MP today proposes a reform
programme, relating to employment law and its enforcement, with
the objective of ending the rampant injustice that afflicts all
too many workers in the gig economy.
In recent years, individual workers and trade unions have begun
directly challenging this injustice in the courts. With one or
two notable exceptions, every single challenge has been
successful.
As a result, a growing number of companies have been required to
recognise people as ‘workers’ who are entitled to basic forms of
statutory protection – including a guaranteed minimum wage and
holiday pay – rather than ‘independent contractors’ with no such
protection.
However, some of these companies have decided not to meet their
legal requirements to recognise the rights that are held by their
workforce. Rather, they are still largely free to continue
exploiting those who they have wrongly classified as ‘independent
contractors’. Injustice has been allowed to persist throughout
much of the gig economy.
In a report, entitled Legalising the gig economy,
Frank finds that:
- 1. The
judicial process is prone to being strung out by
companies and, even when it eventually delivers
favourable outcomes for individual claimants, or some larger
groups who challenge their employment status, there is no
sure-fire way of extending justice to people in a company’s wider
workforce who are similarly misclassified and exploited.
- 2. The laws
governing work in the gig economy are inadequate.
Certain aspects of the law, such as the emphasis placed upon a
notional ‘substitution clause’ when determining an individual’s
employment status, enable companies far too easily to avoid their
responsibilities as employers.
- 3. There is
virtually no proactive enforcement mechanism to
prevent workers being misclassified as ‘independent contractors’
and subjected to bogus forms of self-employment. The onus
currently falls on individual workers to enforce the law.
A major challenge for reformers, therefore, must be to ensure it
is no longer left to individual workers to pursue justice through
a draining, expensive, and convoluted legal process which seems
to be stacked in favour of the company. Going through an
employment tribunal is often the last thing in the minds of
people who are in precarious jobs.
The report recommends that the Government incorporates the
following six reforms within any forthcoming employment
legislation:
- 1. A modern,
streamlined judicial system, with new powers for
employment tribunals to handle freestanding cases that deal
exclusively with employment status. A fast-tracking process
should be introduced for the handling of such cases – the
objective should be to resolve them within a matter of weeks,
rather than several years. Employment tribunals should also be
given powers to make broader recommendations, at the conclusion
of each case, which apply to similarly placed individuals across
a company’s entire workforce.
- 2. Clearer
legal definitions and tests of ‘worker’ and ‘independent
contractor’ status, which look beyond contractual terms
and focus more closely on the factual substance of the
relationship between an individual and a company. The tests
should place less of an emphasis on the notional ‘substitution
clause’ in companies’ written contracts. They should instead
primarily consider the extent to which companies mediate the
transactions between their workforce and customers; the means
used to determine the price, terms and conditions of the services
provided by the workforce, as well as the means of payment; the
monitoring, supervision, and treatment of the workforce’s
performance and the details of their work – particularly in the
context of management decisions being taken by company
algorithms; the amount of direction and discipline that is used
by a company towards its workforce; and whether the work
being performed by individuals forms part of their, or a
company’s, core or regular business.
- 3. A
statutory presumption of ‘worker’ status, in which
employment law begins from the basis that a company’s workforce
comprises ‘workers’, who are still able to choose their preferred
work patterns without having to sacrifice basic rights and
financial security. Having reversed the burden of proof in this
way, it would be for companies to argue why individuals should be
classified as ‘independent contractors’.
- 4. A new
single labour inspectorate, headed by a
Commissioner for Labour Market Enforcement, with
the remit and resources it needs regularly to conduct proactive
checks on companies, to ensure they are not wrongly classifying
members of their workforce as ‘independent contractors’, and to
deliver justice on behalf of those individuals who it has found
to be wrongly classified. Stiffer fines for non-compliance with
the law, which are linked to a company’s turnover, should be
introduced as a means of resourcing the new labour inspectorate.
- 5. An
enhanced role for trade unions in the gig economy,
enabling collective organisation and the negotiation of pay and
conditions for all individuals engaged in this form of work.
Trade unions will have an important role in remedying the
structural inequality we have identified by, for example,
providing intelligence to the new labour inspectorate and
negotiating more favourable settlements for each company’s
workforce.
- 6. A move
towards the equalisation of employment rights, such as
protection from unfair dismissal, between ‘workers’ and
‘employees’, and a review of the continuous service rule for this
particular segment of the labour market.
The report also asks for the Government to honour the commitment
it gave for the Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy and
Work & Pensions Select Committees to undertake
pre-legislative scrutiny of any forthcoming legislation that
covers these issues.