Hezbollah’s Rocket Arsenal: Southern Lebanon [Sir Christopher Chope
in the Chair] 3.59 pm Mr Philip Hollobone (Kettering)
(Con) I beg to move, That this House has considered
Hezbollah’s rocket arsenal in southern Lebanon. It is a
delight to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Christopher. I thank
Mr...Request free trial
Hezbollah’s Rocket Arsenal: Southern Lebanon
[Sir in the Chair]
3.59 pm
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Mr (Kettering)
(Con)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered Hezbollah’s rocket arsenal
in southern Lebanon.
It is a delight to serve under your chairmanship, Sir
Christopher. I thank Mr Speaker for granting this debate,
and I welcome my right hon. Friend the Minister to his
place to listen and respond. I called the debate because on
the northern border of one of our closest allies, Israel,
there is a rocket arsenal of up to 150,000 missiles aimed
at all its major towns and cities, and something should be
done about that. In the debate, I will rely heavily on a
superb report by the High Level Military Group,
“Hizballah’s terror army: how to prevent a third Lebanon
war”, which was published in October.
The High Level Military Group is a group of distinguished
international senior military figures, including our own
General Dannatt and Colonel
Richard Kemp, which has looked into the issue thoroughly.
The report gives us a stark warning:
“The last war between Hizballah and Israel in 2006 was a
severe blow to the terrorist group. But since then,
Hizballah has been able to recover militarily, amassing a
huge stockpile of weapons, developing and fielding new and
more precise and lethal systems, and gaining combat
experience fighting for Iran and…in Syria.”
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(Preseli Pembrokeshire)
(Con)
On the subject of Hezbollah being a terrorist organisation,
does my hon. Friend share my view that the distinction that
we choose to make on our side—that there is a military and
a civil wing to Hezbollah—is entirely artificial and that
Hezbollah sees itself as a unified terrorist military
organisation?
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Mr Hollobone
Yes. Not only do my right hon. Friend and I agree that
there is no distinction, but so does Hezbollah. In October
2012 its Deputy Secretary General, Sheikh Naim Qassem,
said:
“We don’t have a military wing and a political one; we
don’t have Hezbollah on one hand and the resistance party
on the other… Every element of Hezbollah, from commanders
to members as well as our various capabilities, are in the
service of the resistance, and we have nothing but the
resistance as a priority.”
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(Henley) (Con)
To follow up on that point, at a protest outside the
Israeli embassy in Kensington in July, Israeli flags were
burned and Hezbollah flags were waved with impunity. Does
my hon. Friend agree that that sends a signal of lauding a
terrorist organisation that should infuriate all British
people?
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Mr Hollobone
I agree with my hon. Friend. We will probably see more flag
burning this Sunday at the al-Quds demonstration in London.
I deplore all flag burning. As British Members of
Parliament, we have probably seen the Union Jack burned
more often than most other flags. It is frankly a disgrace
that Hezbollah can parade on the streets of London. Let us
remember that its flag has a raised machine gun on it,
which demonstrates its belief in violent resistance.
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Mr (Forest of Dean)
(Con)
My hon. Friend has mentioned the al-Quds march in London.
One of the reasons why the distinction that our right hon.
Friend the Member for Preseli Pembrokeshire (Stephen Crabb)
sets out is a problem is that that is how Hezbollah gets
away with flying those flags. When it is challenged about
being a proscribed military organisation, it effectively
has some small print at the bottom of the flag that says it
is the civilian wing, and the police are then not empowered
to do anything about the march. Does my hon. Friend think
that issue should be tackled?
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Mr Hollobone
Yes, I absolutely agree, and I hope that the Minister will
relay to the Home Office the concerns that have been raised
about that here. As we have discussed, Hezbollah does not
see a difference between a military and a political wing.
Very distinguished international bodies have banned
Hezbollah outright and have proscribed it as a terrorist
organisation, including the United States, Canada, the
Netherlands, the Arab League and the Gulf Co-operation
Council. Frankly, we should join them.
Before I took those three helpful interventions from
distinguished colleagues, I was in the middle of quoting
the High Level Military Group report, which continues:
“There is nothing predetermined in strategic life, but the
new configuration of forces in the region could lead to a
new war that, because of the regional dynamics and new
security imperatives, will be much more violent and
destructive than the previous ones.”
We have been warned.
In case I get distracted during the rest of my
contribution, I will go on to the solutions that the High
Level Military Group outlines. Having extensively
researched the subject, including through visits on the
ground, it states that
“our assessment is that a new and grave conflict is only a
matter of time, and the international community must act to
help prevent it.”
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(Filton and Bradley
Stoke) (Con)
I am sorry to interrupt my hon. Friend in mid-flow, but by
drawing attention to the financial backers of Hezbollah and
Hamas—the Iranians—whose mission seems to be to create
mayhem, chaos and murder in the middle east, should we not
send a message, as strongly as possible, that Iran’s malign
and wicked influence in the region is a threat to peace and
we will not tolerate it?
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Mr Hollobone
I agree with my hon. Friend. Iran is the bully in the
playground. According to the High Level Military Group,
Hezbollah is
“an Iranian creation that sits as the crown jewel in Iran’s
regional strategy of jihadi revolutionary warfare”.
In short, it is
“the most powerful non-state armed actor in the world.”
It is potentially more lethal than ISIS, and it is all
backed and funded by Iran.
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(Aberdeen South)
(Con)
Does my hon. Friend agree that support for terrorist
proxies, such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza,
poses a serious threat to Israel and its borders? Does he
also agree that a massive failing in the Iran nuclear deal
was the immediate lifting of sanctions, which allowed Iran
to plough millions into proxies such as Hezbollah and
Hamas?
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Mr Hollobone
My hon. Friend is absolutely right that sanctions relief
funds the jihadi revolutionary network driven by Iran. It
is not just Israel that is under threat, but Saudi Arabia.
Iran is effectively establishing rocket arsenals in
southern Lebanon with Hezbollah, in Gaza with Hamas and now
in Yemen against Saudi Arabia with the Houthi rebels. We
should call that out.
That excellent report continues:
“Urgent steps are required to contain Hizballah and
de-escalate the tensions on the border between Israel and
Lebanon.”
The first point for the Minister is that there must be
“a clear recognition of the geopolitical ambitions of
Iran,”
which we have just discussed,
“its religiously motivated imperialism and its pursuit of
Israel’s annihilation as the core driver of the danger…The
international community must take actions to curtail Iran’s
activities, raise the cost of its behaviour and engage in
efforts at deterrence.”
Apparently, with our new relationship with Iran, we were
meant to be able to dissuade it from engaging in that sort
of activity, but it seems that since the nuclear deal was
agreed, if anything, Iran has stepped up the pace.
The report’s second recommendation is that
“the more specific problem of Hizballah must be addressed
from multiple angles. Within Lebanon itself, the political
cost of the integration of this terrorist organization into
the fabric of the state must be raised. Thus, European
nations should legally proscribe Hizballah as a whole,
ending the fraudulent distinction between ostensible
political and terrorist wings of the organization.
Similarly, donor nations to Lebanon, led by the U.S.,
should make new investments conditional on a plan to strip
Hizballah of its de facto status as the leading force in
the country… The full implementation of UNSC”—
United Nations Security Council—
“resolutions 1559 and 1701, enforced by an expanded mandate
for UNIFIL”—
the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon—
“and the requisite political pressure, should be a central
part of such an effort.”
The third recommendation is that
“the West should strongly support Israel in its efforts to
de-escalate the tensions. There is no plausible legitimate
explanation for Hizballah’s efforts to arm itself and
threaten Israel other than the explicit religiously
motivated Iranian drive to destroy Israel.”
Again, in the clearest possible terms, the report sends us
a serious warning that war is very likely in the short term
in southern Lebanon.
Hezbollah is Arabic for “Party of God”—that is what the
name means—and it is a radical Shi’a Islamist terror group
based largely in southern Lebanon. It was founded in 1982,
with Iranian support, after the first Lebanese war.
Hezbollah takes all of its ideological inspiration from the
Iranian revolution and the teachings of the late
fundamentalist Iranian supreme leader, Ayatollah Khomeini.
Hezbollah seeks to violently impose its totalitarian
ideology on Muslims and forge a radical, Iranian-style
Islamic state in Lebanon in its determination to destroy
Israel and drive out western and other non-Islamic
influences from the Muslim world.
The Hezbollah leader is known for his venomous,
anti-Semitic rhetoric and has called repeatedly for the
destruction of the state of Israel. Hezbollah is linked to
a history of international terror attacks. It now has de
facto control of Lebanon’s Government and boasts the
country’s largest military infrastructure, including up to
an estimated 150,000 Iranian-supplied rockets capable of
striking anywhere in Israel. Iran provides financial
support for Hezbollah, with weapons, technology and
salaries for its tens of thousands of fighters.
At the time of the last Lebanon war, in 2006, it was
estimated that Hezbollah had between 10,000 and 15,000
rockets, and about 10,000 fighters. Now, in 2018, the
rocket arsenal has increased tenfold, to up to 150,000
rockets, and Hezbollah has as many as 45,000 fighters, many
of whom are battle-hardened from experience in Syria. As
well as having a military footprint on the ground,
Hezbollah is also involved in drugs and arms smuggling,
money laundering and document fraud.
Hezbollah’s rocket arsenal has only one purpose and that is
to threaten Israel. Israel has no territorial ambitions in
southern Lebanon at all. Moreover, Hezbollah has not only
imported weapons from Iran but it now has the capability to
manufacture such weapons itself in at least two rocket
factories located in Lebanon.
The rocket arsenal includes everything from Katyusha
rockets at one end, which have a small payload and a very
limited range, all the way up to Syrian B302 missiles,
Zelzal-2 missiles, M600 missiles and Scud B missiles at the
other end, which can reach anywhere in Israel. Although
Israel has anti-missile capability, with its anti-missile
batteries, taking out 150,000 rockets that are all fired
basically at the same time would be impossible for any
military force to achieve.
Another problem is that this rocket arsenal is not all
lined up on the border, so that everyone can see it; it is
embedded in more or less every Shi’ite village located in
southern Lebanon. Effectively, therefore, Hezbollah is
using the population of southern Lebanon as a human shield
for the development of its weapons systems. What is rather
more serious is that Hezbollah is not only using the
Lebanese civilian population as a human shield, but
effectively using UNIFIL as a shield for its activities as
well.
At the end of the second Lebanese war, Israel withdrew
under the terms of UN resolution 1701. One of the clauses
in that resolution said that UNIFIL should disarm military
actors in southern Lebanon. Members do not need just to
believe me, because the report states:
“UNSC Resolution 1701 mandates that UNIFIL monitor the
cessation of hostilities, accompany and support the
Lebanese armed forces as they deploy throughout the south,
and to take ‘steps towards the establishment between the
Blue Line”—
the border with Israel—
“and the Litani river of an area free of any armed
personnel, assets and weapons other than those of the
Government of Lebanon and of UNIFIL deployed in this
area’.”
It is clear to me and to the High Level Military Group that
UNIFIL has completely failed in this part of its mandate
and that it has effectively allowed a tenfold increase in
the rocket arsenal that Hezbollah can deploy against
Israel.
My big ask to the Minister is that we need to use our good
offices in the United Nations to strengthen UNIFIL’s
mandate, so that it can proactively disarm Hezbollah’s
rocket arsenal. Otherwise, what is the point of UNIFIL? I
would even go so far as to say that although there has not
been any major outbreak of fighting in southern Lebanon
since 2006, it is not clear to me that that has anything to
do with UNIFIL’s presence on the ground there. If anything,
UNIFIL’s being there has effectively allowed Hezbollah the
space and cover it needed to build up its rocket arsenal,
which would not have happened if UNIFIL had not been there
in the first place.
We can also play a part, as many right hon. and hon.
Friends have said, by banning Hezbollah in its entirety and
proscribing it as a terrorist organisation, because it
entirely meets the criteria for full proscription under the
Terrorism Act 2000. The Home Office guidance to that
legislation states:
“Under the Terrorism Act 2000, the Home Secretary may
proscribe an organisation if she believes it is concerned
in terrorism, and it is proportionate to do. For the
purposes of the Act, this means that the organisation:
commits or participates in acts of terrorism; prepares for
terrorism; promotes or encourages terrorism (including the
unlawful glorification of terrorism)”—
we will see that “unlawful glorification” on the streets of
London this Sunday during the al-Quds march—
“or is otherwise concerned in terrorism”.
Hezbollah is the most destabilising factor within Lebanon
itself. It has now become a state within a state, and it
has built up a massive rocket arsenal that threatens one of
our closest allies. The evidence is there for all to see,
especially by those in the Foreign Office, and it is now
time for Her Majesty’s Government to take action.
4.16 pm
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The Minister for the Middle East (Alistair Burt)
Thank you, Sir Christopher, for calling me to speak and, as
always, it is a great pleasure to serve under your
chairmanship.
First, I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Kettering
(Mr Hollobone) on securing this debate, and other colleagues
on their interventions and other contributions. I also
congratulate my hon. Friend on the thoughtful and detailed
way in which he set out the concerns, based on the report,
“Hizballah’s terror army: how to prevent a third Lebanon
war”, by the High Level Military Group.
According to sources in the region, Hezbollah’s military
capability has grown significantly since the start of the
Syrian civil war. I do not have precise figures to respond to
my hon. Friend with, but reports suggest that Hezbollah could
now indeed have as many as 100,000 rockets, including
hundreds of advanced rockets with a range of up to 300 km.
That is deeply concerning and a clear threat to the stability
of the region. The premise of my hon. Friend’s debate is
entirely correct and fully well founded.
In addition, Hezbollah is also in direct violation of UN
Security Council resolutions 1559 and 1701, which my hon.
Friend mentioned and which stated that there should be no
weapons or authority in Lebanon other than those of the
Lebanese state and that only the Government of Lebanon were
permitted to authorise the sale or supply of arms and related
materiel to Lebanon. I will say more about our detailed
support for Lebanon in a moment.
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I thank the Minister for giving way, and I congratulate the
hon. Member for Kettering (Mr Hollobone) on securing the
debate—I also apologise to him for not being here earlier to
hear his full speech.
The Minister mentioned the 130,000 to 150,000 rockets. Is he
also aware of the 50,000 soldiers, including reservists, that
Hezbollah has? Does he agree that Israelis are entitled to be
concerned about the relationship between Lebanon and the
Hezbollah terrorists? Quite clearly, there is a connection
between the two at this moment in time, so Israel has every
right to have fears.
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Yes, Mr Speaker—sorry, Sir Christopher. I am giving you an
elevation there—in due course.
In response to the hon. Gentleman’s intervention, yes, the
premise of the debate is correct; there is no argument about
that here. Hezbollah is a dangerous and destabilising force.
It sits on the northern border of Israel. Israel has every
right to be concerned and to seek support in relation to
dealing with that. That is what I would like to explain in
terms of the United Kingdom’s relationship here.
I confirmed the United Kingdom’s support for the position in
UN Security Council resolutions 1559 and 1701 when I was at
the International Support Group for Lebanon meeting in Paris
last December and at the Rome II ministerial conference on
support to the Lebanese security forces in March. The joint
statements that followed those meetings, which were agreed by
a large cross-section of the international community,
emphasised the role of the Lebanese armed forces as the sole
legitimate armed force of Lebanon. I should add that Israeli
overflights of Lebanon also violate UN Security Council
resolution 1701 and contribute to increased tension in the
area. The activity by Hezbollah risks triggering a conflict
between Hezbollah and Israel on a scale far beyond that seen
during the 2006 war. That could devastate Lebanon and further
destabilise an already vulnerable region.
The UK has made clear our concern at Hezbollah’s
destabilising actions in Lebanon and the region. We operate a
policy of no contact with the entire organisation, and we
have repeatedly condemned the group’s support for President
Assad’s brutal regime in Syria.
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I am listening to the Minister with great interest, as I
always do. Just a moment ago, was he drawing an equivalence
between Israeli overflights of Lebanese territory and
Hezbollah’s stockpile of 150,000 rockets?
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No, not at all, and I would not seek to do so. I was saying
that when people are looking for violations of resolution
1701 in the region, as they do, that is an issue that comes
up. Clearly, the risk of the missiles is far beyond that of
Israeli overflights. I mentioned it simply because if people
are going to take note of the resolutions, then everyone
should do so, but I fully understand the context in which the
overflights take place.
The UK proscribed Hezbollah’s external security organisation
in 2001. In light of Hezbollah’s support for militant groups
such as Jaysh al-Mahdi, which was responsible for attacks on
British troops in Iraq, we extended the proscription in 2008
to include Hezbollah’s military wing, including its jihad
council and all units reporting to it.
We are working with our European partners to challenge
Hezbollah’s malign activities, as my hon. Friend the Member
for Kettering set out. We are a key player in international
efforts to strengthen the global response to money
laundering, terrorism financing and crime. The UK is a
founding member of the Financial Action Task Force. We spend
significant resource on strengthening that global network,
working with it and the Financial Action Task Force regional
body for the middle east and north Africa. We fund and
deliver a significant amount of technical capacity-building,
including in the middle east. We also designate certain
individuals linked to Hezbollah under the Terrorist
Asset-Freezing etc. Act 2010.
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Mr Harper
I hope the Minister will forgive me if he is about to cover
this point in his remarks, but I was listening very carefully
a few moments ago when he said that the British Government
have no contact with any part of Hezbollah. I welcome that,
but I genuinely do not understand why we make the distinction
in the way we do between the military arm and the
non-military arm. As my right hon. Friend the Member for
Preseli Pembrokeshire (Stephen Crabb) said, the organisation
does not make that distinction in that way.
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The distinction has been drawn for some time. We recognise
Hezbollah as a political entity in Lebanon in an
exceptionally complex Government structure that I am sure all
colleagues are aware of. That does not mean we do not keep
all its activities under careful monitoring. We have no
contact with any part of the organisation, but it is not
Government policy to discuss organisations that are not on
the proscribed list, including speculation as to whether an
organisation is or is not under consideration for
proscription. Beyond that, I cannot say anything further.
What I want to spend time in the debate doing is illustrating
the work that the United Kingdom undertakes to undermine the
criminal and terrorist activities of Hezbollah and what we do
to strengthen Lebanon in relation to its response to
Hezbollah.
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Just before my right hon. Friend moves on to that important
part of his remarks, would he not accept that the UK
Government should judge Hezbollah by the totality of its
actions in terms of criminality, drugs smuggling, terrorism
and militant activities? By proscribing Hezbollah, we would
send the strongest possible message that the UK abhors
terrorism in all its forms.
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I have no need to express our view on terrorism any more
forcefully than my hon. Friend has, as what he said is the
policy of the United Kingdom. I have already said what we are
doing to try to mitigate the effects of Hezbollah, but I have
also said I will not be drawn down the line of proscription,
because we do not discuss organisations and whether
proscription is possible. If he will forgive me, I would like
to say what we are doing to strengthen Lebanon and fulfil
some of the obligations of those UN Security Council
resolutions, which are crucial.
We maintain that the best way for the UK to help to tackle
Hezbollah and its weapons and to support Israel is threefold.
The first part is to support UNIFIL, which is important, and
I will come on to that point later. The second is to support
the defence of the state of Israel, and I do not think anyone
queries whether the United Kingdom does just that—we do so in
a number of different ways. The third is to strengthen and
empower the Lebanese state, which should not be seen as a
bit-part player; it is crucial, but all too often it is left
out of discussions. It is important we do what we can to
protect Lebanon from wider instability in the region.
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I hear what the Minister is saying, and I would like to
concentrate on his third point. I support him in trying to
support Lebanon’s many moderates, but does the existence of
Hezbollah not make that a difficult thing for us to achieve?
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The region is mostly difficult. Many difficult characters
fill Government positions and political positions throughout
the region, not all of whom would be elected to our parish
and town councils, because of their backgrounds. That is the
reality of life. We draw careful distinctions, as we are
right to do. It does not make life impossible, because it
should not. If I may, I will explain how we try to deal with
that.
Lebanon’s security services have a vital role to play in
ensuring the country’s stability, security and sovereignty.
That is why we promote their role as Lebanon’s sole
guarantors of security. Power must be in the hands of the
state, not the hands of non-state actors beholden to external
forces. With an accountable and professional military in
place, the Lebanese people would have less cause to turn to
others for their security. That is why we have been working
with the Lebanese armed forces since 2012 on a £61 million
project to help secure the Lebanon-Syria border. Once
complete, the Lebanese armed forces will have secured the
entire Lebanon-Syria border for the first time in Lebanese
history.
With our support, and the support of other key donors, the
Lebanese armed forces have developed and modernised over the
past 10 years, to become a respected, professional army
capable of protecting Lebanon. I was pleased to meet them and
see some of our work there last autumn when I went to
Lebanon. The Lebanese forces demonstrated that progress in
August last year by defeating Daesh on the Lebanon-Syria
border in an operation involving UK-trained troops and border
positions constructed with UK assistance. We want to help
maintain that success. That is why, at the Rome II
conference, I announced an additional £10 million of security
support for Lebanon.
However, that security support from the international
community will not be sufficient on its own to ensure a
stable and secure Lebanon. It is vital that Lebanon’s next
Government make clear political progress to strengthen the
Lebanese state. We welcome Lebanon’s first parliamentary
elections since 2009. We now hope to see the swift formation
of a new Government addressing crucial issues. Lebanon cannot
afford to be a factor for conflict in the middle east,
because that will attract instability to itself.
The next Lebanese Government will have the important task of
protecting Lebanon’s stability and security. They must do so
by robustly implementing the policy of disassociation from
regional conflict, by abiding by the provisions of all
relevant UN Security Council resolutions—in particular 1559
and 1701—and by ensuring that the state’s legitimate security
institutions hold the monopoly on the use of force. While the
UK wants to continue to support Lebanon, I fear that the
international community will find it increasingly difficult
to do so if the next Government do not take concrete steps on
those crucial issues. It is imperative that we see progress.
To conclude, Hezbollah’s actions and the reported size of its
weapons arsenal are deeply concerning to the United Kingdom
and a threat to stability in an already fragile region. The
best way to tackle both those things is a secure and stable
Lebanon with strong institutions, a professional army that
inspires the trust of its people, and a Government who
protect Lebanon from wider instability. We stand ready to
support Lebanon in upholding these values and addressing the
challenges it faces and to support those threatened by
Hezbollah. We will continue to help them in relation to this
difficult situation.
Question put and agreed to.
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