secure improvements
in that.
Sir Peter Hendy’s Union connectivity review has recognised the
significance of upgraded rail connectivity. Even so, the
improvement to public transport connections is a slow process.
Sir Peter also recognised the need to upgrade road
infrastructure, including the A55. The transition to electric
vehicles means that cars are here to stay, and my constituents
need them to be affordable.
The Bill’s explanatory notes acknowledge that its provisions
could lead to a loss of tax revenue from insurance premium tax.
By pledging their support for the Bill, Ministers are clear that
they have the interests of motorists at the forefront of their
considerations.
Does my hon. Friend agree that, in addition to those tax savings,
a number of very large businesses—farms, for example—have
numerous vehicles that never go on the public highway, and this
would have a greater impact on them?
Dr Davies
Indeed. It is true that those with multiple vehicles stand to be
punished even more if the Bill does not pass—my hon. Friend is
quite right.
My constituent Andrew Wilde wrote to me earlier this week. His
whole family are motorsport enthusiasts—in fact, he is a member
of the North Wales Autograss Club—and he believes that the Bill
will support the whole industry. He worries that without this
Bill, the UK motorsport sector will see insurance costs increase
by over £450 million.
Andrew goes on to say:
“I believe motorsport brings a lot to this country - more than
simply Lewis Hamilton winning the FI Title. That can be seen when
you drive down the M40 & see the high quality companies based
in our country. It provides good quality jobs & just as
important, hundreds of thousands of the population with
enjoyment, either participating or watching.”
I very much share my constituent’s positivity, and I am pleased
to support the Bill.
11.27am
(South Cambridgeshire)
(Con)
It is an honour to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Vale of
Clwyd (Dr Davies). I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for
Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on bringing forward this legislation. It
is the first to get rid of some inherited EU law, as he said, for
many of the reasons that have been highlighted by other
Members.
Clearly, anything that reduces costs for motorists is welcome. As
many Members have done, I declare an interest as a motorist who
pays car insurance, which costs a lot of money. Anything that
brings that cost down is very welcome, particularly during a
cost-of-living crisis, and this measure that will help with
that.
As my hon. Friends the Members for Vale of Clwyd and for Dudley
North () mentioned, the retained law
is incredibly impractical in the details. Just how would it work?
How would responsibility be assigned? How would pay-outs be made?
None of that has been properly sorted out. Practical measures are
very important in a farming constituency such as South
Cambridgeshire, where there are an awful lot of off-road
vehicles—I live in a small farmhouse, and we can drive for quite
a long way without going on to a public road.
Just as important is the unpopularity of the retained law not
just in the industry, but among the public. Various Members have
mentioned the consultation that the Government held, in which 94%
of respondents said that they did not want that legislation. It
is expensive, impractical and unpopular, yet we still have it in
the UK.
My constituency is quite different from many of those that other
hon. Members have mentioned because it overwhelmingly—63%— voted
remain. I think, however, that even my constituents would have
trouble understanding why the European Court of Justice, rather
than this Parliament, should be able to decide the policy and
laws on insuring golf buggies.
(Heywood and Middleton)
(Con)
Does my hon. Friend agree that one of the first positive signs of
our new freedom post-Brexit is that we can start to reverse some
of the impractical judgments that were made without the UK
specifically in mind, which started, for example, with the
Factortame case?
I completely agree. I declare another interest. I used to be
Europe editor of The Times and I lived in Brussels for many
years. I used to drive around across borders. If you drive for a
couple of hours from Brussels you get into Luxembourg. Another
half an hour and you are in Germany. Within 10 minutes, you can
drive between France, Germany and Luxembourg: you are crossing
borders the whole time. From that point of view, one can
understand why one would want some co-ordination between
insurance policies and so on. In the UK, we are an island. That
is a very different position and different motoring rules apply.
Often, the EU would have motoring rules, for example regulations
on child seats in cars, that might have made sense if one lived
in Luxembourg and drove into Germany and France every day and
would not want to have the different regulation of child seats.
In the UK, however, there is no particular reason why we should
have the same regulation for child seats in cars as there is in,
say, Poland.
(Wythenshawe and Sale East)
(Lab)
We drive on the left.
We do. Clearly, people do drive from what is now the EU to the
UK, but the volume of traffic is very low.
I want to raise a point about why we ended up with this European
Court of Justice ruling. As a Europe editor of The Times, I wrote
various think-tank reports about EU regulations and structure. I
advised the Government and was involved with European law-making
for about 20 years. In the Lisbon treaty, there is the principle
of subsidiarity. We do not talk about it much in this place. When
Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister, she talked about it and
everyone scratched their heads saying, “What is subsidiarity?”
The basic principle is that one should make laws at a European
level only where necessary, for example on cross-border issues
such as pollution or trade. I cannot see any argument for why the
insurance of golf buggies needs a pan-European law.
I join my hon. Friend in declaring an interest as the insurer of
several vehicles. Is it not the other side-effects of Vnuk that
are so offensive and why we are right to support the Bill?
Without the Bill, would it not mean that, for example, ride-on
lawnmowers would need to have insurance?
My right hon. Friend is absolutely right. That ECJ judgment has
incredibly wide-ranging implications across many different
sectors. I picked on golf buggies, but it affects lawnmowers,
agricultural vehicles and electric scooters, as we heard. It is
incredibly wide ranging. It is baffling and extraordinary how a
Slovenian farmer, Mr Vnuk, getting knocked off his ladder—poor
guy; I hope he was not too badly injured and I hope he got
compensation—can lead to a series of different judgments,
amendments and so on that cost the British motor insurance
industry £458 million or a £50 increase in premiums for British
drivers, a total of £1 billion a year. It is difficult to explain
to voters, even in remain constituencies like mine, what the
justification is for that.
Before my right hon. Friend’s intervention, I mentioned
subsidiarity as a principle enshrined in an EU treaty. There are
various mechanisms in the EU to try to ensure subsidiarity.
Parliamentary committees of national Parliaments are meant to
have votes and give red flag warnings when EU legislation
contravenes it. However, this was not EU legislation. It was a
judgment from the European Court of Justice and, as case law has
the effect of legislation, it was enshrined in UK law after we
left the EU. That raises the question of the European Court of
Justice.
I reported on the European Court of Justice. I have visited its
buildings many times. I will give one little anecdote about a
story I once tried to do. The British Government were appointing
a judge to the ECJ. I thought that that was quite an important
story. The British Government were involved and the ECJ had, when
we were in the EU, a constitutional role in the UK. It could make
laws that overrode the national Parliament and the national
Government, and could change the lives of British citizens. The
Vnuk ruling is a clear example of that. At the same time that I
was suggesting to the editor of The Times that I write a story
about the British Government’s appointing a judge to the European
Court of Justice, there was some controversy over a judge on the
United States Supreme Court, as hon. Members may recall—one of
them had a nanny they should not have employed, or something. I
said, “This is a far more important story. The British Government
are involved. This court changes the lives of British citizens.
It can overrule the British Government and the British
Parliament.”
I wrote my story, and the next day the Supreme Court wrangling
was front page of The Times, the main story, and my story about
our appointing a judge to the European Court of Justice was a
“News in Brief”, a tiny little thing. This is not a pro-remain or
pro-Brexit argument, but even when we were members of the EU we
had virtually no knowledge or understanding of the workings of
the European Court of Justice or its important or
significance.
When we were members of the EU, I used to play a little parlour
game: “We have the right to appoint a British judge to the
European Court of Justice. What is the name of our judge on the
European Court of Justice?” I used to ask MPs and so on, and no
one had any idea. I searched for his name in newspaper articles
and this particular judge was never mentioned—I cannot actually
remember his name now. I will save their blushes, but I asked the
serving Europe Minister at the time, “What is the name of our
judge on the European Court of Justice?” and he had no idea. I
thought, “We really do have a problem as a country. We have no
understanding or appreciation of the importance of the court, the
way it works or the influence it has over our daily lives in this
country.”
The Vnuk judgment is not only a clear example of the role of that
court, overriding the objections of the British Government and of
Parliament, but a clear breach of the principle of subsidiarity,
which is enshrined in EU treaty law. There will probably be other
examples of retained EU legislation; my hon. Friend the Member
for Wellingborough suggested that there will be a whole series of
such bits of legislation that we think are inappropriate for the
UK. He suggested a new Government position: a Brexit Minister,
someone who has had an interest in this issue for the whole time
and is not currently serving as a member of the Government. I
wonder who he could be thinking about?
Without repeating that suggestion, let me make another one. I
keep coming across different bits of legislation in this place
that we can only enact as a result of our having left the EU.
This Bill is one example, but there are many others. It would be
useful for the Government to compile a list across all the
different Departments of all the little things we are doing as a
result of leaving the EU, as well as the big things such as
reforming the common agricultural policy and so on.
(North West Durham)
(Con)
One of the first things we did was to change the taxation on
motorhomes, which is very important to my constituents because
North West Durham is where we manufacture many of them. Under the
EU regulations that came forward, gold-plated by our civil
service, we would have seen a 700% tax increase, which we have
been able to reverse since leaving the EU. I agree with my hon.
Friend’s point, but does he think that we need to see all those
practical examples laid out by the British Government to show the
benefits of our having left the EU?
Mr Deputy Speaker ( )
Order. Before the hon. Gentleman responds to that, is there any
possibility of steering his great speech back to Third Reading of
the Motor Vehicles (Compulsory Insurance) Bill?
I was talking about the underlying legislative process for the
Bill. I thank my hon. Friend for his intervention, and I agree;
there are probably many other bits of legislation such as this,
and it would be good to get a holistic view of the impact of all
that.
For all the reasons I mentioned at the beginning of my speech,
before talking about European jurisprudence, I fully support this
Bill. The Vnuk ruling is impractical, it is expensive to
motorists, including myself, and it does not serve the deemed
objectives. For the reasons mentioned by the Opposition, the
Government probably do need to think about whether there are any
other bits of legislation needed to ensure that there is no harm
done by lack of insurance on private land, but this Bill is
incredibly popular and I fully support it.
11.38am
(Hemel Hempstead) (Con)
I will be quite short, because there is a lot of important
business still to come. As a Eurosceptic before Brexiteers were
even invented, I completely agree with my hon. Friend the Member
for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) and with this Bill.
I am a little sceptical in another way, however, and this is for
the Minister’s ears. The motor insurance industry is very clever
at telling us by how much something would go up if we did
something, and often their actuaries very early on write in to
the risk that premiums would go up—and premiums are going up in
the country today. When I was in the Minister’s position on the
Treasury Bench as the roads Minister, the industry came to me and
said, “If we have continuous insurance, we will be able to lower
premiums, because we are taking the risk away in respect of
uninsured motorists”—who are paid for by everybody in the Chamber
and around the country who insures their vehicle. Motor insurance
sits with our constituents.
I completely agree with the principle that nobody should be on
our roads who is not insured. If the vehicle is off the road, we
should make a statutory off road notification and register it as
off the road, because the law states that it should be insured
even if it is on the drive.
I have not seen any proof or example of motor insurance going
down since those promises were made. The Minister should keep a
close eye on the motor insurance industry. It is a very
profitable marketplace. The industry may say the cost will go up
by £50 per policy, but that £50 has actually already been written
in. The Minister should give the industry a subtle hint and say,
“How come it hasn’t gone down since we have had continuous
insurance?”
11.40am
(Wythenshawe and Sale East)
(Lab)
What an excellent finish to the contribution from the right hon.
Member for Hemel Hempstead ( ). I will get on to the £50
bonus in a few moments.
I congratulate the hon. Member for Wellingborough (Mr Bone) on
securing progress for his Bill and on selflessly putting himself
forward to be the Brexit dividend Minister. No wonder he has been
mounting a full-throated defence of the Prime Minister on the
news channels over the past few days. Those things are possibly
connected.
The hon. Gentleman did a good job of explaining the background of
the Vnuk case and its consequences for motorists here. I thank
him for that good explanation. I did not agree with everything he
said but people will look back at the Hansard report and say it
was a good contribution.
As has been made clear, we have operated under the scheme set out
in the Road Traffic Act for many decades. It is proportionate and
it works, although that is not to say we should not revisit it
from time to time. The Government have intended to overturn Vnuk
for quite some time. The cost of uninsured drivers is currently
met by the Motor Insurers’ Bureau. The Government have estimated
that the implementation of the ECJ ruling in the Vnuk case could
cost policy holders £1.227 billion, or an average rise of around
£50 for 25 million customers. I think that figure is right, but I
will come back to it, if I may.
I say respectfully to the shadow Minister that that cost is being
met not by the Motor Insurers’ Bureau but by motorists in this
country. That is probably very important.
It is indeed met by motorists, who are hard pressed in this cost
of living crisis.
A few people veered slightly off the highway in the debate. There
were terrific contributions from the hon. Members for Stourbridge
(), for East Surrey (), for Loughborough (), for Dudley North (), for Vale of Clwyd (Dr
Davies) and for South Cambridgeshire (). I would love to talk
about subsidiarity well into the night and juxtapose it with the
principle of solidarity that the European Union was founded
on—that is not a remainer case; it is just a great debate—but
that is not for this place today.
Churchill said that a fanatic is someone who will not change
their mind and cannot change the subject. We have seen a bit of
that today. From some Government Members we have seen what I
would call hubris—they are glad after the fact. Ask Odysseus how
that worked out; I would be careful with it. The right hon.
Member for Hemel Hempstead hit the nail on the head: there will
be no £50 dividend. I shall say why—and I am going to veer off
course.
There is an £11 billion pothole-repair backlog in this country.
That is what is driving up motor insurance, because most damage
is done by potholes. The Secretary of State for Transport has cut
pothole-repair funding in Hertfordshire by 23%. The area
represented by the Under-Secretary of State for Transport, the
hon. Member for Copeland () in Cumbria has the most
reported potholes in the land. For the last 40 years—during which
the seat belt rules have applied—the number of fatalities on our
roads has gone down and down and down. In 2020, the number rose
by 5%: we have reversed a 40-year trend. That is what will have
an impact on people’s motor insurance, for sure. The £50
deficit—the “Brexit deficit”—is a complete misnomer. It will not
affect motor insurance one bit. I think that that is what the
right hon. Member for Hemel Hempstead was referring to, but let
us see the insurers put that £50 in their policies! I doubt we
will see that happen any time soon.
I could carry on, and name other factors that will have an impact
on motor insurance—[Interruption.] It seems that Members do not
want me to do that, but let me briefly talk about the highway
code that we are implementing next week. There has been no
promotion of it—absolutely nothing. The Government’s transport
team are saying that they will get round to that in February, way
after it has happened. We have major changes coming. What will
that do to the accident ratio in the next few months, and what
will it do to motor insurance payments? The cost of living crisis
has been mentioned a great deal. How will the hike in national
insurance payments affect the crisis that our people face? How
will the depletion of our gas storage affect it?
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, for allowing me to veer off track
ever so slightly. I congratulate the hon. Member for
Wellingborough on the Bill, but it is clear that there is much
more work to do. We need to ensure that people who have to drive
can afford their motor insurance and can afford to drive safely,
and we need to look at the whole picture, in the round, of the
damage being done to road maintenance and road safety. I look
forward to hearing from the Minister about that.
11.46am
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Transport ()
I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Wellingborough (Mr
Bone) on his expertise, his dedication, his hard work and, of
course, his success in promoting his Bill and securing its
passage as far as Report. I also congratulate him on his success
in having secured what has become, as my hon. Friend the Member
for East Surrey () told us today, her
favourite piece of legislation. Sadly, she is not in her place to
hear of that success.
May I say what an honour it is—and a pleasure, as always—to
follow the hon. Member for Wythenshawe and Sale East ()? I thank and pay tribute to my
right hon. Friends the Members for Chipping Barnet () and for East Yorkshire
( ), my hon. Friends the Members
for East Surrey, for Stourbridge (), for Loughborough (), for Dudley North (), for Vale of Clwyd (Dr
Davies) and for South Cambridgeshire (), and my right hon. Friend
the Member for Hemel Hempstead ( ), as well as others who have
spoken today or during the Bill’s earlier stages.
As all those right hon. and hon. Members, and my ministerial
colleagues, have made clear, this is an important issue. The
Government have made it plain since 2014 that they do not agree
with the European Court of Justice’s ruling in the Vnuk case, and
that view was shared by 94% of the 92 respondents to the
Department for Transport’s consultation. The Vnuk decision
created the unnecessary extension of motor insurance to private
land, as well as, potentially, a greater range of vehicles. That
is why we have announced that we will remove the effects of Vnuk
from British law in February 2021. As my hon. Friend the Member
for Wellingborough said, it will be a landmark moment when we
remove law that does not work for the United Kingdom. That will
include removing the associated financial liability imposed on
the Motor Insurers’ Bureau via the courts’ decision in MIB v.
Lewis.
The Bill represents the best possible opportunity to address this
issue at the earliest possible opportunity. It will clarify the
way in which the compulsory insurance obligation operates in
Great Britain, and will make it clear that there is no obligation
to extend insurance to private land and vehicles not constructed
for road use. It removes any retained EU law rights to
compensation from the Motor Insurers’ Bureau, and it provides
that retained EU case law that is inconsistent with the position
that it sets out will cease to have effect. That effectively
removes the Vnuk decision from the law, and that is why the
Government support it.
11.49am
Mr Bone
With the leave of the House, I would like to thank all the people
who have assisted with the Bill and particularly those who have
spoken today. My hon. Friend the Member for Stourbridge () brought up Brexit, saying
that two thirds of her constituents voted for it, and then, blow
me down, that was topped by my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley
North (), who said the proportion was
70%—
It was 72%.
Mr Bone
Indeed. Then, of course, we moved to my hon. Friend the Member
for South Cambridgeshire (), who said that Vnuk would
be very difficult to enforce and just happened to mention that
nearly two thirds of people there voted remain. In fact, that was
the only place in the United Kingdom that I went to as part of
the leave campaign where there were remain posters up in the
windows as I knocked on the doors.
I thank my right hon. Friend the Member for Hemel Hempstead
( ), not least for his help at
the beginning of the debate. He and the excellent shadow
Minister, the hon. Member for Wythenshawe and Sale East (), also rightly made the point,
“Hang on, motor industry, we have done you a pretty good favour
today. How about looking after motorists?” Like so many
organisations, it is very quick to put things up but not so quick
to bring them down, so I hope that that was noted.
My hon. Friend the Member for East Surrey () said that if there are
regulations that we do not need, let us reduce them. My hon.
Friends the Members for Loughborough () and for Vale of Clwyd (Dr
Davies) mentioned the cost—the £50 hike that would occur—and the
consultation in which 94% were against the Vnuk decision. I am
not quite sure what the other 6% were thinking about, but that is
pretty high. I also thank the hon. Member for Cardiff North
(), who made a really
important point, which I hope we dealt with in the Bill. At the
beginning of the process, I was very concerned about that,
too.
Let me turn to some of the people who are not in the Chamber
today who have helped with the Bill. In particular, I thank James
Langston of the Department for Transport and the team for all
their assistance. I thank the excellent Minister at the Dispatch
Box and the shadow Minister—without Opposition support, we could
not have made progress today, so I am very grateful.
I thank Nick Robbins of the Motor Insurers’ Bureau and David Holt
of Weightmans for their immensely detailed knowledge and help. I
thank my right hon. Friend the Member for Chipping Barnet (), who not only led the
Westminster Hall debate but attended many stakeholder meetings,
and my right hon. Friend the Member for East Yorkshire ( ), who bowled one or two
bouncers during the process, and I am very grateful for that
scrutiny.
It has been gratifying to see such widespread engagement with and
support for the Bill, including from the National Farmers Union
and members of the all-party groups on motorsport, farming and
historic vehicles, all of whose specialist area of interest will
be profoundly impacted by the Vnuk judgment. I also thank, as my
right hon. Friend the Member for Central Devon () did in relation to the previous Bill, Adam
Mellows-Facer, the Clerk of Private Members’ Bills, who I can
embarrass—my right hon. Friend could not because he had left the
Chamber, but I will embarrass him and say what a professional and
helpful job he has done.
Finally, I thank Isobelle Jackson in my office, who helped in
preparing all the work behind the Bill. Just getting a private
Member’s Bill to this stage takes a lot of work and I have an
enormous appreciation for all the work that she has done.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read the Third time and passed.
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