Asked by Lord Davies of Brixton To ask Her Majesty’s Government
when they will announce the details of any further Extraordinary
Funding and Financing Agreement for Transport for London for the
period after 11 December. Lord Davies of Brixton (Lab) My Lords, I
should perhaps mention, in the interests of full disclosure, that I
live in London and am the proud holder of a Freedom pass. My
Question is of course highly topical; the deadline is tomorrow for
the...Request free trial
Asked by
To ask Her Majesty’s Government when they will announce the
details of any further Extraordinary Funding and Financing
Agreement for Transport for London for the period after 11
December.
(Lab)
My Lords, I should perhaps mention, in the interests of full
disclosure, that I live in London and am the proud holder of a
Freedom pass.
My Question is of course highly topical; the deadline is tomorrow
for the Government and TfL to reach an agreement on the future
funding of transport in London. That is not just the Underground
and the buses; it is the roads and the whole transport system for
London.
My intention in raising the matter is not so much to discuss the
details of a possible agreement as to ask about the process and
timing by which such agreements are reached. In short, what my
Question is really asking is whether the Minister agrees that
there must be a better way of doing this and, if so, what the
Government propose to do to bring it about. Perhaps there has
been some news since I last checked, by my Question still stands.
Even if an agreement is reached tomorrow, we still need the
Government to tell us what steps they will take to improve the
system by which such agreements are reached.
By way of background, in addition to the excellent brief produced
by the Library, it is worth emphasising that this will be the
fourth in this series of deals for relatively short periods since
we were struck by the pandemic. There was May to October 2020;
there was October 2020 to March 2021, subsequently extended to
May 2021; and, most recently, there was May to December 2021,
which expires on Saturday. Obviously, part of the reason for this
pattern has been the unknown and unknowable progress of the
pandemic, emphasised most recently by the Government announcing
yesterday that everyone should, where possible, work from home.
We simply do not know how people will react and how this will
affect ridership.
I therefore welcome the Statement made to the Evening Standard by
, the Minister for London,
that the Government remain committed to make up TfL’s loss of
fare revenue from Covid. It would be good and appropriate if the
Minister could make a more formal commitment to that policy from
the Dispatch Box.
The problem, however, is that short-term fixes to cover lost fare
revenue simply do not work for Londoners. Those who travel on TfL
services deserve something more certain in the longer term in
terms of both revenue and capital. It is important to understand
that TfL’s budget does not just cover day-to-day running of
services; it must cover the capital needed to maintain and, where
necessary, update services to deal with the changing needs of
both Londoners and the visitors whom we welcome to our great
city. For example, some of the rolling stock is near or at the
end of its working life and its replacement simply cannot be
deferred.
The practical difficulty is that TfL is, in effect, a local
authority and is bound by the rules that govern local authority
finance. What this means in practice is that it cannot budget for
a deficit and is legally required to plan for the worst-case
scenario. Consequently, unless and until a formal agreement is
reached on additional funding and signed on the dotted line, TfL
has to plan for substantial cuts in expenditure, both in services
and capital, in case a deal fails to materialise.
Perhaps other noble Lords will mention the sorts of cuts that TfL
has had to consider; I want to make just one specific point about
any possible deal. It would be totally wrong to make TfL’s staff,
who have served us so well during the pandemic, facing real
danger in their day-to-day work, pay for the problems that have
arisen. They should not have to pay now through real- terms cuts
in their pay and conditions or cuts in their future
pensions—there is always a pensions angle.
It is a shame that speakers in this debate are so London-centric,
as one important point I want to emphasise is that this is not
just an issue for London—I look forward to the remarks of the
noble Lord, . The Government’s own
statements make this clear. In their Integrated Rail Plan for the
North and Midlands, they refer explicitly to London’s transport
system and state:
“Bringing local transport systems outside London to the standards
of the capital is a critical part of levelling up, driving growth
and prosperity.”
Two things flow from this statement which are relevant to London.
First, London and TfL set the standard to be achieved, and
cutting back on services in London has no part in the
Government’s trumpeted policy of levelling up. Will the Minister
confirm that that is the case?
Secondly, the growth and prosperity of London depends as much on
having a good transport system as it does in the north and the
Midlands. The point that is too often missed from debates about
levelling up is that this is not a zero-sum game; growth and
prosperity in the north and Midlands depend to a significant
extent on growth and prosperity in London. It is worth noting
that London currently has the highest unemployment rate of any UK
region. This is bad news for everyone—not just for Londoners but
for the whole country and our economic prospects. The Government
must recognise that London has a critical role to play in the
nation’s economic recovery. I am sure that the Minister knows all
this but, for whatever reason, we have ended up in this absurd
situation where there is no certainty about TfL’s funding in two
days’ time.
To return to my original question, does the Minister accept that
the Government have a responsibility to avoid this sort of
brinkmanship in these negotiations? She may well blame the mayor,
but does she accept any responsibility? In any event, what
constructive steps will the Government take in future to achieve
the necessary longer-term agreement that should be put in
place?
14:41:00
(Con)
My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, . I will follow his
excellent example by also declaring my interest as a resident for
the whole working week in London for many years and a regular
user of the District and Circle lines and the cheerful 507 bus
service from Waterloo.
That said, and to pick up the noble Lord’s last point and the
point he made about how important London is to the national
economy, I think the Government have stepped up to the plate,
keeping TfL running not with Londoners’ money but with more than
£4 billion and counting of taxpayers’ money, gathered from all
over the country—national money, in other words. So it is to me a
considerable paradox that Members of our national Parliament
cannot usually put down, say, a Written Question about TfL,
because we are rightly told by the Table Office that it is
independent and nothing to do with Parliament. Shedloads of money
is going into London and TfL, but we cannot even have a Written
Question such as the one noble Lords have tried to table in
recent weeks on what is happening about the wearing of face
coverings in London, because that is said to be something that is
not for Parliament. So it is very hard for us to know, on behalf
of national taxpayers like me, what is going on within the
Bermuda Triangle that seems to me to characterise TfL
accountability.
It is clear that the mayor should have done much more about the
wearing of face coverings on the London Underground over the last
few months and encouraging it. It is equally clear that the mayor
and his team have made scant efforts to attend even to the basics
in TfL, such as seeing that fares are properly collected and that
fare dodgers are reasonably, properly and carefully brought to
account. I hope that is something that everyone in this House
would agree with.
The money to keep services running is being provided by national
taxpayers, so the mayor now needs to show much more leadership
and to take more financial responsibility himself. He needs to
look at everything that could raise more funds to help run TfL
from, for example, road users paying per mile to widening the
congestion zone, however unfortunate and unpopular that might be
to some, lest we be stuck into infinity with an annual round of
campaigning from the mayor to cover up bus signs and shut down
Tube lines in a fashion that even the late Dr Beeching would not
have dared to do.
All that said, it is pretty obvious to the attentive noble Lord
that I am a supporter of the Government in this, so I will save
my last word for them. I certainly strongly support the
Government—although I might be something of an endangered
species, if you read the morning papers. As soon as the latest
pandemic threats are evaluated and things get back to whatever
the new normal is, I hope that Her Majesty’s Government will
adopt an attitude or even a policy of creative courage where they
can in order to, without any cost at all, bring passengers back
into central and outer London.
One way of doing that is to bring civil servants back to their
offices again, as soon as possible, for the good of the nation,
London and the Civil Service itself. Bringing civil servants back
to their expensive and now too often white elephant office
blocks, to seeing and talking to colleagues at the coffee point
and to helping and encouraging new joiners; all these things are
critically important. To parody the old saying “Get on your
bike”, it is more a case of “Get off your Pelotons” at home and
get back into the office in the cause of a better Civil
Service.
14:45:00
(Lab)
My Lords, I entirely agree with the noble Lord that, once we know
what the new normal is, we need to think boldly and creatively
about the long term. However, everyone accepts that we have no
idea what the new normal will be at the moment, because we are
still in the pandemic. We have just gone into another wave, which
is having a further negative impact on traffic levels.
It is utterly ludicrous for the Government to be forcing TfL into
short-term, acrimonious funding agreements, as they have been
doing every three or six months, when everyone knows that the
problem is the pandemic. It is rather like denying a heart
replacement patient blood on the grounds that they do not have a
long-term plan for improving their fitness. Until they have
survived the operation—got through the pandemic, in this case—we
cannot look at these longer-term issues.
My noble friend’s strictures at the beginning were well made.
Unless the Government want to kill the national economy, which I
do not think they do, they simply will agree to roll on the
funding; there will be an agreement tomorrow and it will be
similar to the one that went before. This is wasting a huge
amount of time and energy among the senior management of TfL and
in the Department for Transport, where I know officials are at
their wits’ end, having to go through this charade of
negotiations, knowing that the status quo will be the status quo
ante until we get to the end of the pandemic.
When we get to the end and know what the new normal is, some very
hard questions will of course need to be asked. But we need to
know what the new normal is in terms of traffic levels, and these
are very hard to predict; I have seen a whole range of potential
traffic levels. The report done for the mayor, the TfL
independent review of a year ago, suggested we might get to about
80% of traffic levels. I have looked at the sourcing for those
estimates and, to be frank, this is fingers in the air stuff—the
Minister will probably agree with that. We simply do not know
what the new normal will be.
It was very striking that, when so much encouragement was given
to people to come back to the office and resume normal activity
after the second lockdown, traffic levels were restored
remarkably quickly. The idea that there is somehow going to be a
systemic loss of traffic may be far too gloomy a prediction.
When we do know what the new normal is, we obviously need to
address this. I will highlight very briefly four issues that we
should address. The first has to be bus priority. If buses in
London went, on average, 1 mph faster than they do at the moment,
it would save TfL nearly £200 million a year in the running costs
of the bus network, with fewer buses, much more efficient
operations and so on. It should not be beyond the wit of good
transport managers in TfL to ensure improved bus priority to get
buses moving faster. There has been a significant reduction in
average bus speeds in London over the last 10 years, because of a
failure to join up policy properly when we are all in favour of
faster buses in principle—
(Lab)
Cycle lanes are the problem.
(Lab)
My noble friend says that priority cycle lanes are a problem; we
can debate that issue, but there needs to be much better joining
up and we should encourage the mayor to look at that as a key
priority.
The second issue has to be the future of congestion charging and
road pricing in London. At the moment, we have a hybrid system of
a low emission zone and a small congestion zone for which prices
have gone up a lot. We need to join up and look at the
longer-term role of congestion charging.
I will mention two other points and will be very brief, because
my time is nearly up. We need to look at reform of council tax
arrangements as part of future arrangements. There is a very
strong argument for an additional council tax band, given what
has happened to property values in the capital over the last 30
years, and that could help to fund Transport for London.
Finally, when Crossrail and the Elizabeth line open, I hope, next
year—we are looking forward to it—a big issue will be the
interaction between the transformational additional capacity of
Crossrail, with its 10% of additional transport capacity in
London, and new housing, which will also produce new council tax
revenue. So, there are four big things that should be looked at,
but not this short-term, ludicrous funding crisis that we have
been going through during the pandemic.
14:50:00
(Con)
My Lords, I live in London. I have a 60-plus Oyster card. I was a
TfL board member for eight years and deputy chairman for half
that time. I have great affection for Transport for London.
Nobody wants to see a long-term settlement for it more than I do,
but, as the noble Lord, , just explained, it is
impossible to put one in place at the moment.
A comparison is sometimes drawn with the train operating
companies, which have been funded. Politically, constitutionally
and legally, they are agents of the Government. The difference is
that, politically, constitutionally and legally, TfL is an agent
of the mayor. To understand the Government’s anxiety about
entering into a long-term settlement with the mayor, one needs a
forensic understanding of his financial responsibility over the
past four years. He was elected in May 2016. The pandemic hit in
March 2020, almost exactly four years later. I want to
concentrate on those four years.
Before the pandemic hit, the mayor came into office with two
dangerous pledges. One was a fare freeze at a time when public
transport was heaving with people and there was money for him to
collect. As he has accepted, the cost of that fare freeze over a
four-year period was £600 million; that is £600 million forgone.
He added to that the Hopper fare on buses, allowing people two
rides in an hour. TfL budgeted £35 million per annum to fund
that, only to find after a year that there were 100 million
usages at £1.50 a pop. That is a top figure; TfL will not give an
estimate. It is a bit complicated—some people might have hit the
daily cap, for example—so let us be generous and say that this
represented only £130 million forgone per year. That means
another £600 million forgone over four years, adding up to £1.2
billion left on the table by the mayor in the fat years. The
result was a subsidy for the buses, which hit £600 million under
Ken Livingstone. Under , that was brought down to
£450 million with no loss in bus mileage. Under , before the pandemic, it rose to
£750 million a year, with a 7% cut in bus mileage to go with
it.
The mayor’s second pledge was that there would be no strikes on
the Underground. That is an easy, but expensive, pledge to
fulfil: you just give in to the unions. Until recently, that is
exactly what he did. One consequence of that has been a
considerable growth in the number of Tube drivers. The system
needs about 3,000 as a minimum to run. When I last looked, before
the pandemic hit, there were in excess of 4,000. Let us say that
there are 1,000 excess posts at roughly £50,000—possibly £60,000
now—a year. That is £200 million over four years, which brings us
up to £1.4 billion forgone. To his credit, the mayor embarked on
a reduction in the management head count but, given the generous
severance packages negotiated by the unions, it will take several
years for TfL to see the cash-flow benefits of that come
through.
There is little to say on Crossrail, given the time. According to
the mayor’s own account, he was totally surprised and shocked
when it blew up in his face—presumably because he had taken no
interest in it up to that point.
Of course, from his own resources, the mayor could not have coped
with the pandemic. Nobody is suggesting that, even if that £1.5
billion or so was in the bank waiting to help him through, he
could have got through a pandemic of the length we have seen
without government subvention. However, it is hard to discern how
he has faced up to the hard choices that this sudden, possibly
continuing, loss of income has made for TfL. There is a lot of
pleading for money from him but very little leadership; this is
consistent with his behaviour in the fat years.
My noble friend the Minister will have her own view but, having
myself struck long-term deals for TfL with, among other people,
Conservative Governments and the noble Lord, , who just spoke, I well
understand the difficulties that the current Government have in
doing so now.
14:55:00
(Lab)
My Lords, the debate so far has been very interesting, but it all
started because the income that TfL gets from its passengers has
gone down due to Covid. There is no argument about that. What is
worrying is that it has affected TfL much more than it has
transport in other cities. London First has said that 70% of
TfL’s income in London comes from fares, compared with 38% for
authorities in New York and Paris, so it is much more reliant on
fares. As noble Lords have said, there is not a lot that we can
do about it at the moment.
This has got worse because we have many more people using public
transport in London than in other cities—about three times as
many. However, it is worse than that because, so far, London has
been given about three times the income per head of population
than other cities in this country have been given. What comes out
of this debate and the comments made is the question of who is in
charge, and of devolution. Many noble Lords have criticised the
present mayor; I could criticise the previous one, who did one
good thing in producing more bus lanes but did many other things
that I could criticise heavily. We criticise them but, after all,
the mayors are elected.
The Government are now saying that there will be more devolution,
particularly for transport in the north and the Midlands—we can
debate another day whether it is the northern powerhouse or
something else—but if these organisations, including TfL, are
elected or come about as the result of an election, we have to
allow them to get on and win or fail, depending on what the
electors think.
What really got me about this debate was the letter from the
Secretary of State for Transport to the mayor, dated 1 June this
year. It set out six months of settlement and was 20 pages long,
with enormous detail about how many driverless trains there
should be and all sorts of other things. I will not go through it
now, but does a mayor really need a 20-page document with a
lifespan of just six months—it will run out tomorrow—telling him
in detail exactly what to do for an authority that is supposed to
be devolved?
I do not know what the Government are going to do to sort this
one out—noble Lords have given them many ideas; I have a few
myself, although I will not come on to them today—but this is the
kind of thing that northern cities, such as Manchester and Leeds,
will want from devolution. They will want someone to say, “Right,
here is your scope of work. This is the amount of money you’re
going to get—now get on with it.” But that is not what is
happening up there at the moment; it certainly is not happening
in London, either.
I hope that, when she responds, the Minister will say, “We do
believe in devolution. We are going to let go and, in the end,
let the electors decide who is doing well and who is doing less
well.”
14:59:00
(LD)
My Lords, the noble Baroness, Lady Kramer, has asked me to
present her apologies for not being able to speak this afternoon.
However, I think she would agree with me that the problems of TfL
have been well reported and debated in recent weeks. From the
perspective of the travelling public, the commitment of Ministers
in principle to find a long-term agreement that will enable TfL
to plan for the future is most welcome.
I do not want to repeat the history of TfL’s financial problems,
so clearly explained by the noble Lords, and , and others. Clearly, the huge
reduction of journeys from 120 million on London Underground in a
five-week period in autumn 2019 to 39.5 million over a similar
period a year later means severe financial dislocation, given
that fares represent a high proportion of overall income for
TfL.
As the noble Lord, , suggested I might,
I want to broaden the issues a little because the problems of
financing in London, while not quite the same, are similar
elsewhere in England. Many areas will face managed decline in
service provision unless further financial support is
forthcoming. In the case of the Tyne and Wear Metro, which I use
regularly, the Government have confirmed that emergency Covid-19
payments, which have been paid through the pandemic, will cease
at the end of March 2022. If this situation continues, there will
be a major shortfall of just over £20 million in the 2022-23
financial year, most of which is caused by the impact of Covid on
ridership. Given yesterday’s announcement asking those who can to
work from home, ridership will now fall further, having got back
to 85%—although not 100%—of pre-pandemic levels in recent
weeks.
To make up nearly £21 million on Metro income, support for bus
services will have to fall significantly. That means reductions
in concessionary bus fares and in secured services, and this will
impact in turn on bus company income. Stretching income—which is
the intention—will be extremely hard given the long-term nature
of the pandemic and its impact, and use of reserves is of course
finite.
Lack of further support for Metro will lead to major cuts in bus
services, particularly in those areas without Metro. In view of
yesterday’s announcement, it seems essential that this matter is
urgently reviewed. Perhaps underground and light rail should be
treated the same as the national rail network. Metro is an
essential transport system supporting the economy of Tyne and
Wear, and the financial shortfall is caused by the pandemic. I
hope the Minister can agree that an extension of help after March
next year would now be justified, as it would be for all areas
suffering income loss on light rail.
As we have heard, for the sake of the economy we have to keep the
country moving. Decisions are becoming urgent since budgets will
need to be set four weeks from now in mid-January.
15:02:00
(Lab)
My Lords, I too declare an interest as a Londoner and a Freedom
pass holder. I am also standing counsel to the RMT, ASLEF and
Unite, which means that from time to time I advise and represent
those unions. I have not been called on in relation to the issue
now before the House and, needless to say, I represent nobody but
myself.
The interests of the Government, the Department for Transport,
the mayor, TfL, Londoners and visitors are obvious. My concern in
the present negotiations between the DfT and TfL is: what about
the workers? These are the people who, as essential staff, kept
Londoners working and travelling during the pandemic. Almost 100
workers on London’s transport died because of Covid, together
with an unknown number of cab drivers, private hire drivers and
delivery riders.
Uncertainty of funding means uncertainty of employment. We
understand that TfL must prepare for the worst as the current
funding package runs out, but whether its worst-case scenario of
an 18% cut in bus services and a 9% cut in Underground services
turns out to be too pessimistic, the staff working the buses and
the Tube are left anxious and worried that some of them may lose
their livelihoods and others have their hours and/or pay cut.
This is no way, as they say, to run a railway. Nor are cuts to
jobs in London transport, as the noble Lord, , implies, any way to build
back better or to prepare for a green transition.
Just as TfL—and indeed the Government—needs long-term planning,
so do the individual members of its staff and their families. I
ask the Minister to assure the House that when agreement is
reached for funding past 11 December, the department will then
sit down with TfL to agree a long-term plan for funding so that
finances do not lurch from one half year to the next. I ask her
too to undertake to ensure that the unions are at that
negotiating table. Staff are entitled to have their voice heard
on long-term strategy as well as day-to-day issues.
15:05:00
(Lab)
I congratulate my noble friend on securing this
very timely debate. We well remember Mr when he was Secretary of
State for Transport making it clear that he was not handing over
responsibility for any rail services to TfL because that would
mean giving them to a Labour mayor—full stop. There was no
consideration of what was logical or in the best interests of
London and Londoners, just a crude display of party-political
antagonism on his part. The next few days will show whether we
are going to see a similar approach to determining policy on TfL
from the current Secretary of State for Transport.
Since the onset of Covid, Transport for London and TfL staff have
kept London’s transport network going at the behest of the
Government and in line with government guidance, thus enabling
key workers in particular to get to and from their vital
work—vital work that cannot be carried out from home. Inevitably
this has led to a major hole in TfL’s finances, as numbers of
passengers travelling during the pandemic— and therefore
income—fell dramatically and still remain well down on
pre-pandemic levels. If had been as profligate as his
immediate predecessor as mayor, under whom debt increased
fourfold, the financial position would be even worse. The latest
confusing announcement from the Prime Minister yesterday on new
Covid restrictions—which by an interesting coincidence was made
on the same day that the main news story until then had been the
Christmas party at 10 Downing Street—is almost certain to have a
further adverse effect on TfL revenue, as my noble friend said.
Previous financial settlements during Covid have all been, at the
Government’s insistence, on a short-term basis, and the necessary
financial support has been forthcoming only with strings
attached, with the Government telling the London mayor—a mayor
with a recently renewed mandate from the people of London —what
policy changes he must accept before that financial support will
be provided.
We now appear to be going through the same process again, with
the deadline just a couple of days away. The Secretary of State
does not seem keen to work with the mayor in the interests of
Londoners and the London economy. Perhaps like Mr Grayling, this
is because he is a Labour mayor, and the Secretary of State, one
suspects, wishes once again to use the considerable leverage he
has to in effect impose policy changes.
The Government argue that they act in the interests of all
taxpayers. This is a surprising claim from a Government who
wasted billions of pounds—way in excess of anything that
Transport for London needs to keep its vital transport network
going—on a largely failed test and trace system, and who handed
out major contracts to political sympathisers without competitive
tendering.
The Government claim that TfL has more than enough money to keep
services running at their current levels, when the reality is
that TfL needs at least £245 million for the rest of this
financial year and £1.1 billion for next year. That is based on a
“managed decline” scenario in investment and services which will
only make the situation worse in the future. As it is, TfL has
already reduced its planned spend on enhancements and extensions
by £5.7 billion over the next 10 years. The Government seem to
think that there is no link between running services and capital
funding. Government support has to cover both. Investing to
maintain and improve the transport infrastructure is vital to
sustaining the quality and reliability of rail and bus
services.
The Government claim that they want to give TfL a longer-term
deal. But in the October 2020 funding deal the Government said
that:
“During the course of the H2 Funding Period, HMG want to work
with TfL on long-term plans with an aim to be in a position where
a longer-term settlement is possible from March 2021 when this
funding package expires.”
Needless to say, with this Government, a long-term settlement did
not materialise in March 2021 or any time since, and the spending
review did not grant any of the funding TfL requested.
TfL, the mayor and London’s businesses have been clear that TfL
has been playing, and continues to play, a central role in the
economic recovery of London and the UK as a whole. We shall find
out in the next day or two whether the Government can finally
bring themselves to recognise that too.
15:10:00
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department for
Transport () (Con)
My Lords, I declare an interest as a Londoner. Sadly, I am not a
Freedom pass holder. I do not even get one of those free chitties
for the over-60s, but my husband does; he is in full-time
employment and yet he has free travel—go figure.
I pay tribute to the noble Lord, Lord Davies, for securing such a
very timely debate on the important issue of extraordinary
funding and financing for Transport for London. I think we would
all agree that London has one of the best public transport
systems in the world, and the Government recognise how crucial it
has been throughout the pandemic and how important it is to our
capital and country.
The onset of the pandemic had a devastating impact on TfL.
Ridership was absolutely decimated. In spring 2020, passenger
journeys reduced by 95%, almost overnight. When TfL’s income
plummeted, and as the Government advised people to stay at home
to curtail the spread of the virus, we necessarily stepped in to
ensure the continued provision of essential transport services in
London. By supporting TfL, the Government ensured that essential
transport services were available to key workers, including
nurses, teachers and retail staff, at all times. I am enormously
grateful—I have said this many times before—to all the TfL staff
for their incredible service during the pandemic, and of course I
too mourn the loss of life among transport workers, both in
London and beyond.
However, it is appropriate to note at this juncture that
transport in London is devolved to the Mayor of London—this was
noted by the noble Lord, . The mayor is responsible for
service levels. He can decide which buses and tubes he runs, as
well as asset maintenance and enhancements, fares and much more,
as noted by my noble friend . The mayor must take decisions
relating to transport in good times; for example, when the mayor
decided that a multi-year fares freeze was a great idea, despite
it costing hundreds of millions of pounds. He must also take
those decisions when times are a little more challenging, as they
are now.
What should the Government do in all this? In normal times, the
Government would agree a settlement with any devolved area,
whether that be London, Manchester or Liverpool, and there is a
package of powers and responsibilities, local fundraising routes
and a contribution from central government. Many noble Lords have
commented on the lack of a great handover of cash from central
government, but that is not entirely the case. We are slightly
missing the fact that some of London’s business rates, instead of
being paid to the Government, go to the Mayor of London. That
funding is essentially made by the Government, and it replaces
the grant that went before.
Since the outset of the pandemic, the Government have
consistently recognised the financial distress that has affected
TfL as a result of the Covid-19 pandemic, and we have continually
demonstrated our commitment to supporting TfL. To date, the
Government have provided more than £4.1 billion to TfL in
emergency funding over the last 18 months—that is a considerable
amount of money in what are, quite frankly, very difficult times.
The current emergency funding settlement for TfL went from June
to December and is worth just over £1 billion. If you add that to
the two previous bailouts, in May 2020 and October 2020, that
takes you up to the £4.1 billion figure.
This emergency funding is separate from other funding that TfL
gets. It gets £1 billion a year towards capital investment. Noble
Lords were decrying the lack of long-term certainty of funding,
but that £1 billion a year was announced at the spending review
and will continue up to 2024-25. That is, in fact, the same
amount of funding that TfL got the previous year. I should say
again that the pressures on the nation’s finances are very
significant.
It is worth noting, although I cannot go into the detail that my
noble friend did, that even before the
pandemic TfL was in a precarious financial position, with a
funding shortfall of approximately £2 billion—perhaps indicating
that those fares freezes were not wise. Events since March 2020
have exacerbated and highlighted TfL’s financial difficulties, so
the extraordinary financial support that the Government have
provided must be considered—and in the Government’s mind is
always being considered—in the light of the longer challenge of
how we ensure that London’s transport system is funded for the
longer term. Here I slightly disagree with the noble Lord, , who seemed to say that we just
have to get through the pandemic and then we will sort it out.
There is a good opportunity to provide a framework for sorting it
out now, and that is exactly what these funding deals do.
TfL’s own independent review—again, noted by the noble Lord, Lord
Adonis—published in December 2020, recognised that TfL has a
continuing funding shortfall. It considered a range of options to
close the funding gap, including increasing fares and removing
concessions; all of these are matters for the Mayor of London.
TfL’s own financial sustainability plan, published shortly
afterwards, in early January this year, set out, to some extent,
TfL’s ambition to become financially sustainable. But TfL’s plan
lacked a clear and decisive road map, which would have required
difficult decisions at TfL and in City Hall, to achieve that
longer-term financial sustainability.
In supporting TfL, the Government have been very focused on how
to provide a framework in which TfL can become financially
sustainable. By that we mean that TfL should be able to cover,
without government support, its operating expenditure, capital
renewals and enhancements, servicing and the repayment of debt.
We certainly would not expect it to cover major capital
infrastructure, such as Crossrail or potentially Piccadilly line
signalling and those sorts of things, but we would expect it to
cover the day-to-day capital expenditure. We are very clear that
endless short-term bailouts from government is not a sustainable
situation. TfL needs to be financially sustainable, ideally by
spring 2023. It is now up to the Mayor of London to set out in
detail how TfL should get there.
I absolutely pay tribute to the noble Lord, —I thought he had some cracking
tips in his speech on how the mayor might get there. Perhaps he
might get himself a new job in the mayor’s office.
Part of this framework, and the way that we have been dealing
with and encouraging TfL to become financially sustainable, is
all about the conditions and scrutiny that we are able to put on,
because of course we have to protect public money. This is
national taxpayers’ money from the national taxpayer.
(Lab)
My Lords, if the noble Baroness says that a long-term settlement
should be put in place now, can she tell the House—because it is
an absolutely crucial issue—her estimate of what traffic levels
after the pandemic will be, relative to traffic levels before
it?
(Con)
I will not go into that sort of detail.
(Lab)
But that is such a critical issue—it is fundamental.
(Con)
I will come on to longer-term funding, if the noble Lord will
give me time—although I might now run out of time. I will skip on
a weeny bit.
We have required the mayor to make much-needed efficiencies and
savings in the TfL cost base. It is funny, when you turn the
spotlight on, how much money you can find in there: £720 million
in ongoing savings. That is quite a lot of money—I am not sure we
would have found that had we not gone through the pandemic.
Obviously, work continues. We are reviewing the TfL capital
programme to draw out the efficiencies and we have asked the
mayor to look at new income sources to raise between £0.5 billion
and £1 billion and to report regularly on the financial
position.
The noble Lord, , will know, if he looks back
through the deal letters, that it is the case that the Government
have committed to a review of the future funding of TfL, and that
work is ongoing. We will not suddenly have a long-term deal for
the next five years from Saturday. I think all noble Lords
recognise that, in the midst of a pandemic, that would not be
wise. We have also required TfL to initiate other necessary
reforms, such as to the TfL pension scheme, so that it can
transform into a modern and efficient transport operator, fit for
the future of London.
I turn specifically to the pensions issue. As the noble Lord,
Lord Davies, said, there is always a pensions issue. TfL’s own
independent panel recognised that TfL’s pension scheme was
outdated and in need of reform. It is not the Government saying
that but its own independent panel. So we agreed with the mayor
in the funding settlement that a process would be put in place in
order to modernise and reform the pensions, and we will have a
report from Sir Brendan Barber by 31 March next year.
On capital, the Government are contributing capital as well as
income. There has been the £1 billion of capital a year, which I
have mentioned. On top of that we have had to provide further
funding for Crossrail—and I am very excited that it is opening
soon. There has been funding for Hammersmith Bridge. However, TfL
has made an announcement via its financial committee—and this is
where we start getting into the PR and spin of TfL, or the
“mayor’s world”. This level of funding means that TfL now has to
implement something called its “managed decline scenario” for
capital investment. Let me be absolutely clear that that rather
unambitious phrase comes from the Mayor of London playbook. It is
not what we want or expect to see for London, and we will
continue to work with TfL to fully understand the detail of the
future capital programme.
On new income, noble Lords may be asking: what is holding up the
current deal? The plan is. Before the pandemic, 70% of TfL’s
revenue came from fares. TfL’s finances need to be more
resilient, and again this was noted again by TfL’s own
independent panel. Work therefore had to commence to find new
income sources, some of which had been identified by the
independent panel, so a fair amount of work had been done. The
mayor was given a deadline of mid-November, so that we would have
the plan in good time before the deal ends. He failed to deliver
the requisite document. He was then given an extension until 8
December—yesterday. We finally received a submission from the
mayor yesterday at 8 pm. We are urgently considering what he sent
us late last night, but we are very clear that it is for the
mayor to decide new income approaches.
We know that omicron may provide an additional level of
uncertainty. We know that TfL had started to recover and that
things were looking better for London, but we are not sure where
things will go over the coming days and weeks. The Government
remain on-risk for revenue under the current funding settlement
and use the top-up mechanism to protect TfL from exposure to
unexpected changes in passenger demand.
On the point about Nexus made by the noble Lord, , all that I will say is that I
met Nexus earlier this week—so everything he said, I already
knew, and I have heard its pleas.
In conclusion, the Government will continue to support TfL in a
way that is fair to the UK taxpayer and ensures continued
services on London’s transport system. In return, the Mayor of
London must step up and lead from the front by making potentially
difficult decisions in difficult times. At the moment, we are
seeing a PR blitz of overexaggerated claims of doom, which he
blames on others. We as central government have not been able to
swerve difficult decisions, and neither should he. We look
forward to working with the mayor in the coming hours, days,
weeks and months to ensure that the capital has the modern,
efficient and sustainable transport system that it needs and
deserves.
(Lab)
I am afraid that my actual Question in the way I phrased it in my
introduction was not answered. Effectively, reading between the
lines, the Minister is saying that it is totally the mayor’s
fault and the Government are not prepared to do anything to avoid
this situation arising in future.
(Con)
I am over time, but I will respond. I am saying that there is
definitely fault on the mayor’s side, but I am saying that we
have had to be very flexible in this process all the way through.
I have been deeply involved in it for the past 18 months or
whatever. We have always had to be very flexible, because things
change. That has always been our goal. However, at the core of
all that is the direction of travel of making TfL financially
sustainable and understanding what it would look like by April
2023 and, thereafter, what a longer-term future for TfL looks
like. That is our prize and what we have our eyes on. We would
like the mayor to join us on that journey. He is not quite there
yet, but I am forever hopeful.
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