In its final report of this Parliament the Commons Work and
Pensions Committee is led, by evidence and facts from sources as
diverse as the Institute for Fiscal Studies and senior
representatives of major faith communities, to conclude that the
Government must lift the two-child limit and return to providing
support for all children through the benefits system.
When the Committee first
reported on the two-child limit in January of this
year the Government immediately accepted its central
recommendation and reversed
the “inexplicable” retroactive element it had intended
to apply to children born before the policy was even
conceived.
In this follow up report, the Committee recognises that
recommending the reversal of a major policy is not done lightly,
but the two-child limit not only fails to achieve the
Government's own objectives but has evident, unintended
consequences that no Government should be willing to accept.
The Committee says that Government’s justifications for its
policy to restrict the support provided to families through the
benefits system—whether tax credits, Housing Benefit or Universal
Credit—to two children are based on assumptions that “simply do
not hold true”, and on a distinction between families that are in
work and those in receipt of benefits that is “crude and
unrealistic”.
The Government’s central argument for the policy is that families
claiming benefits should face the same financial choices about
having children as families who are supporting themselves solely
through work.
The Committee concluded that the Government’s arguments did not
stack up:
1. It assumes that all pregnancies are planned, and in full
knowledge of the Government's social security policy. These
assumptions simply do not hold true: in fact only a minority of
third child pregnancies are planned.
2. The distinction between families on benefits and those who are
working is crude and unrealistic: anyone working today could lose
their job, fall ill, be disabled, or be bereaved tomorrow: by the
Government’s logic only the wealthy few with the financial
resilience to withstand all of life's misfortunes without
recourse to the benefits system could ever responsibly decide to
have more than two children.
3. The suggestion that the policy might encourage parents to
increase their incomes from work is not supported by the evidence
the Committee has seen. In contrast, the absence of affordable
childcare, as well as the costs of transport, make it all but
impossible for some families to increase their working hours to
compensate for their losses, or to get back into work after
having a child.
4. The Government’s own statistics show that there is no sharp
distinction between households in receipt of benefits and those
in work:
Tax Credits As of April
2019: 72% of families receiving tax
credits were working families (2,255,600 working families in
total).
Housing Benefit As of May
2019: 28% of working age Housing Benefit
claimants are ‘in employment and not on passported benefit’
Universal Credit As of September
2019: 33% of UC claimants were recorded as
in employment (809,218 people defined as having some employment
earnings in the latest assessment period)
Rt Hon MP, Chair of the Committee,
said: “Any family in this country, except the
super-rich, could fall foul of the two-child limit if their
circumstances changed for the worse.
This is exactly why social security must act as a national
insurance scheme covering people when they’re most exposed to
hardship - not increase it.”
A whole host of expert organisations, including the Institute for
Fiscal Studies, have predicted that the two-child limit will lead
to significant increases in the numbers of children living in
poverty, and will push hundreds of thousands of children even
deeper into poverty. The Child Poverty Action Group told the
Committee “you couldn’t design a policy better to increase child
poverty”. These effects will be felt more severely across whole
communities in which families tend to be larger: the Committee
heard evidence that Muslim and Jewish communities, Pakistani,
Bangladeshi and Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities, and
families in Northern Ireland are all disproportionately
affected.
A disproportionate burden is also likely to fall on survivors of
rape and domestic abuse. There is an exception for third or
subsequent children conceived through rape or in a coercive
relationship, but in practice only a very small number of
survivors have accessed it.