Derek Thomas (St Ives) (Con) I beg to move, That this House notes
the grave harm to society caused by excessive alcohol consumption
and alcohol addiction; further notes that alcohol-specific deaths
in 2020 were the highest ever recorded by the Office for National
Statistics across many parts of the UK; and calls on the Government
to commission an independent review of alcohol harm. I thank the
Speaker and the Backbench Business Committee for allowing this
debate to go...Request free trial
(St Ives) (Con)
I beg to move,
That this House notes the grave harm to society caused by
excessive alcohol consumption and alcohol addiction; further
notes that alcohol-specific deaths in 2020 were the highest ever
recorded by the Office for National Statistics across many parts
of the UK; and calls on the Government to commission an
independent review of alcohol harm.
I thank the Speaker and the Backbench Business Committee for
allowing this debate to go ahead. I am grateful to have secured
this debate because the issue of harm caused by alcohol misuse
has concerned me for many years—since long before I got into this
place. I have seen far too many examples of when alcohol misuse
has wrecked lives, trashed families, caused great disruption to
communities, exhausted police and NHS staff and led to a
miserable, hopeless lived experience for those who find they have
an alcohol addiction.
I was due to co-sponsor this debate with the hon. Member for
Liverpool, Walton (), who is unable to be here for
family reasons. Colleagues will be aware of what he has had to
say on this subject in respect of his own lived experience and
through his sterling work as vice-chair of the all-party
parliamentary group on alcohol harm.
I declare an interest as a commissioner on the commission on
alcohol harm, which is ably led by Baroness Finlay. She said:
“Alcohol harm impacts us all—in families, our communities, and
throughout society. For too long, the onus has been on
individuals, with drinkers urged to ‘drink responsibly’…We need
to finally acknowledge the true scale of the harm caused by
alcohol, which goes far beyond individuals who drink, and put the
responsibility squarely with the harmful product itself. By doing
so we will help to do away with the stigma and shame that
surrounds those who are harmed by alcohol and often stops them
from accessing the help that they need.”
Those words were in the introduction to the commission’s “It’s
everywhere” report.
The alcohol harm commission was set up to examine the full extent
of harm across the UK—the physical, mental and social harm caused
to people around the drinker, to wider society and to the drinker
themselves. We considered the effectiveness of current alcohol
policy and made recommendations for the reduction of harm.
(Strangford) (DUP)
I commend the hon. Gentleman for bringing this debate forward. Is
he aware that in Northern Ireland there were 336 alcohol deaths
in 2019—the highest number of alcohol deaths on record, and up
18% on 2018—and similarly record-high figures in England and
Wales for 2020? Does he agree that the Government’s current
strategy is not working and that something has to change?
I absolutely agree. The figures are similarly worrying for
Cornwall and across the Isles of Scilly, which I represent. The
point of this debate is to try to start a new conversation about
how we can support those who are caught up in such a difficult
and tragic situation.
Those whose lives are affected by alcohol every day best
understand its impact, yet their voices are often missing from
policy discussions. We set out, as a commission, to give these
individuals a platform. In addition to experts by experience, we
heard from hospitals; local councils; UK and devolved
Governments; academics and universities; alcohol treatment
providers; the alcohol industry; medical royal colleges;
children’s charities; homelessness organisations; public health
experts; and older people’s representatives.
The commission received evidence on the wide-ranging impact of
alcohol on wider society through the burden it places on public
services and the economy. In England, hospital admissions related
to alcohol reached a record level of 1.26 million in 2018-19, and
the total cost of alcohol to the NHS is estimated to be £3.5
billion. The costs of alcohol are not limited to health: my right
hon. Friend the Minister for Crime and Policing has noted
that
“alcohol-related crime in England and Wales is estimated to cost
society around £11.4 billion per year.”
The body of evidence received by the commission indicates that
alcohol is a harmful and addictive substance that must be
carefully regulated—as is done with tobacco. Far from being an
issue for individual responsibility, as it is often framed by the
industry, there is a compelling case for Government intervention
to end the cultural celebration and normalisation of alcohol in
public, while vulnerable individuals suffer harm and stigma
behind closed doors.
The long list of vulnerable people in need of protection from
alcohol harm includes alcohol-dependent people, children,
drink-drive collision victims, domestic abuse survivors and those
who experience crime and antisocial behaviour, including
emergency service personnel. Another such example is an unborn
baby at risk of foetal alcohol syndrome disorder, a condition
caused by prenatal exposure to alcohol in the womb and which is
around three to five times more common than autism, but much less
widely acknowledged and discussed. FASD is a lifelong
neuro-developmental mental disability that affects the brain and
body. Maternal alcohol misuse is one common factor in children
being taken into care, increasing the likelihood that those
children have been exposed to alcohol before birth. The
prevalence of FASD is therefore much higher in those who are care
experienced, with one study suggesting that two thirds of adopted
children are potentially at risk of FASD. It is unacceptable to
leave their fate up to individual responsibility. Instead, we
need systematic change to protect vulnerable individuals and
communities.
For starters, I call on the Government to ensure that those with
FASD, or at risk of FASD, are given proper support. One possible
route to provide that support would be as part of the excellent
work of my right hon. Friend the Member for South
Northamptonshire (Dame ). Her vision for the 1,001
critical days now being brought into reality as part of a newly
funded Best Start in Life initiative would be the obvious
approach. The family hubs, which I know my hon. Friend the Member
for Congleton () has been a great advocate for,
is a key part of this initiative and may well be the place where
support for children with FASD and their families can be
delivered.
The covid-19 pandemic has accelerated alcohol harm in the UK.
Deaths from alcohol increased by 20% in England and Wales and by
17% in Scotland in 2020. They are now at the highest level since
records began. In England, the number of adults drinking at
high-risk nearly doubled between February and June of last year.
The data also show a rapid acceleration in deaths from alcoholic
liver disease since the start of the pandemic, beyond that of the
pre-existing upward trend. Those numbers are alarming. We know
that drinking harms more than just our liver, with alcohol being
a causal factor in more than 200 diseases and injuries. In my own
constituency, between 2016 and 2018, 760 people received an
alcohol-related cancer diagnosis. Alcohol is of course also
linked to mental health issues: in many countries, including the
UK, those with depressive or anxiety symptoms were among the
groups with the largest increase in consumption during the
pandemic.
Latest data provided to me by the Alcohol Health Alliance showed
that, in my constituency, 73% of dependent drinkers in 2019-20
were not in treatment. Shockingly, that is better than the
national average. The Royal College of Psychiatrists warned last
year that addiction services in the UK are not equipped to treat
the soaring numbers of high-risk drinkers.
Even if I had not taken a serious interest in alcohol harm
previously, having seen further statistics that relate to my
constituents, I have no excuse but to draw attention to this
terrible situation. For example, those drinking above the chief
medical officer's recommended levels—at-risk drinking—account for
24% of my constituents. There were 220 alcohol-related deaths
recorded in 2019, 11,422 alcohol-related hospital admissions in
2019-20, and 192 road traffic accidents attributed to alcohol
between 2014 and 2016.
Never before has action on alcohol been so urgently needed as it
is now. We must do more; we must do better. The Government must
commit to increasing treatment funding and maintaining that
funding so that everyone who seeks support is able to receive it.
The Dame Carol Black independent review of drugs called for
additional funding of £1.78 billion for drug and alcohol
treatment services over the next five years. The Government must
act on this now. Additionally, there must also be a commitment to
increasing the numbers of the addiction treatment workforce.
Outside of treatment service provision, significant work is
needed to tackle the stigma surrounding alcohol. While serving on
the commission on alcohol harm, I had the privilege of reading
and hearing deeply personal and moving testimonials, with experts
of experience commonly agreeing that the focus on individual
responsibility for drinking leads to a culture of secrecy, shame,
and stigma. Tim Norval, an expert by experience, told the
commission that the stigma people carry tells them,
“I’m worthless. I’m not worthy of the treatment. I’m not worthy
of the support”.
But the blood that runs through their veins is just the same red
as mine. There is absolutely no reason whatever that they deserve
any less treatment than I would if I had any sort of health
condition. We all have a part to play in changing the narrative
around alcohol addiction: please, encourage and participate in
conversations about drinking and its effects, and challenge the
stigmas around alcohol use.
Beyond health consequences for the drinkers themselves, there is
of course a significant impact on those around them. A national
survey found that approximately one in three victims of domestic
violence in England and Wales reported that the perpetrator was
under the influence of alcohol. Alcohol or drugs was thought to
be a factor in 61% of care applications in England.
Across the UK, the people from the most deprived areas are more
likely to die or be admitted to hospital than those in the least
deprived areas. The Institute of Alcohol Studies found that lower
socioeconomic groups experience up to 14 times the incidence of
alcohol-related violence than higher socioeconomic groups.
Researchers have linked alcohol consumption with inequalities in
life expectancy, social and emotional wellbeing, and child
development. Public Health England has also stated that tackling
alcohol-related harm is an important route to reducing health
inequalities. In the light of this and the announced levelling-up
White Paper, it is important to reiterate that for any
levelling-up agenda to be truly successful, it must address
alcohol harm as a top priority. Beyond that, there are several
additional steps that could move the UK in the right
direction.
I have long pressed for minimum unit pricing to be introduced in
England to bring us in line with other UK nations. The evidence
from Scotland has been highly encouraging. I especially highlight
the fact that the impact on prices has almost exclusively been in
the off-trade sector, while on-trades prices have largely been
unaffected. This is important because colleagues have told me
that a reason for not supporting MUP is the perception that it
will harm our village pubs. This debate is not related to the
“Saving Your Local Pub” campaign, but it is important to note
that introducing MUP would have little, if any, impact on pubs
and off-licences. What MUP can do is address the “in your face”,
cheap alcohol promotion that faces us all when we venture into a
supermarket—something that appeared to be more apparent during
the lockdowns.
To conclude—I am sure that you will be glad to hear me say that,
Madam Deputy Speaker—there are some clear recommendations that I
would like the Government to consider and act on, with no
unnecessary delay. First, we need to deliver a new comprehensive
strategy. The UK Government must introduce a new alcohol strategy
as part of the covid-19 national recovery plans. The strategy
must take into account the best available evidence and include
population-level measures to reduce harm from alcohol. Its
development must be free from the influence of the alcohol
industry. Although the Government must support economic recovery
and our hospitality industry, this must be balanced with
minimising harm from alcohol. A new strategy should include the
interventions recommended by the World Health Organisation.
The last alcohol strategy will be celebrating its 10th
anniversary next year. The Government have so far failed to
fulfil their promises for an update, and have now caused fears
that alcohol will fall by the wayside while they focus on drugs
and gambling. Developing such a strategy, specifically on
alcohol, would allow the Government to understand all the
influences and drivers of alcohol harm—including its
availability, price and marketing—and to identify the most
effective ways to tackle this in the UK. The final report of the
commission on alcohol harm concluded that we need a new alcohol
strategy that is evidence-based, comprehensive, and focused on
population-level measures. Organisations such as Alcohol Health
Alliance UK, Alcohol Change UK, the OECD and the World Health
Organisation have echoed those calls. I support the
recommendation wholeheartedly and call on the Government to
launch such a strategy urgently.
The second of three recommendations is for the Government to
introduce MUP without delay to reduce the consumption of cheap,
high-strength products. The Chancellor’s move in this direction
in the Budget was welcome. However, alcohol duty collects between
£10 billion and £12 billion each year, but is estimated to cost
£27 billion in social costs, including the cost to the NHS that I
have mentioned.
Finally, I call on the Government to introduce alcohol
advertising restrictions to reduce alcohol harm, and protect
children and vulnerable people, including those in recovery.
If we have any hope of turning the tide on alcohol harm, there is
no more time to wait. We must do more, do it better and do it
now.
16:14:00
(Birmingham, Hodge Hill)
(Lab)
I am grateful for the chance to contribute to this debate, and I
thank the Backbench Business Committee. It is a real privilege to
follow the hon. Member for St Ives (). In my remarks I will speak
for myself, but I will also try to say a few words for my hon.
Friend the Member for Liverpool, Walton (), who, as was mentioned, is
with his family and his father Mike, who is receiving palliative
care after treatment for lung cancer. I know I speak for all of
us when I say that all our love, prayers and best wishes go to my
hon. Friend and his family.
This debate is profoundly important. It is important for many
people, such as the hon. Member for St Ives. It is important for
many of those who are hon. Members and, like me, children of
alcoholics. I am the son and the grandson of alcoholics. I
watched those people die from alcohol and I watched how this
terrible disease cascades down the generations, causing chaos,
pain and distress in its wake. In the all-party children of
alcoholics group, which I co-chair, we have come together because
we know that we have to try to break the silence in order to
break the cycle of the disease cascading down any more
generations to come. We know too that we have to normalise the
conversation, and that means that we have to help organise the
conversation. That is why, for us, this debate is so
important.
There are so many people, and so many Members of this House, who
are still bound in fear with stigma and shame that stops them
speaking out. I have now lost count of the number of our
colleagues here who have approached me in the Lobbies and
corridors to say, “I too am the child of an alcoholic”, but, for
whatever reason, they are not able to speak out. I almost did not
speak myself. I did so only through the spiritual guidance of
Father Gerry, God rest his soul, at St Chad’s Cathedral in
Birmingham, who helped show me that if, by speaking out, I could
effect change, then I was doing the right thing: that in fact
what I would be doing is honouring the boy that became the man
that became my dad. My father was the child of an alcoholic and
he had no help available to him. So I hope that this debate
encourages more of us in this place to speak out and talk
publicly about the things that people have said to me in the
Lobbies and the corridors, because we have a wrong to right, and
that wrong is that we have no strategy for tackling alcohol
harm.
My work on this issue goes back to 2015 and the election of that
year. , the Prime Minister at the
time, was busy waving my famous leaving note at the Treasury. It
was something that caused me immense public shame. But what I
could not talk about at the time was the intense private shame
that I was going through nursing my father in the final days of
his life at Princess Alexandra Hospital in Harlow. He died on the
morning of St Joseph’s Day. After his death, and after that
election, I fell to pieces. It was only through getting in touch
with the National Association for Children of Alcoholics that I
discovered that I was not alone.
I grew up knowing all the feelings that every child of an
alcoholic becomes all too familiar with: trying to make yourself
invisible to disappear from the shame of some terrible public
incident; the chronic insecurity; the co-dependency of supporting
others, in my case, my mother, from the age of eight; the bouts
of violence, luckily, in my case, occasional; the hospital
visits; and the trouble with ambulances. There is the pervasive
sense of guilt. Am I doing enough? Is my father okay? Is he
eating? Is he starving? Or is he on a floor somewhere?
There is the drive for perfection: the striving to please someone
who does not really seem to care. Not long after I got into the
Cabinet—it was a moment of immense pride for me and I wanted to
show my dad how proud he should have been of the work that I put
in—he came to our office at the Cabinet Office; it is a grand
place. He was too drunk to stand. It was utterly humiliating and
we had to bundle him out as fast as possible. I came to see that
nothing I could do would ever be good enough, and nothing I could
do would stop him drinking. Every child of an alcoholic can tell
scores of stories just like mine.
Those who helped me process trauma taught me that you have to
build an integrated picture of the past with the good and the
bad, the light and the dark. For children of alcoholics, the
pieces of the puzzle that you try to put together are so sharp
that they cut you, and you bleed. That is why support from
organisations such as the National Association for Children of
Alcoholics is life-changing. It is not just a helpline; it is
literally a lifeline. That is why we must do better in putting a
strategy in place to combat the harm of alcohol.
I am not sure that I would be here without NACOA’s help, and that
is why I say a profound thank you to Hilary Henriques and her
team—Piers, and Josh Connolly. I also thank the amazing patrons
Calum Best, Tony Adams, Camilla Tominey, David Coldwell, Sophie
K, and so many others. I speak for all involved in our movement
when I say a profound thanks to Her Royal Highness Princess
Catherine for her leadership in supporting Forward Trust and the
Action on Addiction alliance of which NACOA is so proud to be a
part.
My father was an inspiration to me. He was brilliant,
charismatic, a fighter for love and a fighter for decency. But he
was in the grips of an addiction for which there was no help.
What was true for him is now true of thousands of children. What
is so appalling is that one in five children in this country are
in that predicament—they are children of parents who drink too
much. More than 60% of care applications involve the misuse of
alcohol or drugs. Parental alcohol misuse accounts for nearly 40%
of cases where a child is killed or seriously injured. Children
of alcoholics are more likely to become addicted to alcohol, to
develop eating disorders and to take their own lives. That is why
we need a strategy to combat the harm of alcohol.
When we started our work in 2016, we discovered that not one
local authority had a strategy for children of alcoholics. In our
last survey, that had gone up to half—but that means that half do
not have strategies in place—and more than 90% of local
authorities were cutting budgets for drug and alcohol treatment
despite some having rising admissions for alcohol accident and
emergency cases. Half of councils saw referrals for alcohol
treatment going down, not up, yet we still do not have a strategy
for alcohol harm.
My hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool, Walton wanted to make
the point that almost three people an hour die of alcohol-related
causes. Alcohol-related harms now cost us £27 billion a year.
People from the most deprived communities are 60% more likely to
die than those in richer communities. Alcohol-specific deaths
have soared by more than 20% over the course of lockdown, and 40%
of crime is linked to alcohol, yet we still do not have a
strategy to combat alcohol-related harm.
To help Ministers, children of alcoholics across the country
united to draw up our first manifesto for change, with a simple
set of 10 messages therein. It has a beautiful instruction from
his grace the , himself the child
of an alcoholic. We want: to ensure that there is a strategy for
children of alcoholics; properly funded local support; better
support for families; better education and awareness for
children; a plea for the Government to help lead a change of
public attitudes; better education and training for those who
work with children; minimum alcohol unit pricing; to curtail the
promotion of advertising on alcohol; and the Government to take
responsibility for reducing rates of alcoholism. We want a
strategy for reducing the harm of alcohol.
My hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool, Walton wanted to
highlight the points made about minimum alcohol pricing. If he
were here, he would have highlighted that in some ciders a unit
of alcohol costs just 19p. That means a person can buy the
recommended weekly maximum of 14 units for £2.68—less than the
price of a cup of coffee. In Scotland and Wales there is minimum
unit pricing, which is working—it is driving down addiction
rates—and the Government should learn from it. Equally, alcohol
advertising needs to be curtailed.
Finally, we thought that under the right hon. Member for South
West Surrey () we were making progress.
Funding for the NACOA helpline was put in place, as was funding
for pilots. Inexplicably, at a time of surging alcohol misuse,
the funding for those programmes has stopped. We assume that that
is an error and we look forward to meeting the Secretary of State
to talk about reinstating that funding.
We know that we cannot change things for our parents, but we are
damn well going to change things for our children. That means
campaigning until we get a strategy in place to tackle the harm
from alcohol.
16:25:00
(North Norfolk) (Con)
I am honoured to make a contribution to the debate. In
particular, I thank the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton (), who cannot be here and of
whom we will be thinking, and my hon. Friend the Member for St
Ives () for helping to bring the
debate to the House.
Before I go any further, let me say that the previous speech was
probably one of the most moving contributions I have heard in the
House. I say to the right hon. Member for Birmingham, Hodge Hill
() that his father would be
immensely proud of what he has said this afternoon. I commend the
bravery with which he stood up and spoke movingly about his
personal experiences. Even though I do not know him, I am
incredibly moved to have heard what he said, and I thank him.
The World Health Organisation estimates that, every year, some 3
million people around the world die due to the harmful use of
alcohol. That accounts for a staggering 5.3% of all deaths. In
England and Wales alone, there were 7,423 alcohol-related deaths
in 2020, which, shockingly, was a rise of 19.6% from 2019. Based
on those statistics, it is absolutely the case that alcohol
remains an alarming and clear problem, not just around the world
but in this country.
As we have heard, alcohol misuse can have many effects, from
causing death and disability to fostering and exacerbating mental
health and behavioural disorders. Health consequences aside, its
harmful use can bring with it many socioeconomic losses to
individuals and wider society. It is therefore paramount that we
address alcohol misuse and work collaboratively to mitigate that
sad and perennial problem in our society.
Tackling alcohol misuse will require a multi-pronged approach and
an essential part of that is investing in programmes that address
alcohol harm. I know that the Government continue to work on that
and I am sure that we will hear more about that from the
Minister. We must invest in bodies such as NHS England and
Improvement, whose programmes have a long history and a deep
understanding of how to help with the issue.
In my research for the debate, I was pleased to learn that £27
million has been invested to establish alcohol harm teams in
hospitals that will provide specialist support where needed; that
£80 million has been allocated for substance-misuse treatment in
2021-22; and that there is a further £90 million for medically
managed in-patient detoxification units. That spending will come
in, in addition to local authorities’ funding for substance
misuse treatment, through the public health grant. From what we
have heard, that is welcome. More must be done, but things are
being done.
I am a firm believer that through investing in such programmes,
alongside strengthening the capacity for local authorities to
help to co-ordinate community action and bring knowledge and
expertise to the table, we can begin to make a difference. I do
not think there is a quick fix or single solution to something
that is very damaging for society, but we want the Government to
take more approaches to deal seriously with the issue. They are
taking action, engaging with campaign groups, and investing in
services and communities, which is the only way really to begin
to target the harmful effects of alcohol misuse.
16:29:00
(Linlithgow and East Falkirk)
(SNP)
I am grateful to the hon. Members for Liverpool, Walton () and for St Ives () for securing this debate
through the Backbench Business Committee. I would like to take
this opportunity to praise the opening speech by the hon. Member
for St Ives, who I think covered the points very well and summed
up the position. I find myself in agreement with many of the
points that have been made, and I am grateful to hon. Members for
their personal testimonies, which have added very strongly to
what we are considering today.
In Scotland, on average, alcohol causes about 688 hospital
admissions and 23 deaths per week. That is a lot of misery for a
lot of families, and it comes at a vast cost and disruption to
the health service—a similar problem to what has been seen in
England. Fighting alcohol abuse must therefore be a priority for
us all, because all our families and communities must get the
support they need. Alcohol is everywhere in our society, and in
many ways it is hardwired into our cultural DNA. It features in
countless songs, poems, stories and humour—from the works of our
national bards, Burns and MacDiarmid, through to popular
culture.
I remember hearing the late Hamish Imlach in concert, and he had
quite a few songs about booze and drink in his repertoire, but he
also used to crack jokes. He said that he had an allergy to
leather because he realised that every time he fell asleep with
his shoes on, he woke up with a blinding headache. I tell that
anecdote not to be flippant, but in an attempt to illustrate how
ingrained the problem with our culture actually is.
It will therefore come as no surprise to anyone that Scotland has
a long-standing and problematic relationship with alcohol. The
damage that misuse causes is indeed stark. It causes harm to
individuals’ health, employment and relationships, as well as to
the wider community and public safety. Hearing figures that
suggest one in five people have been harmed by other people’s
drinking in the last year alone is frightening. Then we have the
financial burden on the economy through costs to the NHS, police
and emergency services, and in lost productivity to
businesses.
In 2020, adults in Scotland drank an average of 9.4 litres of
alcohol per head, which is 18 units per adult per week, or almost
30% more than the low risk guidelines. That is an improvement
from 2015, when the average was 10.8 litres. It is moving in the
right direction, but not fast enough, and of course an average
hides a wide variation in consumption rates between different
individuals. Notwithstanding this trend of reduced consumption,
the sad reality is that the pandemic has driven up
alcohol-related deaths. Evidence from various surveys shows that
those who were drinking heavily before the pandemic were more
likely to increase their drinking during lockdown, thereby
increasing their risk of harm.
Reducing harm from alcohol is an issue devolved to the Scottish
Parliament. As we have heard, Scotland is leading the world on
alcohol pricing, being the first country to implement a minimum
price of 50p per unit, which aims to reduce the harms, save
lives, reduce hospital admissions and, ultimately, have positive
impacts across the whole health system and for our wider society.
The early indications are very encouraging. Before minimum unit
pricing was introduced in May 2018, the weekly lower-risk
drinking guideline amount of 14 units could be bought for £2.52,
which is as little as 18p per unit.
The ability of the Scottish Government to tackle health issues
such as alcohol harm is now, I fear, at risk from the UK
Government’s plan to grab devolved powers back under the new
internal market legislation. I hope that the Minister can give us
a guarantee that under no circumstances will they use the United
Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 to undermine the Scottish
Government’s ability to set minimum unit pricing, because it
really is making a difference.
We must recognise that tackling alcohol harms does not simply
mean addressing alcohol use. Mental health, trauma, isolation,
housing and employment are just a few of the issues that can
either lead to or contribute to problematic substance abuse. The
Scottish Government’s alcohol framework sets out our priorities
for preventing alcohol-related harm, and includes consulting on
potential restrictions on alcohol advertising and improving
health information on product labels, although some aspects, such
as TV advertising, are currently reserved to the UK
Government.
The framework contains some 20 actions building on existing
measures to change Scotland’s relationship with alcohol, and
there is a strong focus on reducing health inequalities and doing
more to protect children and young people from alcohol-related
harm, including through education. Key actions include consulting
on options for mandatory restrictions on alcohol marketing in
Scotland, and pressing the UK Government for a 9 pm watershed on
alcohol TV adverts—as they have consulted on for high fat, sugar
and salt in foods—and under-18 films at cinemas, or else they
could perhaps devolve the broadcast advertising powers and we can
do that ourselves. They also include giving consumers useful
health information on product labels and continuing our “Count
14” campaign work to raise awareness of the UK chief medical
officer’s lower-risk drinking guideline of 14 units per week; I
expect many people still remember the previous higher limits. I
could say much more about the work done in Scotland but it is
important to recognise that, whatever we are doing in any part of
the UK, more can still be done to make sure people get into
appropriate treatment quicker in order to reduce harms and help
with treatment and recovery.
As I said earlier, while alcohol harm is a devolved matter,
several of the levers that can influence the issue remain here at
Westminster, and I therefore wholeheartedly support the call in
the motion for the Government to commission an independent review
of alcohol harm.
16:35:00
(Nottingham North)
(Lab/Co-op)
It is a pleasure to speak in this important debate and to follow
such powerful contributions by colleagues. I commend in
particular the hon. Member for St Ives () on securing the debate and on
the way in which he led it. He said he wanted to start a new
conversation. That was an elegant way to put it and is a good
challenge to us all; we should all work in that spirit, and his
efforts in the commission and in Parliament more generally
reflect that.
I was particularly grateful to hear the hon. Gentleman mention
foetal alcohol spectrum disorder. That is a hidden harm in
society; we are scratching the surface of our understanding of
the profound challenges it poses for individuals and society at
large. I hope the Minister will give a commitment in her speech
to a national prevalence study on it, as the sector is calling
for; that would be an incredible thing for a public health
Minister to pick up. That fits in neatly with what the hon.
Member for North Norfolk () said about investing in
services that are proven to work. That is important, particularly
in relation to work with our local authorities, which I will
refer to shortly. Gathering evidence on conditions such as FASD
would help us build services that could be very impactful.
The contribution from my right hon. Friend the Member for
Birmingham, Hodge Hill () was exceptionally moving, and
his candour and the vulnerability with which he spoke will have
touched those watching the debate and given people permission to
speak out themselves. I congratulate him on the work he has done,
and the work my right hon. Friend the Member for Leicester South
(), the shadow Secretary of
State, has done in this area is also genuinely transformative,
changing societal perceptions and giving people permission to
speak. I felt very lucky to have been sat here to hear the
contribution of my right hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham,
Hodge Hill.
My right hon. Friend spoke movingly as well for my hon. Friend
the Member for Liverpool, Walton (). We have missed him today, for
entirely understandable reasons today. He and I have been friends
for a very long time—from long before we were elected here a few
years ago—and he and his family are in the thoughts and prayers
of me and my family, and I am sure they are also in the hearts of
all hon. and right hon. Members. His courage, too, in speaking
out as he has done has given others permission to do the
same.
Every day in our country 70 people die from alcohol-related
causes. Alcohol is a powerful drug that has a wide range of
effects on the human body, and the impact goes far beyond just
individual health: it meaningful both for the health and
wellbeing of the person concerned and for their family and the
community they live in. Alcohol is linked to 200 different
diseases and injuries, including heart disease, liver disease and
stroke, and costs the NHS £3.5 billion every year. Alcohol is now
the leading risk factor for ill health, early mortality and
disability for those in my age bracket of 15 to 49. There are
over 1 million hospital admissions related to alcohol each year
and, as with many public health issues, they are
disproportionately reflected in the poorest communities; a third
of all alcohol-specific deaths are in the most deprived 20% of
communities.
In my city of Nottingham our hospital admissions entering the
pandemic in 2017-18 were 25,000, an all-time high, and the
pandemic will only have turbocharged that. We know that in 2020 a
record high of nearly 7,000 people died from diseases that are a
direct consequence of alcohol, up 20% on the year before. That is
a staggering change. In 2020-21, 126 million extra litres of
alcohol were sold, and the heaviest drinkers increased their
buying by 14%. That is a really significant change in behaviour
from what was already a very challenging baseline.
As I say, alcohol harm does not just affect the individual; it
harms families, too. Alcohol harm is associated with violence and
domestic abuse. While alcohol use is never the sole reason for
domestic abuse, the World Health Organisation estimates that
roughly 55% of perpetrators were drinking alcohol prior to an
assault. As we have heard today, alcohol is also a major factor
in child maltreatment, with Department for Education statistics
showing that parental alcohol use was a factor in 16% of
child-in-need cases.
We feel the harm more widely, too, with crime and antisocial
behaviour, traffic collisions and unemployment. As colleagues
will know, I have been campaigning for a number of years on
violence and abuse against retail workers; again, alcohol is an
anchor factor in that type of abuse. Drink-driving causes almost
9,000 casualties and 260 deaths a year. That is an awful lot of
empty places at the table this Christmas, and a lot of hearts
broken.
Good treatment services are our way, as a society and as a
Parliament, to respond to the harm in our society, but even prior
to the pandemic, only one in five dependent drinkers were
believed to be in treatment. We must do much better than that. I
think we can be much more ambitious. The hon. Member for St Ives
mentioned the significant proportion of dependent drinkers in his
constituency who are not in treatment—and, as he said, his
constituency actually outperforms the national average.
That takes us, as we are often taken in Thursday debates about
public health, back to the public health grant and our cuts to it
over the last decade, which have been a cost efficiency but, as a
value proposition, poor public policy. Between 2016 and 2018,
more than two thirds of local authorities in England cut their
alcohol treatment budgets, with 17 imposing cuts of more than
half. Those cuts are part of the reason why dependent drinkers
are often unable to get support. St Mungo’s estimates that
funding cuts meant that 12,000 fewer rough sleepers accessed
support in 2018-19 than if funding had remained at 2010 levels.
Of course, as I say, covid will have exaggerated that even
further.
Due to these resource cuts, alcohol treatment providers have
reduced their offer to try to make sure that they can see as many
people as possible. Currently, there are just six NHS in-patient
detox units operating in the entirety of the UK, with fewer than
100 beds in total. A lack of outreach services means that those
with complex needs are missing out, and a reduction in capacity
means that those at lower levels of drinking, where treatment
could be really impactful as an early intervention, are missing
out too. We are not investing properly in those services, but we
need to.
I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say. I hope
that she will address the point about the public health grant and
what more can be done to restore what we have lost. As I say,
there may have been a short-term cost saving on a financial line
in the Budget, but in reality the cost—in human terms, of course,
but also in cash terms to the rest of the health service—far
dwarfs whatever has been saved. I hope that we can look at that
and restore it as a matter of urgency.
Before closing, I want to revisit the point about labelling on
alcohol products that I and my right hon. and hon. Friends
pressed during proceedings on the Health and Care Bill. I will
not reiterate the arguments, which I had the chance to make at
length, but it is safe to say that we on the Opposition Benches
are impatient for consistent, high-quality information to be
available. It is about informed choice; we know that that is what
consumers want, too. The settled will of the House, as
established during proceedings on the Bill, is to let industry
continue its efforts through self-organisation, and it is
doubtless true that significant progress has been made in this
area in recent years, so we will watch that with great interest.
I hope that those in industry who are least willing to make this
important change do not see Monday’s vote as a defeat of the
concept of labelling itself but, rather, see that they are being
given time and space to sort it themselves. If they do not, we
will return to the issue.
In conclusion—I want to give the Minister plenty of time to
address the comments that colleagues have made—the point about a
strategy is well made. Now is the time to pull the efforts
together under one roof so that they can be measured, understood
and action-planned together—I think that is a good call. The
funding that sits beneath them must be restored to its 2010
level. This is a significant harm for the individual and for our
communities. I have no doubt that there is a cross-party
commitment to attack this issue, and those are ways to do
that.
16:44:00
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Health and Social
Care ()
I thank my hon. Friend the Member for St Ives () for leading on this important
debate. There may not have been too many contributions, but those
we have had have been really, really valuable. I am very sorry to
hear that the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton () cannot be here for this
important debate. I send my best wishes to him and his family at
this very difficult time.
The majority of people drink alcohol responsibly, but we know
that there are people who drink at levels which lead to
significant harms. Alcohol misuse can have devastating impacts on
individuals, families, communities and society. Over the course
of the pandemic, we have seen an increase in those drinking at
higher risk levels, and, sadly, an increase in alcohol-specific
deaths. I would like to take this moment to commend our frontline
workers. They have been tirelessly working and supporting people
in need in the most difficult circumstances.
Throughout the pandemic, drug and alcohol treatment providers
have continued to support and treat people. To ensure treatment
services continue supporting people to the highest standards, we
have made the largest increase to treatment funding for substance
misuse in 15 years. We have provided £80 million of new
investment in 2021-22. Some £9.8 million of that uplift has been
allocated specifically to increase the availability of in-patient
places for medically assisted withdrawal. That is of critical
importance for people heavily dependent on alcohol, where rapid
withdrawal can be extremely dangerous. The funding is in addition
to the money that local authorities already spend on substance
misuse from the public health grant.
The Government have agreed to carry forward the recommendations
of part two of Dame Carol Black’s independent review of drugs—my
hon. Friend the Member for St Ives talked about Dame Carol
Black’s report in his speech—and to publish a new drugs strategy
later this year. Although the subject of the review was drugs,
the implementation of many of its recommendations will also
benefit people seeking treatment for alcohol dependency, for
example through the introduction of mechanisms such as an
improved commissioning standard and a strong focus on building
back the workforce. To further improve alcohol treatment, the
Office for Health Improvement and Disparities is developing
comprehensive UK guidelines for the clinical management of
harmful drinking and alcohol dependence. The guidelines should
develop a clear consensus on good practice and improve the
quality of service provision.
There is clear evidence that growing up in a family affected by
parental alcohol dependency can cause significant harm to a
child’s wellbeing and damage their long-term outcomes. Thanks to
the personal testimony and campaigning from Members here today—I
will respond further to the right hon. Member for Birmingham,
Hodge Hill () later in my speech—we have
invested £7.2 million on a package of measures, over four years,
to improve outcomes and support for children whose parents are
alcohol dependent. Some £5.7 million of that has funded nine
local areas to implement innovative and evidence-informed
interventions, and will make system-wide improvements to working
holistically with these families. Early findings of the programme
indicate positive results, for example in the local areas
receiving programme funding, and we have seen improved
identification of children in need, and more parents starting
alcohol treatment. We are actively considering how we share
lessons from the programme nationally, and the implications for
future policy and practice. To aid that, we have commissioned an
independent national evaluation of the programme, expected to be
published in spring 2022.
Alcohol harms are not experienced equally across groups. Despite
reporting lower or similar levels of drinking, those of lower
socioeconomic status experience disproportionate alcohol-related
harm. There are also significant geographical disparities, with
the highest rates of mortality from alcohol-specific causes seen
in the northern regions.
As part of the long-term plan, we have provided national funding
to support the implementation of specialist alcohol care teams in
the 25% of hospitals with the highest rates of alcohol
dependence-related admissions. It is estimated that the programme
will prevent 50,000 admissions over five years.
We are also committed to supporting the most vulnerable in our
society. This year, we are delivering up to £52 million for
substance misuse treatment services for people sleeping rough,
building on the £23 million in 2020-21. That will fund
evidence-based drug and alcohol treatment and wraparound support
to improve access, including for those with co-occurring mental
health needs.
The Government believe that people have a right to accurate
information and clear advice about alcohol and its health risks,
enabling people to make informed choices about their drinking. As
a result, we continue to educate the public, ensuring that people
are aware of the health risks of alcohol through local and
national programmes, such as the Better Health campaign and the
Drink Free Days app.
An alcohol risk assessment is a mandatory component in the NHS
health check so that people are given advice on cutting down if
their drinking is putting their health at risk. To ensure that
people have all the information they need at the point of
purchase, we will shortly consult on whether mandatory calorie
labelling should be introduced on pre-packed alcohol and alcohol
sold in the out-of-home sector. The consultation will also seek
views on mandatory provision of the UK chief medical officer’s
low-risk drinking guidelines and a drink-drive warning. The hon.
Member for Nottingham North () talked about the impact that
drink-driving can have on families. Respondents to that
consultation will have the opportunity to provide suggestions for
further labelling requirements that they would like the
Government to consider.
I will take the opportunity now to address the issues raised
during the debate. My hon. Friend the Member for St Ives talked
about foetal alcohol spectrum disorder, and I reassure him that
we take that very seriously. We have asked NICE to produce a
quality standard in England for FASD to help the health and care
system to improve the diagnosis and care of those affected, based
around the Scottish intercollegiate guidelines network—SIGN
156—standard. To help improve support for those living with its
consequences, we have funded five voluntary organisations in
2020-21, and we are analysing the evaluations to be taken into
account for further policies on FASD.
The right hon. Member for Birmingham, Hodge Hill shared his
moving and personal experiences of being a child and a grandchild
of an alcoholic. I thank him for his openness. He talked about
stigma and the importance of sharing experiences. I am sure that,
by sharing his experience today, he will have made a difference
to so many people, and I thank him for that.
The right hon. Gentleman asked about a number of other issues,
including the strategy, as the hon. Member for Nottingham North
and the hon. Member for Linlithgow and East Falkirk () did. The Government have
committed to publishing a new UK-wide cross-Government addiction
strategy, which will focus on creating further opportunities to
tackle and address addictions, such as alcohol and drugs as well
as gambling-related harms, in a comprehensive and joined-up way.
As I said, alcohol and drug addiction are far too often
intrinsically linked, and we are committed to tackling that.
I wonder whether the Minister could share with the House her
forecast timeframe for that addiction strategy and, in so doing,
perhaps recognise that there are significant differences between
addiction to drugs and alcohol, not least because one is legal
and the other is illegal.
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that intervention. I am sure
he will appreciate that Dame Carol Black’s report acknowledged
that there are differences, but they are intrinsically linked as
well. I fully take his point that one is illegal and the other is
illegal, and that will be taken into consideration.
My hon. Friend the Member for St Ives, the right hon. Member for
Birmingham, Hodge Hill and the Scottish National party spokesman,
the hon. Member for Linlithgow and East Falkirk, talked about the
minimum unit price. The Government continue to monitor the impact
of the minimum unit price as evidence emerges from Scotland and
Wales. Although some evidence has been published by Public Health
Scotland relating to the impact of MUP, further important
components of the evaluation are not scheduled for release until
2023, including the impact on alcohol-related admissions and
deaths.
Another important issue raised in the debate was the relationship
between domestic abuse and alcohol addiction. The Domestic Abuse
Act 2021 will mean better protections for victims and more
effective measures for going after perpetrators. We are
reflecting the importance of joined-up domestic abuse, mental
health and substance misuse services in supporting statutory
guidelines.
Let me briefly address the issue that the hon. Members for
Linlithgow and East Falkirk and for Nottingham North raised about
amendments that were not made to the Health and Care Bill.
Alcohol has not been included in the advertising restrictions in
the Bill, mainly because the Government have existing measures in
place to protect children and young people from alcohol
advertisements. The 2019 and 2020 consultations on advertising
restrictions on less healthy food and drink did not consult on
including alcohol in the restrictions, either online or on TV.
Finally, alcohol products are not available for children to
purchase, so they do not have the same level of exposure to
them.
In closing, I reiterate the Government’s commitment to supporting
those who are most vulnerable to and at risk of alcohol misuse. I
am confident that our strong programme of work under way to
address alcohol-related harms, the increased funding for
treatment providers and the recommendations in Dame Carol Black’s
review that we are taking forward will all further support people
who are experiencing alcohol dependency and alcohol-related
harms, as well as those on whom they have an impact.
16:55:00
I appreciate all that has been said, including the Minister’s
response. In my speech, I talked about
“miserable, hopeless lived experience for those who find they
have an alcohol addiction.”
We have heard clearly how that experience extends to families and
particularly to children. I do not believe that it has to be
hopeless, but we need a nationwide strategy with population-level
measures.
I thank all hon. Members who have contributed to the debate,
which has helped to address the stigma and put the subject back
on the agenda, and which may start a new conversation. I
appreciate all that the Minister said and all the measures that
are being introduced. I would love the conversation to continue,
to really help the families who are being severely harmed by
alcohol misuse.
Question put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That this House notes the grave harm to society caused by
excessive alcohol consumption and alcohol addiction; further
notes that alcohol-specific deaths in 2020 were the highest ever
recorded by the Office for National Statistics across many parts
of the UK; and calls on the Government to commission an
independent review of alcohol harm.
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