The Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
(Kwasi Kwarteng) I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second
time. Services are a critical part of our economy, our trade and
our lives. UK-qualified professionals in sectors including
architecture, law and medicine, among many others, are at the
forefront of their fields globally. It is a testament to their
success that the UK is today the second largest exporter of
services in the entire world. Good...Request free trial
The Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial
Strategy ()
I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.
Services are a critical part of our economy, our trade and our
lives. UK-qualified professionals in sectors including
architecture, law and medicine, among many others, are at the
forefront of their fields globally. It is a testament to their
success that the UK is today the second largest exporter of
services in the entire world. Good regulation is essential in
providing the confidence that the market needs to grow. Good
regulation is essential in providing the confidence that the
market needs to grow. The Bill supports that endeavour so that
services can not only thrive but provide excellent jobs in the
future.
(Wirral West) (Lab)
The British Dental Association has warned that the Bill could
water down the standards required to practise. What are the
Secretary of State’s thoughts on that? What assurance can he give
the House that standards will be maintained?
I assure the hon. Lady that many such issues were rightly
addressed and debated at great length in the other place. I have
seen the concerns of some of our professional bodies. I feel that
the Bill gives a measure of support, and I feel strongly that it
is proportionate. It is on that basis that I am introducing the
Bill and begging leave for it to be read a Second time.
I turn to the Bill’s elements—perhaps through these remarks the
hon. Lady may get some reassurance. First, the Bill will revoke
the current EU-based approach, temporarily retained from the end
of the transition period, which often gives unreciprocated
preferential access to holders of European economic area and
Swiss qualifications, and put in place a new system that is
global in outlook and can be tailored to the UK’s needs. The Bill
is not a rejection of the valuable skills offered by EU
professionals. On the contrary, it will ensure fairness and put
them on an even footing with applicants from around the world.
Professionals who have already had their qualifications
recognised and work in the UK can continue to do so provided that
they meet any ongoing practice requirements.
The Bill will also enable the Government and devolved
Administrations to act promptly where shortages in services may
occur and where consumers may well face unreasonable delays and
charges. That is particularly important for regulated professions
in the public sector. For example, in a 10-year period, just
under a quarter of all UK recognition decisions were for
secondary school teachers alone. Let me be clear, however, that
the Bill is intended to complement, and not simply to replace,
the Government’s ambitious domestic skills agenda.
The Bill will also support our trade agenda and boost UK
businesses exporting services all over the world—in short, it
will help spread our skills, innovation and expertise abroad. It
will ensure that the UK can implement professional qualification
provisions in the future trade deals that we all anticipate with
enthusiasm. It will also ensure that UK regulators can be
empowered to strike deals on recognition with their overseas
counterparts while taking full advantage of provisions in such
future trade deals. Finally, it will help professionals, both at
home and from overseas, to access global markets.
We are working collaboratively with the devolved Administrations
and devolved regulators, and I very much hope that we will come
to a resolution on legislative consent by the time that the Bill
leaves the House. Of course, our regulators’ expertise underpins
all our professions, and that is the very reason why the Bill has
the protection of regulator autonomy at its very heart.
Regulators agree that that is the right approach, and in general
they have voiced hearty support for the Bill.
This Bill is about ensuring that the regulation of professional
qualifications works for the whole of the country’s interests. It
is about fairness, ensuring that wherever professionals may come
from, they have an equal opportunity to practise their
professions; and it is about making access to professions more
transparent, as well as supporting our own UK trade agenda. On
that basis, I commend it to the House.
15:15:00
(Sefton Central) (Lab)
Having the skilled workforce that our employers need is essential
for the economic success of our country. The shortages of lorry
drivers, carers, nurses, doctors and vets, and the shortages in
hospitality and in farming, are well documented. Some are covered
by this legislation, which, as the Secretary of State said,
replaces EU law and allows the recognition of qualifications in
other countries, so that workers can come here and fill the gaps
in our economy. The requirements for our future economic success
include the need for mutual recognition of qualifications to the
benefit of our domestic businesses, public and voluntary sectors.
Our success as we recover from covid will depend on the boosting
of our prospects for trade internationally, for instance through
the ability of UK professionals to apply their expertise
abroad.
Regulators must remain independent, and it would undermine them
and the high British standards they uphold were the Government to
force them to accept professional qualifications awarded overseas
which were of a lower standard. I shall return to that point, and
explain how the Bill has been amended in the House of Lords.
The public will expect high standards of health, public safety
and consumer protection to be maintained. We need to address
shortages of key skilled staff, but the overseas qualifications
that have been recognised in the UK by professional bodies need
to have been accredited by the regulators themselves on the basis
that they meet or exceed our standards, and not because the
regulators are pressured into lowering standards by the
Government as a consequence of poorly conceived international
agreements. The Conservative peer said that these were far from
unreasonable fears, and I therefore hope that this issue will be
explicitly addressed. The Government have made promises that
standards will be maintained, and those promises need to be
kept.
Most of the changes for which the Bill provides are designed to
be implemented through secondary legislation. The use of
statutory instruments has become the Government’s favourite
method of legislating, and it is essential that all changes made
through secondary legislation can be scrutinised in full.
Attracting talent to the UK is essential for public services and
the wider economy, but we are currently facing a skills shortage.
The recognition of overseas qualifications is not a silver bullet
to end that shortage; nor is it a long-term answer. A neglect of
skills by this Government has seen further education funding
halved and 200,000 apprenticeships lost since 2016. The
Government must invest in skills at home and must do so in a
strategic way, with a long term view. Indeed, a national and
ambitious strategy would be very welcome, and is surely a part of
any serious levelling-up agenda—if the said agenda is to become
more than a slogan.
The shortage of intermediate and advanced-level technical skills
has been highlighted for many years by business, trade unions and
the Labour party. The need for overseas skilled workers, at least
in the short to medium term, is one result, and when there are
regulatory difficulties in recruiting from overseas, the scale of
the problem becomes apparent. The most recent NHS figures reveal
that there are about 39,000 vacancies for registered nurses in
England. The president of the British Veterinary Association,
James Russell, has said that between 400 and 500 vets working
part time will be needed to fill in additional export health
certificates for meat and fish products—from sausages to
salmon—shipped to Northern Ireland alone, with many more needed
owing to other increases in demand. The occupations of nurses and
vets are among the 205 covered in the Bill.
Labour would seek regulatory equivalence for financial services
and mutual recognition of professional qualifications, because we
absolutely recognise the importance of looking after our
world-class financial and professional service businesses. Our
ability to trade internationally, not least to maximise our trade
in services, is essential to our long-term economic prospects, to
the creation of good jobs at home and to the prosperity of people
and communities across the UK.
The initial version of the Bill did not stand up to scrutiny. The
Financial Times reported the way in which the Government
introduced it as a
“chaotic handling of a post-Brexit regime for recognising the
qualifications of foreign professionals”,
in contrast to the Government’s claim that it would help to make
Britain
“the best place in the world to work”.
I want Britain to be the best place in the world to work. I want
us to buy more, make more and sell more in Britain, but serious
concerns have been raised about the Government’s mismanagement of
such an important piece of legislation. One concern was that the
Bill as originally presented was not going to give British
employers what they needed to ensure that our economy and our
people could thrive.
Remarkably, the Government admitted introducing the Bill to
Parliament without knowing which professions were in scope of the
legislation. Labour argued in the Lords that we had to know who
and what was in the scope of the Bill. It stands to reason that
the relevant regulators and professions need to be aware of these
changes. That was why we tabled amendments in the Lords to ensure
that this information was made public. But the disarray
continued. Having initially listed 160 professions and 50
regulators affected by the legislation, the Government twice
published a revised list, ultimately increasing the numbers to
205 professions and 80 regulators. Due to the increased number of
regulators in scope of the legislation, the Government also had
to publish an updated impact assessment, with the total cost to
regulators increasing by nearly £2 million. That is hardly the
way to inspire confidence that the legislation will help
businesses or skilled workers.
The Government were criticised from all sides in the Lords,
including by those on their own Back Benches. Conservative peer
said that
“it has all the hallmarks of being a Bill conceived and executed
by officials with little or no ministerial policy direction or
oversight…we learn that the Bill was drafted with a
far-from-perfect understanding of the territory that it purports
to cover. This is no way to legislate.”—[Official Report, House
of Lords, 22 June 2021; Vol. 813, c. 149.]
My Labour colleague said of the list:
“I understand that it has taken BEIS a little time to get it
right. I think we have had two updates of the list, with some
regulators added and some gone. I see that the pig farmers have
gone from the latest list and the aircraft engineers have also
disappeared, as have analytical chemists. However, we have in
their place chicken farmers, schoolteachers and waste managers—so
it seems that the Government can turn flying pigs into
chickens.”—[Official Report, House of Lords, 9 November 2021;
Vol. 815, c. 1696.]
Given the shambolic way in which the Bill was introduced, it
would have come as no surprise if someone had accused Ministers
of making a right pig’s ear of the legislation. It is little
wonder, then, that with wonderful understatement the Government
spokesman, Lord Grimstone said—[Interruption.] The Secretary of
State might want to hear this from his own Minister in the Lords.
Lord Grimstone said that the errors and various revisions had
made him feel “uncomfortable”, and that he had listened to the
criticism with “a certain lack of enjoyment.” To the credit of
Lord Grimstone, he had the grace to confess his embarrassment at
the mistakes made by the Government.
I return to the matter of regulatory autonomy. Consistent
arguments were made by peers that this legislation must not
undermine the autonomy and independence of regulators.
Independence is essential to protect domestic standards and
consumers. Labour’s amendment in the Lords sought to guarantee
regulator autonomy, and our amendment was supported by the
Conservatives and , and indeed across the
parties. As a result, the Government amended the Bill to provide
statutory protection for regulator autonomy. I was hoping that
that was where the Secretary of State was going to go in his
response to my hon. Friend the Member for Wirral West (), but he did not go
quite that far.
We are told by the Government that their changes to the Bill
should protect domestic standards across 205 regulated
professions and ensure that regulators are not obliged to reduce
standards due to provisions included by the Government in free
trade agreements. The change made to the Bill was welcomed by
regulators and stakeholders. The Bill has been improved, thanks
in large part to my Labour colleagues in the Lords. However,
there remain outstanding concerns, including about how the
Government will consult and seek the consent of devolved
Administrations. We believe that the Bill should be amended to
ensure that the devolved Administrations have a proper voice when
the powers in it are used. We will press these points in
Committee, as we did in the Lords.
We as a country have serious shortages of skilled workers. Some,
such as those related to heavy goods vehicle drivers, are well
documented, but there are many others. To give just one other
example, the most recent NHS figures reveal that there are about
39,000 vacancies for registered nurses in England, with many
unfilled posts. The number of nurses from the European economic
area joining the Nursing and Midwifery Council register has
fallen by more than 90%, from 9,389 in the year to 31 March 2016
to just 810 in the year to 31 March 2021. Thousands of nursing
shifts each week cannot be filled because of staff shortages,
according to hospital safe staffing reports. That is
unacceptable.
Of course, this is an area that requires attention from other
Departments if it is to be addressed, but given the severity of
the situation and the fact that the shortages were often
predictable and predicted, it is essential that the Bill gets it
right and ensures that our country has the skills it needs today
and in the future. The Government’s approach to the Bill so far
does not inspire confidence that it will play its part in
addressing the shortage of nurses or, indeed, care staff, many
grades of whom are also covered by the Bill.
The Bill provides a framework to allow mutual recognition of
professional qualifications between regulators and professional
bodies in the UK and the equivalent organisations overseas. The
provisions in clauses 3 and 4 will allow for the implementation
of regulator-to-regulator mutual recognition agreements and of
the recognition arrangements in new international trade
agreements. Importantly, the Law Society advises that the Bill
will enable the mutual recognition agreement provisions in the
UK-EU trade and co-operation agreement to be implemented, but it
raises concerns about the arrangements. It says that the
provisions for mutual recognition agreements in the TCA are
largely based on the EU-Canada comprehensive economic and trade
agreement, but no mutual recognition agreements have been signed
between the EU and Canada in the three years since CETA came into
force.
The concern that the Law Society raises is that the fact that no
mutual recognition agreements have been signed using similar
provisions may mean that the arrangements in the TCA are not
sufficient for setting up such new agreements as are needed to
encourage professionals to make up the shortages of nurses or
vets, or those in 203 other professions. The Law Society
therefore wants assurances from the Government—we will pursue the
same point in Committee—that additional support, co-ordination
and guidance will be available, if needed, on how to make the
most of the provisions in the trade and co-operation agreement,
not least in case they are to form the benchmark for future free
trade agreements. I trust that the Minister, in winding up the
debate, will address the very real concern about how to ensure
that mutual recognition agreements are put in place in a timely
fashion.
As it was the Law Society that carried out the analysis about the
need for additional attention to be paid to how mutual
recognition agreements will be negotiated, let us remember that
legal services in the UK contribute £4.29 billion to our
international trade each year. We are a global legal centre, and
solicitors in England and Wales are respected the world over. The
Minister with responsibility for professional services—the
Under-Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial
Strategy, the hon. Member for North East Derbyshire ()—is not here, but perhaps his colleague who is
responding to the debate can tell us, on his behalf, what
assurances the Government can offer the Law Society, which wants
legal qualifications to be recognised abroad and needs mutual
recognition agreements to be secured but fears that, without
additional Government impetus, none will be.
There is much still to do with this Bill. Lord Grimstone had the
decency to accept its shortcomings and some of the changes
needed, with Labour’s help, on regulator autonomy, but there is
more to do in Committee and on Report in this House. On
consultation with the devolved Administrations, we need the
Government to come back to us. On the maintenance of high
standards of health, public safety and consumer protection, on
keeping promises that regulators will not be pressured by the
Government into lowering standards, and on scrutiny of changes
made through secondary legislation, we need assurances. On being
able to attract professionals and fill the holes in our labour
market, the Government need to do much better now, while putting
in place a plan to address skills shortages in the long term.
The Labour party will address the concerns of employers, to
support our economy, professional workers in this country and
those who wish to work abroad. This is in our national interest.
I hope that the Government will engage with us in that spirit and
address the concerns raised in the Lords, by the professional
organisations that need this legislation to be effective and by
the devolved Administrations. I also hope that Ministers will
address the shortcomings that we have identified in a way that
delivers a system of mutual recognition of professional
qualifications that is fit for purpose.
15:30:00
(Midlothian) (SNP)
May I start by outlining that although the Scottish National
party is not against the principles of the Bill, we cannot
support it as it stands? I am not looking to divide the House at
this stage, because I hear from the Secretary of State that
constructive engagement is taking place. We will be happy to look
at what we can agree as the Bill progresses through Committee and
its remaining stages, but it is certainly worth putting it on the
record that there are concerns in the Scottish Government and in
elements of Scottish civil society—I do not think that anyone is
in any doubt about that.
The Bill’s intention is to facilitate the cross-border
recognition and regulation of professional qualifications so that
we can ensure an integrated system for the transfer of
professionals. It is certainly welcome that the Government are
addressing the issue; the regulation and recognition of
qualifications from abroad is particularly significant to smaller
countries such as Scotland that seek to attract incredible skills
and expertise from our neighbours. As an example, the
world-leading Scottish food and drink industry, and indeed that
of the whole UK, has traditionally been very heavily reliant on
the services of EU-qualified vets, who were able to bring their
skills to Scotland under the terms of EU rules on the mutual
recognition of professional qualifications.
We owe a huge debt of gratitude to those who bring their
qualifications and skills to contribute to our industries, which
is precisely why it is so crucial to recognise consistency in
qualifications to support working across countries. SNP Members’
preferred solution, of course, would be to recognise Scotland’s
democratic vote in 2016 and rejoin the European Union, but it
might be pushing it a bit to persuade Government Members to do
that. In the meantime, it is important that we have legislation
in place to ensure that skills and experience are not lost in any
steps that we take.
The SNP supports the key principles that the Bill seeks to
address, but there are technicalities. Technicalities often
matter a great deal more than principle, and unfortunately the
Bill is another example of the Government using technicalities to
undermine devolution and hoping that no one will notice. I will
come back to that point shortly, but it is worth running through
some of the Bill’s devolved implications more generally.
The whole Bill applies to Scotland. Certain professions and
qualifications are reserved to this place, but plenty are not,
including teaching, the legal profession and some social care
professions. The Bill does not make separate provision for
devolved and reserved professions; it applies to all regulated
professions active in Scotland, whether they are reserved or
devolved. I appreciate that the Government recognise that point
to a degree and are seeking legislative consent from the devolved
legislatures to clauses 1 to 10 and 15, as they should. However,
there are other clauses that evidently fall within devolved
competence but for which the Government are not seeking
permission from the devolved Administrations.
Clause 13(1) provides that a power to make regulations under the
Bill
“includes power…to make consequential…or saving provision.”
That the UK Government can consider a clause relating to
consequentials as outwith the Scottish Parliament’s competence is
a bit surprising, to say the least.
Clause 16 is really the devolution buster. When the Bill was
originally introduced, it defined “appropriate national
authority” as
“the Secretary of State or the Lord Chancellor”,
forgetting that Ministers of a devolved Government are also
appropriate national authorities for provisions that fall within
devolved competence. As the Law Society of Scotland notes:
“The Scottish Ministers are also an ‘appropriate national
authority’ in relation to regulations under the bill which
contain only provision which are within the legislative
competence of the Scottish Parliament.”
Clause 16(3) helpfully remembers that Scottish Ministers are also
a relevant authority. That is encouraging—it is progress—but
there is still no provision requiring consent from a UK Minister
to act in those areas.
In practice that means that any power conferred on the
appropriate national authority in devolved areas can be exercised
by UK Ministers. There is no requirement for UK Ministers to seek
consent from the Scottish or Welsh Governments when exercising
those powers. When the Secretary of State makes regulations under
those powers, they would be subject to procedures in this place
instead of the Scottish Parliament. The Bill alters the Executive
competence of Scottish Ministers by enabling the Secretary of
State to act in devolved areas without the requirement for
consent. It is not the first time that that has happened, and for
as long as Scotland remains part of the Union, I am sure it will
not be the last.
The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020, which was passed in
this place despite the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Senedd’s
refusal of consent, treats devolution as an inconvenience to get
around, rather than as a backbone of our constitution. Through
that Act, the Government have given themselves power to
subject
“healthcare services provided in hospitals”
in Scotland to market access principles, without needing the
Scottish Parliament’s consent. It creates an external Westminster
body that is responsible for testing whether a Bill in Holyrood
would affect the UK internal market. Power has been taken from
Scotland’s elected Parliament and placed in the hands of
unelected bureaucrats—I am sure that sounds familiar from
somewhere.
The Bill falls into a pattern of power grabs. As I say, we do not
seek to oppose it at this stage, but I urge the Minister and the
Secretary of State to take those points on board. When the
devolved nations raise concerns about consent being ignored or
not required, the response we have tended to get time and again
from the UK Government is that they do not intend to use those
powers without consent. However, we need more than pinky promises
when it comes to what does or does not require consent. In that
way, the Government avoid clashing with the devolved nations and
are forced to keep their promises. Indeed, the only possible
reason they would not do it is that they do in fact intend to
meddle with devolution without consent. If that is not the case,
I look forward to amendments being tabled to make that case
solidly, and I say to the Government: prove me wrong.
In conclusion, I urge the Government to take these simple steps.
Our asks on the Bill are relatively straightforward. The Scottish
Government are currently recommending that the Scottish
Parliament does not give its consent to the Bill. Its provisions
are only required because we are leaving the EU—something
Scotland voted against—and it adds insult to injury by trampling
on devolution, which Scotland overwhelmingly did vote for. The
Government do not have to be hellbent on making the Bill
controversial and unconstitutional, and I urge the Minister and
the Secretary of State to table amendments to bring it into line
with devolution.
15:38:00
(Newcastle upon Tyne Central) (Lab)
I will not detain the House for long, but I put on record that I
think the brevity of this afternoon’s debate more reflects
concern about the rise of the omicron variant than it does a lack
of interest in this important subject. Professional
qualifications are a key part of many sectors of our economy and
public realm. They are significant factors in the protection of
service users, from consumers to covid patients. The Bill
promotes mutual recognition and professional qualifications. It
increases opportunities for many, including nurses and lawyers,
to work here and abroad.
Many Members of the House will have constituents who could be
impacted by the Bill. Newcastle has many professionals who may
benefit from the recognition of their qualifications, and many
businesses that might look to recruit international talent. As my
hon. Friend the Member for Sefton Central () emphasised, it is essential
that we maintain our high standards and recognise that
qualification recognition, although important to our public
services and economy, will not solve our skills shortage. The
Government must invest in skills and also give our regions the
power to do so. I emphasise that because Labour wants Britain to
be the best place in the world to live and to work. The Bill
started in the other place and my Labour colleagues’ work on it
certainly reflects that. Their scrutiny and amendments have
significantly improved the Bill by securing statutory protections
for regulator autonomy and statutory consultations with
regulators. Regulating key professions is not a market option; it
is essential to protect service users and professionals.
Unfortunately, it remains the case that far too much of the
actual content of the Bill will be passed as secondary
legislation. That is unacceptable. In addition, as emphasised by
the hon. Member for Midlothian (), the devolved
Administrations are not adequately consulted and must have a
voice. The Government have a duty, indeed, to consult them and to
seek the consent of devolved Administrations as the Bill passes
through the House.
The Government’s handling of the Bill has been chaotic. As my
hon. Friend the Member for Sefton Central () said, they introduced the
Bill without knowing which professions were in its scope. We have
a weak Prime Minister without the support of his own Back
Benchers. But it is absolutely essential that we protect our
regulators’ autonomy to ensure that our standards are fit for
purpose and that we protect the professional standards that
British citizens have come to rely on. Labour is therefore
demanding that the Government amend the Bill to ensure that
Parliament is given the opportunity to scrutinise secondary
legislation appropriately and that the devolved Administrations
are included in the regulation-making process. I look forward to
the Government recognising the validity of our concerns as the
Bill passes through this House.
15:42:00
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Business, Energy
and Industrial Strategy ()
It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Newcastle upon
Tyne Central (). I thank everybody who has spoken during the debate.
[Interruption.] Yes, all the people in this extensive debate.
This Bill will support trade through allowing regulations to
implement trade agreements and allowing our own professionals to
enter new markets. It will also support our work to meet domestic
need, such as addressing national shortages, while ensuring that
professional standards are maintained and regulator autonomy is
protected.
My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State rightly noted the
relevance of the Bill to supporting international trade for our
world-leading services sectors. Provisions on the recognition of
professional qualifications can make it easier for UK
professionals to provide services overseas—for example, by making
it easier for regulators to agree recognition agreements with
overseas counterparts. With trade partners, the Government would
look to agree provisions that could require regulators to operate
routes to recognition. Our deals with Norway, Iceland and
Liechtenstein, for example, include this type of measure. But I
can reassure the House that in any agreement regulators’ existing
autonomy to set standards and assess them against these deals
would be maintained. Regulators are not obligated to enter into
recognition agreements with counterpart regulators overseas.
Turning specifically to the UK-EU trade and co-operation
agreement, this secures continued market access across a broad
range of key services sectors, including professional and
business services. It also includes the framework to agree
professional-specific arrangements on the recognition of
professional qualifications. BEIS has established a recognitions
arrangement team that provides advice and support to regulators
if they pursue these arrangements. The hon. Member for Sefton
Central () talked about legal services,
in particular. The TCA with the EU secures continued market
access across a broad range of key services sectors, but on legal
services we negotiated unprecedented provisions for UK lawyers to
practise in the EU using their UK title in both UK and
international law.
The UK proposed ambitious arrangements on professional
qualifications with the TCA, but regrettably the EU did not
engage with them. However, on legal services we do, as I say,
have unprecedented provisions. The Bill is also consistent with
our other international commitments, including the common travel
area with Ireland. The Bill does not alter the Government’s
determination to uphold our CTA commitments. The Government are
also working closely with the Irish Government and regulators to
ensure that UK and Irish professions have continued routes to
recognition.
The hon. Member for Sefton Central, and others, talked about
skills and skills shortages. I thank him for his point on that.
However, it is important to be clear about how the Bill fits into
the Government’s overall skills strategy. The Bill allows
regulations to be made requiring a regulator to be able to
receive applications, assess individuals’ qualifications and
experience gained overseas, and decide on whether to treat them
as if they had the required UK qualifications or experience. That
can be done only where there is a clear unmet demand for the
services of a regulated profession.
Separate from the provisions of the Bill, the Government can,
when necessary, consider short-term measures to deal with skills
shortages, as they have in the case of HGV drivers. The Bill also
plays its part in making sure that aspiring and qualified
professionals can find the information they need to access
professions, including transparency requirements for regulators
to have clearer information online, and it provides for an
assistance centre to help professionals directly.
But neither the Bill nor such short-term measures take the place
of our domestic skills strategy. Our lifetime skills guarantee
will enable anybody to acquire the skills to do those jobs
wherever they live and whatever the stage of their life. The
Skills and Post-16 Education Bill currently going through
Parliament will set up the country for success by giving people
the skills and the education they need for work. It puts
employers at the heart of the skills system to make sure that
local skill provision meets local needs, so that people can
thrive where they live.
I will respond to the points raised by the hon. Member for
Midlothian () on concurrent powers in the
Bill and securing legislative consent motions for the devolved
Administrations. I want to reassure the House that the Bill has
been carefully designed to respect the devolution settlements.
The inclusion of concurrent powers ensures that professions that
fall within devolved legislative competence but are regulated on
a UK-wide basis can be dealt with efficiently and appropriately
under the Bill by the relevant and appropriate national
authority.
The UK Government are working hard to seek common ground with the
devolved Administrations. The devolved Administrations rejected
our previous proposal of a formal duty to consult before
regulating in areas of devolved competence, but we have now
offered to place on the face of the Bill a stronger duty to
consult. The amendment would require the Secretary of State or
the Lord Chancellor to consult with devolved Administrations
before making regulations under the Bill that contain provisions
that could be made by devolved Administrations themselves, and
then to publish a report on the consultation to be agreed with
those devolved Administrations.
We have also offered to table an amendment to carve the Bill out
of schedule 7B of the Government of Wales Act 2006, allowing the
Senedd to remove UK Ministers’ concurrent powers if they deem
that to be necessary. The Welsh Government will still be required
to consult with the UK Government on the removal of those
powers.
The Government’s approach demonstrates our commitment to
transparency and scrutiny, and to preserving the balance of the
devolution settlement while maintaining a coherent approach
across the UK. Let me make it clear: it is not the Government’s
intention to make regulations in relation to matters on which the
devolved Administrations could legislate without seeking their
views.
I hope that hon. Members from across the UK can support the Bill.
We will continue to work in collaboration with the devolved
Administrations and devolved regulators to ensure an approach
that works for all parts of the UK. I look forward to discussing
the Bill in Committee, and I commend it to the House.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read a Second time; to stand committed to a
Public Bill Committee (Standing Order No. 63).
Professional Qualifications Bill [Lords] (Programme)
Motion made, and Question put forthwith (Standing Order No.
83A(7)),
That the following provisions shall apply to the Professional
Qualifications Bill [Lords]:
Committal
(1) The Bill shall be committed to a Public Bill Committee.
Proceedings in Public Bill Committee
(2) Proceedings in the Public Bill Committee shall (so far as not
previously concluded) be brought to a conclusion on Thursday 20
January 2022.
(3) The Public Bill Committee shall have leave to sit twice on
the first day on which it meets.
Proceedings on Consideration and Third Reading
(4) Proceedings on Consideration shall (so far as not previously
concluded) shall be brought to a conclusion one hour before the
moment of interruption on the day on which proceedings on
Consideration are commenced.
(5) Proceedings on Third Reading shall (so far as not previously
concluded) be brought to a conclusion at the moment of
interruption on that day.
(6) Standing Order No. 83B (Programming committees) shall not
apply to proceedings on Consideration and Third Reading.
Other proceedings
(7) Any other proceedings on the Bill may be programmed.—(.)
Question agreed to.
Professional Qualifications Bill [Lords] (Money)
Queen’s recommendation signified.
Motion made, and Question put forthwith (Standing Order No.
52(1)(a)),
That, for the purposes of any Act resulting from the Professional
Qualifications Bill [Lords], it is expedient to authorise the
payment out of money provided by Parliament of:
(1) any expenditure incurred under or by virtue of the Act by a
Minister of the Crown; and
(2) any increase attributable to the Act in the sums payable
under any other Act out of money so provided.—(.)
Question agreed to.
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