Christian Wakeford It is profoundly troubling that in 2022 I have
to rise and publicly speak about the hatred being directed towards
Jewish students on university campuses. What should also be
alarming to colleagues in this House and all those in wider society
is the amount of parliamentary time that has been dedicated to the
issue over the previous two years. I have sat through comments in
this Chamber, read parliamentary questions and responses, heard
evidence at the...Request free trial
It is profoundly troubling that in 2022 I have to rise and
publicly speak about the hatred being directed towards Jewish
students on university campuses. What should also be alarming to
colleagues in this House and all those in wider society is the
amount of parliamentary time that has been dedicated to the issue
over the previous two years. I have sat through comments in this
Chamber, read parliamentary questions and responses, heard
evidence at the Select Committee on Education and led a
Westminster Hall debate highlighting the concerns of Jewish
students across our country.
Most Jewish students will enjoy an incident-free and happy time
on campus, but I have heard testimony from many Jewish students
and their families. When embarking on university careers, Jewish
students and staff should feel safe, secure and supported. When
issues arise, procedures should be in place and complaints
investigated and acted on. Tragically, in many instances, that is
not the case.
I have chosen to focus this debate on Bristol University because
of the fact that it has shown a consistent disregard for the
welfare of its Jewish students and, indeed, for Members of this
House. Many will know about the abhorrent and racist views of
Professor David Miller. However, there have been other instances
of troubling behaviour that have not been addressed. Just
yesterday, a Jewish academic shared on Twitter a screenshot of
the university’s equality, diversity and inclusion training on
religion and belief. The scenario explained that the best
candidate for the job was Jewish and would therefore need to
leave early on Fridays for shabbats, when there was a team
meeting. If the participant answered the scenario by saying that
there should be a flexible approach to hire the best candidate,
they were told:
“Might not be a good idea.”
Essentially, this training is teaching participants not to hire
an observant Jew.
The actions of David Miller will be familiar to most. Members
will have read the numerous newspaper articles and heard the
exasperation of Jewish students who were left exhausted and
frustrated when raising these serious issues with the university
authorities. To give some context, Professor Miller taught
political sociology at the University of Bristol. He abused his
position to extol dangerous antisemitic conspiracy theories to
his impressionable students.
Miller conducted a module called “Harms of the Powerful”,
including a PowerPoint slide with a fanciful diagram featuring a
web of Jewish organisations placed under or subservient to the
Israeli Government. The topic of the week in his February 2019
lecture was Islamophobia, and the slide was part of Professor
Miller’s explanation of his theory that the Zionist movement is
part of a global network that promotes and encourages hatred of
Muslims and of Islam. The PowerPoint presentation he used
included mainstream UK Jewish organisations and leaders in that
diagram, implying that they were part of an alleged Islamophobic
network.
One Jewish student present put it like this:
“As a Jewish student I felt uncomfortable and intimidated in his
class. I know and understand what he says is false, it is clear
however that a number of students in the class believe him, just
because he is an academic”.
The same student said:
“I fear that if he found out that I was Jewish this would
negatively affect my experience throughout this unit”.
A different Jewish student in his class stated:
“I don’t think it is right that I should have to sit in a lecture
or seminar in fear. Fear that he will offend me personally or for
fear that he is going to spread hatred and misinformation to
other students who, in turn, can pass on these false ideas”.
The Community Security Trust, which monitors hate crime on behalf
of the Jewish community, submitted a complaint to the university
in March 2019. It was informed that
“the University does not have a formal process for responding to
complaints from third parties”.
The university insisted that to look into matters further, a
complaint would have to be submitted by a named individual. The
students who had made contact with the CST insisted on their
anonymity being preserved. As a result, Bristol University
falsely asserted that it had received no complaints. That is
clearly not the case.
I thank my hon. Friend for raising the case of antisemitic racist
Professor Miller, because that is what he is and what many of his
supporters are. We should never shy away from calling him out as
what he is, which is an antisemitic racist.
It is not just students who have problems, as my hon. Friend will
be aware. I am one of the co-chairs of the all-party
parliamentary group against antisemitism, of which he is a
vice-chair. More than 100 parliamentarians from seven parties
have written to Bristol University. The APPG has written numerous
times, and although we have had responses, they have been lacking
in detail and in the information that we have asked for. Most
recently, we asked the university to share with us the details of
the training that it says it is offering on antisemitism. It is
not good enough. The students should never have been put in such
a position, but when 100 parliamentarians from seven parties are
also ignored, that really tells us that Bristol is not putting
the emphasis it should put on this important issue. It is frankly
a disgrace.
I find it hard to disagree with a single word that my hon. Friend
says. It is an absolute disgrace that for more than two years,
such antisemitic racist views were allowed to continue. What is
more abhorrent is that even when she came in front of the Select
Committee on Education, a representative of the university tried
to hide behind the fact of having had a conversation and a
dialogue with the Bristol Jewish Society—JSoc—as if that were the
solution to all the problems. Again, that is not the case.
It is appalling that students felt that they had to choose
whether to complain against an academic teaching racist
conspiracy theory because they would inevitably face a backlash.
The University of Bristol Jewish Society submitted its own
complaint. In responding, the academic charged with reviewing the
matter wrote in June 2019 that the internationally agreed
definition of antisemitism, which the university later
adopted,
“is a somewhat controversial definition, with some believing that
it is imprecise and can be used to conflate criticism of the
policies of the Israeli government and of Zionism with
antisemitism”.
Instead, he decided to use
“a simpler and, I hope, less controversial definition of
antisemitism as hostility towards Jews as Jews”.
He then ruled, regarding Professor Miller’s lecture, that
“I cannot find any evidence in the material before me that these
views are underlain by hostility to Jews as Jews…I am unable,
therefore, to find grounds upon which Professor Miller should be
subjected to disciplinary action”.
That is completely contrary to the International Holocaust
Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism. It
subsequently transpired that the person charged with
investigating the matter was a close colleague who was notorious
for holding similar political views to Professor Miller’s.
In 2019, the then Member for Bassetlaw, now , wrote to the university on
behalf of the all-party parliamentary group against antisemitism,
asking it to review its disciplinary processes and consult
antisemitism experts, but the institution refused. Following
Bristol’s adoption of the IHRA’s definition in December 2019, a
further complaint was made by CST, following further appalling,
untrue and potentially dangerous allegations about the
organisations, but this too was treated with utter disdain. The
complaint followed Miller’s comments in an online meeting in
which he described CST as
“people who must only be faced and defeated”.
CST is an organisation that looks after children going to school
and people going about their daily worship and their daily Jewish
life. To describe it as an organisation that must be defeated is
absolutely abhorrent.
I am grateful to the hon. Member for securing this important
Adjournment debate. As someone whose constituency contains the
Community Security Trust, I am shocked by some of the comments
made by Professor Miller. He claims that CST is actually
controlled by the Israeli Government, but I can assure the whole
House that that is certainly not the case. One thing that CST
does, certainly in the London Borough of Barnet, is keep our
citizens safe.
I completely agree. I have had the fortunate privilege of working
very closely with CST since my election. For those who look after
the safety of the community to be treated with utter disdain is
absolutely appalling.
When challenged on his comments by Jewish News, Professor Miller
said that CST
“is an organisation that exists to run point for a hostile
foreign government in the UK...This is a straightforward story of
influence-peddling by a foreign state.”
I seem to recall that the previous title of CST was the Defence
Department of the Board of Deputies of British Jews, so if CST is
being accused of being an agent of the Israeli Government,
presumably the accuser is saying the same about the Board of
Deputies of British Jews. That gets pretty close to antisemitism
in my book.
Again, it would be remiss of me not to highlight the PowerPoint
document in which not only the Board of Deputies but the Jewish
representative councils, the Jewish Leadership Council and so
many different community organisations were all highlighted as
being part of a Zionist conspiracy, which is a blatant
falsehood.
That comment alone from Professor Miller is blatantly
antisemitic. Once again, the response from the university was
underwhelming, emphasising that CST was an external organisation.
It paid no regard to the fact CST was clearly not a third party
and was in fact the injured party, given that the comments made
were directly addressed to the organisation.
I am sorry to labour the point, but it is such an important point
because that argument is an antisemitic trope that is used
against anybody who dares to call this issue out or question it.
It has been used against the APPG. We have been accused of being
in the pay of Zionists, and videos have been produced accusing
the group’s members of being on the take from the Israeli
Government or paid for by Zionists. That is a regular occurrence
and something that these people use time and time again against
anybody who dares to question them: to accuse them of being in
the pay of a foreign Government or some other shady characters in
the background. It is pure and simple antisemitism. This has to
stop, and I hope that the Minister will listen and contact
Bristol University himself to demand that it shares with him the
training materials that it is providing on this issue.
I completely agree. Not only is it antisemitic, but the
conspiracy theories alone are dangerous. They are false and
inaccurate and, again, fuel the racist ideology that Professor
Miller extols.
Seemingly encouraged by the lack of an official response to the
complaints, Professor Miller carried on articulating his
problematic views. He claimed that an interfaith cookery class
was looking to normalise Zionism among Muslims. He also argued
that
“Britain is in the grip of an assault on its public sphere by the
state of Israel and its advocates”,
and called BBC’s Emma Barnett
“one of the most energetic Zionist campaigners in British public
life”.
On the abuse of Jewish students on campus, he claimed:
“There is a real question of abuse here—of Jewish students on
British campuses being used as political pawns by a violent,
racist foreign regime engaged in ethnic cleansing”.
Again, this is not accurate. It is not true and it is
dangerous.
One would have thought any one of those ridiculous theories would
be enough for instant dismissal, but the lack of action
emboldened Professor Miller. Even a letter signed by 700
academics, which stated that they
“believe that Prof. Miller’s depiction of Jewish students as
Israeli-directed agents of a campaign of censorship is false,
outrageous, and breaks all academic norms regarding the
acceptable treatment of students”,
was ignored.
Professor Miller also had the audacity to criticise the Jewish
Society and Jewish students for calling out antisemitism. Miller
personally attacked the Jewish Society president, which led to a
sustained campaign of abuse being launched online. In February
2021, the Union of Jewish Students once again had to release a
number of statements, following further comments by Miller
discussing some imagined global Zionist conspiracy involving
Jewish students. It took until March 2021 for an investigation to
be launched. Even after the outrage and a number of mentions in
both Houses of Parliament, Miller was allowed back on campus, to
the disgust of the Union of Jewish Students and its members.
As my hon. Friend the Member for Brigg and Goole () said, the leadership of the
APPG continued to demand action from the university, in February
and March 2021, when over 100 cross-party Members of both Houses
intervened, and again in May and August. Each time our concerns
were ignored, and Miller later suggested that the APPG, too, was
part of an Israeli conspiracy.
The highest echelons of the university were well aware of
Miller’s hateful views, and an unproductive meeting was held with
the vice-chancellor and Jewish students. This was 165 days since
Professor Miller had attacked Jewish students, and no guarantees
were given on timescales or when the university would fulfil its
basic duty of care to its Jewish students. Only on 1 October was
news received that he would no longer be employed by the
university. Giving evidence to the Select Committee on Education
later that month, Professor Jessop mentioned that several
training programmes were being run at the university, including
on inclusion, Islamophobia and antisemitism. A letter from the
APPG in October asking for details of the training was
ignored.
The ordeal seemed to have drawn to a close, although a subsequent
petition was signed by 460 people, mainly academics, highlighting
this deep-rooted problem. Bristol University and Professor Miller
are responsible for bringing antisemitism into a mainstream
university campus, and they should be thoroughly ashamed. The
fact that Bristol University took so long to act as Miller, a
racist, peddled baseless conspiracy theories about his own
students will be a permanent stain on its reputation. Initially,
it stood by Miller’s teaching instead of protecting Jewish
students from suspicion and discrimination. The fact that Bristol
University did not act to protect Jewish students who were
subjected to his disgusting conspiracy theories is a disgrace.
This is a case study of how not to deal with legitimate
complaints of antisemitism by concerned students who were
deliberately targeted by one of its academics.
I am sorry to intervene again, but it is important to state that
one of the defences used by the university was free speech. We
are all cognisant of and protectors of free speech in this place,
but free speech does not extend to racist language or the
peddling of racist myths. It is shameful that the university used
that as a defence. I hope that it will, in listening to this
debate, reflect on that. Freedom of speech does not give us the
ability and freedom to make racist comments or make Jewish
students—or any student of any minority group—feel unsafe on
campus. It was shameful that it used that as a defence.
I completely agree. Freedom of speech is something we all
treasure and hold dearly. However, freedom of speech should never
include incitement to racial hatred, which is what was the
case.
I have two substantive questions for the Minister. First, any
improvement at Bristol University will involve training. Will he
undertake to write to the university to find out what training is
being undertaken, who has provided it and what quality assurance
has been applied? Secondly, the Higher Education (Freedom of
Speech) Bill, as the Antisemitism Policy Trust pointed out, risks
failing the Miller test by giving academics recourse to the
courts when expressing themselves within their area of
expertise—and we know how Miller describes that. Will he meet
again with me the trust, the CST, the UJS and others on how the
Bill can be amended to prevent that from happening?
I hope now that at the very least any institution planning to
employ Professor Miller cannot say that it was not aware of his
racism, and that Jewish students across the country will hear
this debate and know that we will always stand with them and by
them in the fight against anti-Jewish racism. That is what he is
guilty of.
5.17pm
The Minister for School Standards
I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Bury South () on securing this
debate on antisemitism at the University of Bristol. I echo his
comment that it is profoundly troubling that we should have to
have this debate at all. It feels especially poignant given that
Holocaust Memorial Day is just a few weeks away. I should point
out that I am responding to the debate on behalf of the Minister
for Higher and Further Education, my right hon. Friend the Member
for Chippenham (), who is isolating pending
the outcome of a PCR test. I wish her well with that.
I would like to begin by stating that there is no place for
antisemitism in our society. The Government are clear that racism
and religious hatred of any kind should not be tolerated.
Universities and other higher education providers should be at
the forefront of tackling antisemitism, and must make sure that
higher education is a genuinely fulfilling and welcoming
experience for everyone. Colleagues may be aware that in
November, within just a few weeks of his appointment, the
Secretary of State for Education visited Auschwitz, which
demonstrated his resolve to learn the terrible lessons of the
holocaust and to eradicate antisemitism from our education
system. During his visit, he warned that if universities failed
to consider the views of Jewish students, the risk was “obvious”,
adding that antisemitism is not simply a historic debate; it is a
present danger and a scourge that exists, sadly, on our campuses.
We must do more to stamp out antisemitism and ensure that Jewish
students and staff feel welcome on all our campuses.
Eliminating antisemitism from our society, including our
world-leading university sector, is one of our key priorities. We
have been clear that we expect providers to take a zero-tolerance
approach to antisemitism in all its forms. The Government have
taken decisive and long-standing action to tackle antisemitism in
higher education. The working definition of antisemitism
developed by the IHRA is one important tool for identifying and
tackling antisemitism. Adopting it sends a strong signal that
higher education providers take the issue seriously.
Getting from where we were a couple of years ago to where we are
now with regard to the number of institutions that have adopted
IHRA is something we should be proud of. However, adopting IHRA
is clearly just a badge. What can the Minister and the Department
do to make sure that adoption is only part of the journey and
that the definition is truly enforced as well?
Mr Walker
My hon. Friend pre-empts some of the comments I am about to make.
I absolutely recognise that it is only a step on the journey and
not the destination itself.
In October 2020, the previous Secretary of State wrote to all
higher education providers, urging them to adopt the IHRA
definition. He wrote again in May 2021, emphasising the
importance of adopting the definition in the light of increased
antisemitic incidences following the conflict in the middle
east.
To support that, in the previous Secretary of State’s strategic
guidance letter to the Office for Students last year, he
specifically emphasised the importance of work on the IHRA
definition and asked the Office for Students to undertake a
package of work aiming to increase adoption levels across the
sector. Last month, in response, the OfS published a list of
providers that have adopted the definition along with case
studies of where it is being used most effectively. I am pleased
to see the progress made—my hon. Friend commented on this—with a
marked increase in the number of providers adopting the
definition from about 30 to more than 200, including the vast
majority of universities.
Although that progress has been made, we are acutely aware that
adoption of the definition is just a first step towards
eradicating antisemitism in higher education. The Community
Security Trust recently published statistics indicating that
there is still much work to do. Some worrying examples were cited
that demonstrate how much more needs to be done.
Dr Offord
I am grateful that the Minister raised the CST and the figures
that it published, which I have in front of me. He will be aware
that of the about 8,500 Jewish students at UK universities, about
one in five suffers antisemitic abuse.
Mr Walker
Which is clearly far too many. I was going to say that while I
welcome the fact that the CST found that the vast majority of
Jewish students have a strongly positive experience at
university, it is deeply troubling to hear that there were about
111 antisemitic incidents in the sector in the 2020-21 academic
year. To see a number of high-profile universities, including
Bristol, named by the CST as providers with high numbers of
incidents shows that there is still much more work to do—even at
providers that have embraced the IHRA definition.
Those worrying statistics follow the CST report on campus
antisemitism between 2018 and 2020 that named six cities with
five or more recorded incidents throughout the period, of which
Bristol was one. It is even more concerning that many of the
institutions named by the CST had already adopted the IHRA
definition. I take this opportunity to echo the comments made in
the debate and wholeheartedly express my support and that of my
right hon. Friend the Minister for Higher and Further Education
for the work done by the CST. I recognise how it provides
invaluable assistance to the UK Jewish community, including in
schools, for which I am responsible, and I know that the Minister
for Higher and Further Education and the Secretary of State are
looking forward to welcoming the CST to the summit that they are
leading later this month focused on tackling antisemitism in
universities.
We know from the statistics mentioned that while our work to
increase adoption of the IHRA definition is important, it is not
enough on its own. That is why the Government have provided, via
the Office for Students, £4.7 million to support 119 projects
with a particular focus on harassment and hate crime, including
11 projects targeted at tackling religion-based hate crime. Those
projects concluded in spring 2020, and an independent evaluation
showed that they led to increased collaboration between the
sector and external partners such as charities or community
organisations aiming to tackle religious hatred.
In relation to steps that the OfS is taking on tackling
antisemitism, as well as publishing on 10 November the list of
providers that have adopted the IHRA definition, it has published
supportive guidance for providers. In 2019, Universities UK
published a briefing note on tackling antisemitism, with which my
right hon. Friend the Minister for Higher and Further Education
has urged all providers to engage seriously. The OfS is also
undertaking an impact evaluation on its statement of expectations
on harassment and hate crime, which was published in April 2021.
That work will take place from January to August. As part of the
OfS’s next steps, it will consider options for connecting the
statement of expectations to its conditions for registration.
My hon. Friend the Member for Bury South raised the important
question of how the Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Bill
will apply in this context. The Bill will strengthen existing
freedom of speech duties and introduce clear consequences for
where these duties are breached. Recent incidents such as those
at the London School of Economics show the importance of the work
in this area. I am absolutely clear that the Bill does not give a
green light to antisemitism and holocaust denial. In particular,
any attempt to deny the scale or occurrence of the holocaust is
morally reprehensible and has no basis in fact. I am categorical
that nothing in the Bill in any way encourages higher education
providers or student unions to invite antisemites, including
holocaust deniers, to speak on campus. The strengthened
protections for freedom of speech are likely to support students
from minority backgrounds, who, on a number of occasions, have
had their speech shut down by others.
The Bill provides for the appointment of a director for freedom
of speech and academic freedom to the OfS board, with
responsibility for overseeing its free speech functions,
including championing freedom of speech and recommending redress
via a new complaints scheme where speech is unlawfully
restricted. This will place an appropriate focus on these
fundamental rights.
The Bill will protect the freedom of speech of Jewish students,
staff and visiting speakers, which has at times been under
threat, as we saw recently with incidents in our universities. It
will stop universities using security costs as a spurious attempt
to cancel mainstream speakers, such as has been the case when a
society attempted to invite the Israeli ambassador, and it will
mean that universities and student unions have to take genuine
action against those who use violence or threats of violence to
shut down speech, including that of Jewish students.
In addition to the Bill, there needs to be cultural change, and
we welcome initiatives by universities, academics and students to
drive this, but as we have seen historically on issues such as
gender equality, race discrimination and human rights, cultural
change occurs more readily when backed by appropriate
legislation.
Will the Minister give way?
Mr Walker
I will give way, but I am happy to commit to the meeting my hon.
Friend has asked for, which my right hon. Friend the Minister for
Higher and Further Education has offered to hold.
I appreciate the offer of a meeting. Obviously, I will raise this
in the meeting, but I will also raise it during this debate.
Cultural change can only happen with open dialogue, training and
transparency, so will the Minister commit to writing to the
university to request details of the provider and what is
actually being covered, as well as the assurance that this is
meaningful training about how to tackle antisemitism?
Mr Walker
I think I can probably make that commitment on behalf of my right
hon. Friend the Minister for Higher and Further Education, but I
will certainly make sure that the Department follows up on
it.
I did want to address specifically the case of Professor Miller
at the University of Bristol. Universities are of course
independent and autonomous organisations. Accordingly, the
Government have not intervened directly in this case. I also
understand that there are ongoing legal proceedings in relation
to the case, so for that reason I cannot address all the
specifics that my hon. Friend raised. However, my right hon.
Friend the Minister for Higher and Further Education has said
publicly on a number of occasions that the views of Professor
Miller, in particular his accusations against Jewish students,
are ill-founded and wholly reprehensible, and the Government
wholeheartedly reject them.
My right hon. Friend met representatives of the University of
Bristol in May 2021 not to intervene in its investigation, but to
seek their reassurance that the university recognises its
obligations to protect Jewish students from harassment and hate
crime, and to support them if they feel in any way threatened.
She also wrote to the university twice to ensure that it was
supporting Jewish students and staff who may have felt threatened
at the time. We of course welcome the university completing a
full investigation into the conduct of Professor Miller, but we
expect that future instances there or elsewhere should be dealt
with in a much swifter and more decisive manner.
Tackling antisemitism is a priority for me, for my right hon.
Friend the Minister for Higher and Further Education and for the
Government. We are keen to hear from Jewish groups about what
more can be done to make Jewish students and staff feel safe on
campus. The Secretary of State and Ministers will continue to
work closely with , the independent adviser to the
Government on antisemitism, and also meet regularly with Jewish
stakeholder groups.
As I mentioned earlier, later this month, my right hon. Friends
the Secretary of State for Education and the Minister for Higher
and Further Education will be leading a summit specifically
focused on tackling antisemitism in higher education. My right
hon. Friend the Secretary of State has said that he intends to
bring together key stakeholders from the sector to examine what
more can be done to make Jewish students and staff feel safe on
campus. This event will encourage discussion about what more can
be done to eradicate the scourge that is antisemitism, and to
agree concrete actions that providers can take to keep their
Jewish students safe from it.
My hon. Friend asked specifically about antisemitism training at
the University of Bristol. As I say, I am happy to make the
commitment that the Department will write to the university
again. I urge the university and other providers truly to engage
with the communities that suffer from these abhorrent behaviours
and to work with them to increase awareness of the impact of
antisemitism and how it can be tackled most effectively.
My ministerial colleagues have worked closely with the Union of
Jewish Students, which provides training on how to recognise and
tackle antisemitism. I urge the University of Bristol to consider
how it can learn more from those who are directly affected, and I
know the UJS would be keen to support such work. My hon. Friend
asked whether the UJS can be part of a meeting with him, the CST
and my right hon. Friend the Minister for Higher and Further
Education; as I mentioned earlier, she is happy to commit to
that.
Our HE sector has enormous capacity to change lives for the
better. I know that universities are serious in their commitment
to tackling antisemitism, but there remains work to be done, as
this debate has demonstrated. For our part, we will continue to
work across Government to ensure that racism and religious hatred
of any kind are not tolerated anywhere, including in our
world-leading universities.
Question put and agreed to.
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