Voter ID Pilots 3.44 pm Cat Smith (Lancaster and
Fleetwood) (Lab) (Urgent Question): To ask the Minister for
the Cabinet Office if she will make a statement on the Government’s
policy on voter ID pilots taking place at the local government
elections on 3 May. The Parliamentary Secretary, Cabinet Office
(Chloe Smith) The...Request free
trial
Voter ID Pilots
3.44 pm
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(Lancaster and Fleetwood)
(Lab)
(Urgent Question): To ask the Minister for the Cabinet
Office if she will make a statement on the Government’s
policy on voter ID pilots taking place at the local
government elections on 3 May.
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The Parliamentary Secretary, Cabinet Office (Chloe
Smith)
The British public deserve to have confidence in our
democracy. There is clearly the potential for electoral
fraud in our system and that undermines confidence and
promotes perceptions of vulnerability. When fraud is
committed in elections, it is not a victimless crime;
people’s votes are stolen or someone is elected who should
not have been elected.
Earlier this year, the Government announced that they would
be conducting pilots for voter identification at the local
elections in May this year in line with our manifesto
commitment to legislate to ensure that a form of ID must be
presented before voting. Voter ID is part of the
Government’s commitment to improve the security and the
resilience of the electoral system that underpins our
democracy and will promote greater confidence in our
democratic processes.
In making these changes, we will bring our electoral system
in line with others such as that in Northern Ireland or
Canada, which operate successful programmes, and recognise
that there is an increasing expectation that someone’s vote
should be protected and carefully guarded. We already ask
that people prove who they are in order to claim benefits,
to rent a car or even to collect a parcel from the Post
Office, so this is a proportionate and reasonable approach.
Democracy is precious and it is right to take that more
robust approach to protect the integrity of the electoral
process.
The independent Electoral Commission has, since 2014,
pushed for the introduction of ID to strengthen the system,
and it has welcomed the voter ID pilots as a positive first
step towards implementing its own recommendation that an
accessible, proportionate voter identification scheme
should be introduced in Great Britain. In a recent report
for Democratic Audit UK, academic Stuart Wilks-Heeg stated
that, after the scheme was introduced in Northern Ireland,
there was no evidence to suggest a fall in turnout, but
that there was plenty of evidence that fraud declined
sharply.
Indeed, it was the previous Labour Government who
introduced photo ID at polling stations across Northern
Ireland in 2003, and, as I have said, it has not affected
turnout there, and it has helped to prevent election fraud.
The Labour Minister at the time said:
“The measures will tackle electoral abuse effectively
without disadvantaging honest voters”—
ensuring that—
“no one is disfranchised”.—[Official Report, 10 July 2001;
Vol. 371, c. 740.]
The opportunity to pilot voter ID in May 2018 was offered
to all local authorities in Great Britain, and five—Woking,
Gosport, Bromley, Watford and Swindon—have committed to do
so. Proxy voters in Peterborough will also be required to
show ID before they can vote on 3 May 2018. I personally
have taken the opportunity to speak to each local authority
about the design of their pilots and the methods that they
have applied to ensure that their electors are aware of
voter identification and that each elector’s needs are
understood. Local authorities will notify every eligible
voter by including information of the ID requirement on
their poll card.
No one will need to buy ID documents to be able to vote,
and the ID requirements will not be limited to a passport
or driving licence. In these pilots, voters can use a wide
variety of ID, from marriage certificates and passports to
bus passes and bank cards, depending on where they live. If
voters do not have the required ID, local authorities are
providing alternative or replacement methods to ensure that
no one is disenfranchised. Everybody eligible to vote will
have the chance to do so.
These pilots will help to identify the best way of
implementing voter ID, and we look forward to each
authority’s findings. I have responded to the recent letter
from the chair of the Equality and Human Rights Commission,
and I will make a copy of it available in the Library of
both Houses. All of the local authorities involved have
completed equality impact assessments, and the Electoral
Commission will be independently evaluating the pilots,
with results published this summer.
We want to ensure that our elections are as accessible as
possible, and that there are no barriers to democratic
participation. We have recognised that, for example, people
with a disability face different issues when registering
and voting. We have run a call for evidence to hear
directly about their experiences to enhance the
Government’s understanding, so that we can help those
people to register and cast their vote. We have also
recently made it easier for survivors of domestic abuse to
register to vote anonymously for fear of revealing their
address to an ex-partner, as there were fears that that was
preventing survivors from registering to vote.
The aim of the pilots is to protect voting rights, and it
comes in the context of protecting and improving our
democracy. Pilots are important in order to find out what
works best. Electoral fraud is unacceptable on any level,
and its impact on voters can be significant. It takes away
an elector’s right to vote as they want—whether through
intimidation, bribery or impersonating someone in order to
cast their vote. The Cabinet Office, in partnership with
the Electoral Commission and Crimestoppers, launched the
“Your vote is yours alone” campaign only last month to
encourage people to report electoral fraud if they see it.
I am passionate about protecting our electoral system. The
impact of electoral fraud is real and it is criminal. It
steals something precious from a person and undermines the
entire system for everyone. I do not want to see our
democracy dumbed down; it is rather a shame that the Labour
party appears to.
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Mr Speaker
I am most grateful to the Minister, who allocated herself
twice the amount of time available. I generously indulged
her in that, but some latitude must now also apply to the
shadow Minister.
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Thank you for those comments, Mr Speaker, and for granting
this urgent question.
The Minister talked widely about the system in Northern
Ireland, but the Electoral Commission recommended that, as
in Northern Ireland, these trials include measures such as
free voter ID cards, which have not been rolled out by this
Government. That means that the trials taking place in the
English local government elections are very different from
what is already occurring in Northern Ireland; it is a
false comparison.
It was revealed yesterday that the Equality and Human
Rights Commission wrote to the Cabinet Office raising
serious concerns about the Government pilots. The
commission warned that ID requirements will have a
disproportionate impact on ethnic minority communities,
older people, trans people—who may not have ID in the right
gender or name—and people with disabilities, and that some
voters will be disenfranchised as a result. Will the
Minister confirm that that the measures being piloted in
May do not violate article 1 of the European convention on
human rights? What assessment has she made to support this
position?
The Windrush scandal has demonstrated that it is difficult
for some communities to provide official papers. This could
prevent legitimate voters from taking part in our
democratic process, which we all value. It is the same
hostile environment all over again, shutting our fellow
citizens out of public life. Have the Government conducted
an assessment of whether any of the Windrush generation
will be denied their right to vote on 3 May?
According to the Equality and Human Rights Commission, the
Government failed to carry out adequate equality impact
assessments. This echoes the same concerns raised by a
coalition of more than 40 leading charities and academics
earlier this year that called on the Cabinet Office to
abandon the pilots. How can the Government justify their
positon given this widespread condemnation?
Let us be in no doubt that electoral fraud is a serious
crime, and it is vital that the police have the resources
they need to bring about prosecutions. However, the
Equality and Human Rights Commission raised a valid concern
that there was only one conviction for electoral fraud
involving impersonation, following the 45 million votes
cast last year. That is one vote out of the 45 million
votes cast. What steps will the Government take to ensure
that the pilot schemes are proportionate to the level of
electoral fraud, and that they are not using a sledgehammer
to crack a nut?
We cannot allow this Government to pilot discriminatory
measures that could disenfranchise legitimate voters who
already face a multitude of barriers to democratic
engagement. I urge the Minister to abandon the Government’s
plans for trialling voter ID on 3 May.
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As I set out very fully—I am very grateful to you, Mr
Speaker, for allowing me to make my remarks in full—I have
answered the EHRC very carefully and laid that answer in
the Libraries of both Houses so that people can read the
full background to these pilots and the parliamentary
process that they have gone through. I can confirm that it
is my belief that this policy does not violate the first
article of the ECHR and that these are not discriminatory
measures.
The hon. Lady asked me about the Windrush affair. The
relevance of that to this matter is that those from a
Windrush background are already eligible to be on the
electoral roll in the sense that British citizens and
qualifying Commonwealth voters can vote in all elections. I
am conscious that a statement on Windrush is to follow, so
it would not be helpful if I detained the House by
discussing that issue in the detail that it deserves.
The hon. Lady suggested that these pilots are not
proportionate. I am concerned if Labour Members think that
any level of crime is not worth going after. Is that what
we are hearing from them? There is considerable concern
about a lack of confidence in our democratic system that is
increased when we see a perception of electoral fraud. This
policy is designed to increase confidence in our system and
to make it harder for someone to commit such a crime
against another person. Electoral fraud is not some kind of
victimless crime; it hurts a person—a victim—who has had
their voice taken away.
I wonder whether Labour Members have instead come here with
a different purpose in mind. Do they perhaps think that
they are going to lose votes through this policy? I have
here a letter written to a local newspaper—it happens to be
the Norwich Evening News, a very fine organ—from a Labour
party councillor who is concerned that this policy is going
to affect
“those most likely to vote Labour.”
Is not that the real story that we see in Labour Members’
concern? Are these not crocodile tears because they are
concerned that they are going to lose votes that they
perceive they own? I think that is a disgrace.
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(Wokingham) (Con)
Is there anything in these pilots, if successful, that
would help with the problem of people voting more than
once, which some people thought occurred in the last
general election? I fully support the initiative to have
more honest voting.
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This policy does not directly address the particular
concern that my right hon. Friend raises, but I understand
why he does so. I share his concern about allegations of
any type of electoral fraud, and it would be a matter of
electoral unlawfulness if a person were to vote twice in
the same election.
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(Glasgow Central)
(SNP)
Happy St George’s Day to you, Mr Speaker, and to all
Members of the House.
This voter ID pilot is nothing more than an expansion of
the hostile environment—it is Windrush part 2. The Equality
and Human Rights Commission has said that this will
disproportionately affect people with protected
characteristics. It will affect older people, transgender
people, people with disabilities both physical and
non-physical, and ethnic minorities. This is an absolutely
ridiculous situation. This Government are using a
sledgehammer to crack a nut. The Scottish National party
fully accepts that electoral fraud is unacceptable, but it
is also infinitesimally small, and those who are
perpetrating such things are already being brought to
justice.
The Electoral Commission’s figures indicate that 3.5
million people in the UK—7.5% of the electorate—do not have
any form of photo ID. Are the Government going to pay for
them to have photo ID? If not, this is a barrier that is
being put in the way of people exercising their democratic
rights. Just at the end of last month, the Government put
up the fees for passports to £85 per person for a paper
passport and £75.50 for an online passport, further putting
the price of getting these voter ID documents beyond the
reach of most ordinary working people.
In the case of right to rent, all those who analysed this
Government policy said that it would increase
discrimination, and that has been found to be so. Those
with protected characteristics, particularly ethnic
minorities, have found it harder to rent, and the policy is
discriminatory. Will the Minister pay due attention to the
findings of the pilots, and will she bring them before this
House for full discussion and full scrutiny before she
moves this forward any further?
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I fear the hon. Lady did not catch the part of my opening
remarks where I made it clear that passports and driving
licences are not the only type of identification being
asked for in these pilots, and nobody will need to purchase
ID documents to be able to vote. Indeed, the authorities in
question are using a range of ID, some of which is
photographic and some of which is the kind of routine
identification someone would use to be able to pick up a
parcel from the post office or indeed, as I saw this
morning when some constituents came into this place, to sit
in the Gallery and participate in democracy here.
The key point is that these pilots are doing something that
people regard as proportionate and reasonable by using
routine identification that we already use in everyday
life. Indeed, we would use ID to apply for benefits and to
do a range of other things under Government services. We
would, of course, also use ID to register to vote in the
first place. This is only another part of the same voting
process for which we already ask people to prove who they
are.
The hon. Lady asked me whether I would bring the pilot
results back to the House. I can confirm that I will be
keen to ensure that the House is updated on the progress of
the pilots, and I will be considering them in terms of my
ministerial responsibility. As I said, the Electoral
Commission is conducting its own independent evaluation of
the pilots and will publish that this summer.
My final point is that the independent Electoral Commission
supports the introduction of ID to strengthen the system.
The Electoral Commission thinks that it is important to
have a proportionate voter ID scheme such as I have
described to protect our voting system’s integrity. The
hon. Lady seems to be overlooking that rather important
supporter.
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Mr (Nuneaton) (Con)
If I buy an item and am out when it is delivered, I then
have to go down to the Royal Mail sorting office with photo
ID to collect that item. Why is it so unreasonable that I
have to prove who I am to exercise my democratic
right—something money cannot buy?
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That is precisely right. We are talking about a precious
and intangible thing: the right to vote as we think fit and
the right to enjoy confidence in the democratic system.
That is what these pilots are about. My hon. Friend allows
me to repeat the point that I would very much like to go
out to citizens of the pilot areas. If anyone is concerned
that they might not have the ID that is being spoken about,
they should speak to the local authority, which will
organise alternative arrangements. That is the crucial
point—nobody who is eligible to vote will miss the chance
to do so.
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Ms (Wallasey) (Lab)
The Minister is making a pretty poor job of defending the
indefensible. Is it not the case that what she is setting
out today is not only a huge hammer to crack a nut but
actually, in disguise, a blatant attempt at voter
suppression, by making it very difficult indeed for those
who already have difficulties to vote? Many of those people
come to visit me in my advice surgery because they cannot
prove their identity to access benefits; she now wants to
take their democratic rights off them.
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We are talking about people who are already eligible to
vote then being able to confirm who they are when they come
to do so. I am concerned that I have just heard from the
hon. Lady that she does not even stand by the previous
Labour Government’s decision to do this in Northern
Ireland, which has not damaged turnout and has reduced the
impact of fraud. Why does she stand against reducing
electoral fraud?
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(Bromley and
Chislehurst) (Con)
Bromley is one of the pilot areas. My hon. Friend the
Minister might like to know that in every single case where
a person has contacted the local authority to ask if they
have the requisite ID, they have had it, and certificates
have not been necessary; that Bromley residents will have
had five mailings, which is more than any ever before at a
local election, and there has been specific targeting of
older people through 500 community organisations and more;
and that not one person I have spoken to on the doorstep
has had any difficulty with the system, and many welcome
it. Does she accept that this is a wholly bogus attempt by
the Opposition to discredit an entirely sensible pilot?
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It is incredibly important that electors hear that
reassurance from their Member of Parliament, and I am
pleased that my hon. Friend has been able to put that on
the record. I can confirm that Bromley is offering the
choice of photographic and non-photographic identification,
and electors can also apply for a certificate of identity,
free of charge, from the local authority. That is the
crucial point. Every elector who is eligible can secure
alternative arrangements should they need them. What we are
hearing from the Opposition is a self-interested argument.
Instead of doing voters down they should talk our democracy
up.
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Dr (Stroud) (Lab/Co-op)
Will the Minister apply the same criteria to postal voters
and postal voting?
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I can confirm that in addition to the five pilots that we
are primarily discussing there are three pilots to
strengthen postal and proxy voting processes, and I am
equally supportive of those.
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(Bexleyheath and
Crayford) (Con)
The Minister has done a really good job in explaining the
pilots and taking no notice of the scaremongering from the
Opposition. Will she confirm that she remains absolutely
committed to increasing the participation of traditionally
under-represented groups in our electoral system?
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I certainly will. I mentioned earlier the case of people
who have been obliged to register to vote anonymously. It
is extremely important that we come together in a
cross-party manner in the House, as we did for anonymous
voting, so that we can help people to register to vote in a
way that secures their safety. We are talking about a way
to improve the voting system overall and protect people
from a type of crime—electoral fraud. It is incredibly
important that we look at all citizens’ interests in having
a system in which they can be confident.
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(Bath) (LD)
May I first congratulate the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge
on the birth of their third child?
Will the councils taking part in the pilot register and
publish the number of people who are turned away because
they do not have the correct identification, and will they
identify in that number how many are legally entitled to
vote?
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I would certainly expect the authorities to have the
capability to be aware of such data. As I have laid out,
the Electoral Commission will conduct a full evaluation and
I have no doubt that we will make sure that we can assess a
range of data. I was a little concerned to hear one of the
hon. Lady’s colleagues on political television yesterday
saying that the Liberal Democrats would accept a low level
of electoral fraud. I am very concerned to hear Opposition
parties in the House say that it is okay to have a certain
level of crime and that they would not support sensible,
proportionate measures that will protect the voting system
for everyone.
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(North Swindon)
(Con)
The fantastic elections team in Swindon is proud to have
been selected for one of the pilots. Despite all the
heckling and scaremongering from the Opposition, not all
hope is lost for the Labour party, as only last week, the
North Swindon Labour party used exactly the same voter ID
scheme for the selection of my latest parliamentary
opponent.
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I think that that is a lesson in doing what you say and
saying what you do.
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(Dundee East)
(SNP)
In her opening statement, the Minister spoke about
potential electoral fraud. In her first answer, she spoke
about perceptions of fraud. The measures are wholly
disproportionate to deal with perception and potential,
because any obstacle will drive people off the register. As
her Government say that they support frictionless trade,
why does she not abandon the proposal and continue to
support frictionless democracy?
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We are doing something that other parts of the world
already do very successfully. I have named Canada and
mentioned Northern Ireland. We are talking about something
that is entirely proportionate and reasonable, and that
produces successful elections in trusted democracies. The
real issue is that people should be able to have confidence
in the system, as I said earlier. It has been hard to have
confidence in the system in the past, given examples such
as the electoral fraud in Tower Hamlets, which was
extensive and of grave concern to many people. We are
looking at measures that will help people in places like
Tower Hamlets and around the entire country have greater
confidence in their voting system.
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Mrs (St Albans)
(Con)
I feel I am living in a parallel universe where it is
somehow discriminatory to introduce the pilots now but not
in Northern Ireland in 2003. I heard about the five
leaflets informing voters. What was done to ensure that
those who do not have English as a first language were made
aware of the need to find voter ID?
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That is an excellent question. As I said earlier, each
local authority conducting the pilots has been sure to
communicate to voters in the way that will work best. That
supports why we are doing this as local pilots: because
returning officers in given areas know their electorates
best. I have confidence that each pilot authority has
communicated locally and the use of other languages will
have been taken into account where required.
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(Dewsbury) (Lab)
Further to the excellent points made by my hon. Friend the
Member for Lancaster and Fleetwood (Cat Smith), will the
Minister please confirm how many prosecutions have been
undertaken regarding people voting twice or
inappropriately?
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People voting twice is not what this policy is about. I
wish that the hon. Lady and the hon. Member for Lancaster
and Fleetwood (Cat Smith) on the Front Bench knew their
policies better.
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(Mansfield) (Con)
We have heard countless stories about voter fraud in 2017,
so does my hon. Friend agree that, far from showing the
issue to be small scale, as Opposition Members seem to be
suggesting, the fact that there has been only one
conviction shows just how difficult it is to enforce a law
when there is no identification requirement at polling
stations?
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It is right to make that broader point. We want a democracy
in which everybody can have confidence. Voting twice in one
election is absolutely illegal. It is, indeed, an example
of an electoral crime; there are other examples as well,
including bribery and impersonation. We need to make sure
that everybody can have confidence in their system and,
crucially, that those who would be victims of such a crime
are protected from it. The idea that we should simply allow
a crime to happen until it reaches a certain level is
ludicrous.
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(Lewisham West and
Penge) (Lab)
Bromley, the borough in which I live and which I represent,
is taking part in the voter ID pilot in May, and its own
equality impact assessment has drawn particular attention
to the impact on voters with protected characteristics,
mainly older people and trans people. I listened to the
hon. Member for Bromley and Chislehurst (Robert Neill) and
I have to say that we get a very different picture when
talking to Bromley residents in Penge and Crystal Palace.
With only one convicted case of electoral fraud following
the 2017 election, why do the Government continue to insist
on imposing these disenfranchising changes on Bromley
voters?
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I really want to address this idea of one prosecution.
Members making that point are overlooking the larger
examples, such as Tower Hamlets, which I have already
mentioned and which are the kind of thing that gives rise
to a lack of confidence in our system. I do not think that
local residents would expect to hear from Members of
Parliament that their system should not be protected. I
would prefer to hear, ringing out from this Chamber today,
that the people of Bromley, Gosport, Swindon, Watford,
Woking and the three areas doing postal and proxy
improvements can have confidence in their system. They
should speak to their local authorities if they feel that
they may not have the ID spoken of, because they will not
be disenfranchised, arrangements will be made and the local
authority will ensure that they have the chance to cast
their vote.
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Several hon. Members rose—
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Mr Speaker
Order. I note the alacrity with which the hon. Member for
Corby (Tom Pursglove) springs to his feet, which is all the
more remarkable in light of his achievement in running the
marathon yesterday. I take this opportunity to congratulate
all right hon. and hon. Members on both sides of the House
who undertook that mission so successfully for their
respective charities. I call the hon. Gentleman.
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(Corby) (Con)
I have to say that it is a bit of a struggle today.
Most voters would think that these pilots are fair and
reasonable, and want confidence in the result. Does the
Electoral Commission think the same?
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The Electoral Commission has been calling for this change
since 2014. The Government are responding to that call for
change by introducing policies that ask voters to produce a
proportionate and reasonable form of identification, such
as they would do for other routine activities in daily
life. We think that is the right thing to do and we are
pleased to be able to work alongside the Electoral
Commission and Crimestoppers, as I mentioned, to combat
electoral fraud.
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(Hammersmith)
(Lab)
We have a very robust electoral system in this country, and
the Minister is insulting highly competent electoral
registration officers by purporting to solve a problem that
does not exist. The 38% turnout in the last local elections
in Hammersmith ranged from 13% in deprived areas to 50% in
prosperous areas. Why does she not do something to increase
turnout, especially in deprived areas, rather than trying
to suppress it?
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This policy is in no way about suppressing votes. It is a
huge shame that any voters listening to this debate today
will hear one side of the House talking their prospects
down and saying that they are somehow unable to produce the
kind of ID that we routinely produce in everyday life. The
five co-operating local authorities have come forward to
run the pilots because they can best serve their citizens
by doing so and providing alternative arrangements.
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Mr (Scarborough and
Whitby) (Con)
Has the Minister had the same experience on the doorstep as
I have, with voters who have mislaid their polling cards
finding it hard to believe that they can turn up to vote
without any form of identification?
-
Yes, I have had that experience, and I would be surprised
if many Members had not heard that from voters. The
widespread assumption among voters is that ID is needed
already. What we are doing is bringing Great Britain’s
electoral system into line with other parts of the world,
including Northern Ireland—inside the UK, of course—and
Canada, which already run such a system successfully with
turnout remaining up and evidence of fraud down.
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Mr (Glasgow North East)
(Lab/Co-op)
The Minister mentions Canada, but in the last general
election my constituency had the lowest turnout in the UK,
and that is combined with a low registration rate. If this
policy is rolled out at a general election, how on earth
will it help my constituents, many of whom are already at
the margins of society? We need to engage them and bring
them back into participating in our democracy. How will
this help when evidence from the United States suggests
that it suppresses votes?
-
That is quite wrong. The evidence does not suggest that
this suppresses votes. The evidence says that turnout has
remained up. I quoted the evidence in the Northern Ireland
example, and I have cited how it has reduced electoral
fraud while not damaging turnout. Let us have the debate on
the evidence.
The hon. Gentleman asks how I can help his constituents. I
suggest that we need to work together to ensure that more
register to vote. To be fair to him, he has given both
parts of the voting process—low registration rates and
turnout rates—and the key is to ensure that we have higher
registration rates. That is why the Government have set out
a full democratic engagement plan, to drive registration
rates up across all the groups in our society who register
least. I am following through on that and I am passionate
about doing so. Today we are talking about the policy that
ensures that, once registered, those people have the
confidence in the system to go and vote to complete the
process.
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(Boston and Skegness)
(Con)
The many thousands of eastern European voters in my
constituency are too little registered and turnout again is
low. However, when we on the doorstep were encouraging them
to register, one of them asked me, “What do I need to bring
with me to vote?”, and when I told her that she needed
literally nothing, she asked me, “Do you value your
democracy so little?” Is it not an extraordinary situation
that it is harder to collect a parcel than it is to vote?
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That powerful anecdote entirely speaks for itself. We are
seeking to strengthen our democracy and give it the kind of
value that it deserves.
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(Blaenau Gwent)
(Lab)
Just 45% of 18-year-olds are on the electoral register, so
will the Government ensure that schools and further
education colleges give details of students approaching
voting age to electoral registration officers?
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I think the hon. Gentleman is making an argument for what
is known as automatic registration—in other words, that a
person is placed on the register without their consent,
necessarily. I support instead the system of individual
electoral registration. It is important that people can
individually register to vote and take responsibility for
their own vote. Indeed, the introduction of IER has helped
with another concern about our electoral system—that prior
to its introduction, the head of a household could simply
register everyone in a household without their consent. I
do not think that is very good for some of the group that
we might be debating today. We all need to work together to
encourage young people to register to vote and to make sure
that they are aware of how they need to go about doing
that. I am looking forward to doing more of that kind of
work this year—the suffrage centenary year—including
through a national democracy week, and I hope that the hon.
Gentleman joins me, too.
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(Bolton West) (Con)
Does my hon. Friend agree that no matter what part of
British society someone identifies with, their interest in
having confidence in the electoral system—our democratic
system—is equal, so the Opposition should stop using this
issue to create artificial divisions?
-
That is right. I am disappointed that the Opposition seem
to have come here today to argue that this is a divisive
idea. It is them who are being divisive when they say that
citizens might not be able to use a proportionate and very
reasonable system that we already use in everyday life to
collect a parcel and to apply for benefits or various other
Government services; that includes someone showing who they
are to be eligible to register to vote. All that together
means that we should talk up our system, rather than talk
people down.
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(Paisley and
Renfrewshire North) (SNP)
Is it not the case that if the Government were serious
about tackling the public’s poor faith in the democratic
process, they would be better served by stopping Cabinet
Ministers making ludicrous electoral claims, such as saying
that there would be £350 million a week extra to be spent
on the NHS post-Brexit, instead of disenfranchising 7.5% of
the electorate?
-
This is not in any way about disenfranchisement; it is
about eligible voters being able to continue to cast their
votes. That is the very definition of enfranchisement.
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(Horsham) (Con)
There is a risk that we are running down the Canadian
experience—the last time I looked at Canada, it was a
modern, vibrant democracy. What have we learned from its
experience? I believe that it uses a similar system.
-
What we have learnt from the other systems around the world
that use identification is that it maintains a successful
democracy. To give the Northern Ireland example again, it
has reduced electoral fraud and maintained turnout. Again,
as my hon. Friend points out, we see this in countries such
as Canada—proud partners in the Commonwealth and greatly
respected by many Members across this House—and it is sad
that in coming here today to talk down British democracy,
others are also having a pop at those countries.
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(Heywood and Middleton)
(Lab)
Does the Minister agree that the problem is not with people
voting more than once but with people not voting at all?
What is she doing to increase voter participation?
-
As I mentioned earlier, the Government are delivering on a
suite of plans to increase registration rates among the
least registered in our society. I have already given the
example of domestic abuse survivors, and I will give the
example again of those with disabilities, in respect of
whom we have made adjustments and heard evidence about how
we can go further. We also have plans to assist frequent
home movers, overseas voters and those in the age groups
that are least likely to vote—that touches on the point
made by the hon. Member for Blaenau Gwent (Nick Smith), who
has since left his place. We need to do a range of things
to improve, protect and open up our democracy. This narrow
policy today is one of the ways we are protecting our
democracy. I would be delighted were the Opposition to find
it in themselves to abandon their own narrow self-interest,
which they have demonstrated in coming here today and by
having their councillors write to local newspapers and say
this is all about those most likely to vote Labour, and
instead come together with us to improve our electoral
system.
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(Crawley) (Con)
As somebody who was unsuccessful in a parliamentary
election by 37 votes, I take the security of the ballot
extremely seriously, as do my constituents. There has been
a lot of concern in recent months about threats and undue
influence in the democratic process in this country and in
polls in other democracies. Does the Minister think that at
this time the electorate are looking for a more secure
ballot, as would be achieved through voter ID?
-
That is absolutely right. Others in this place have been
arguing for some time that we ought to be doing this, and I
again give the example of the Electoral Commission, which
has been calling for it since 2014. It is important that we
all come together at a time when it feels like there is
concern or a lack of trust on all sides. We need to come
together as a country, trust and take pride in our
elections and take simple, reasonable and proportionate
measures such as this to save people from being the victims
of electoral fraud and to increase confidence in the
overall system.
-
(Belfast East)
(DUP)
Since the age of 18, I have participated in 16 elections,
and on each occasion I have been required to produce
photographic identification without any fear of
disfranchisement or discrimination—even for elections to
this place, under exactly the same system used for Labour
Members. The Minister is right to proceed with the pilot,
but, having formerly been a Minister in the Northern
Ireland Office and responsible for the Electoral Office of
Northern Ireland, will she look very carefully at the free
provision of photographic electoral cards, which are
available to all in Northern Ireland and should follow from
this pilot scheme in England?
-
I am really pleased to hear from a voice with evidence and
experience in this debate—that has been a little missing
from some contributions. I welcome the hon. Gentleman’s
reflection, which is based on personal experience, and note
that all the authorities involved in the pilots are
producing some form of alternative ID already. That is the
baseline for the pilots. Nobody who is eligible to vote
will be prevented from doing so, because the authorities
are providing that as a backstop measure, should it be
needed. That gives us plenty of food for thought for how
the pilot may be taken forward, if appropriate.
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(North Dorset)
(Con)
As the lessons of these welcome pilots are learned, may I
encourage my hon. Friend also to consider reviewing,
refreshing and reissuing the guidance provided for that
activity which is permitted immediately outside a polling
station and for some activities that take place within?
-
My hon. Friend reminds us of some of the electoral
malpractice that has happened in this country. I can give
the example again of Tower Hamlets, where some of the
things he refers to have been seen. [Interruption.]
Opposition Members ask, “Anywhere else?” Do they think that
what happened in Tower Hamlets was okay? Do they think it
was fine and that we should just move on without taking
measures? Do they not agree with the kind of measures
proposed by Sir in his review of
electoral law—to answer my hon. Friend’s question—and that
we should take forward ways to improve and protect our
voting system?
-
(Kilmarnock and Loudoun)
(SNP)
The Conservatives are obsessed with electoral fraud and
students potentially voting twice, but the Electoral
Commission estimates that there were only 28 cases of fraud
in 2017. A much more fundamental issue is the behaviour of
the main UK parties. In 2015, the Conservatives, Labour and
the Liberal Democrats were all fined by the Electoral
Commission for submitting wrong election spending returns.
The commission says that fines are no longer fit for
purpose. The same behaviour was repeated in 2017, and the
Conservatives have been shielding the Democratic Unionist
party over the dodgy 2016 donations. When will the
Government act in relation to the behaviour of the main UK
parties?
-
I think I can safely say that that question was not to do
with voter ID pilots.
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Mr (Kettering)
(Con)
Is it not sensible, before rolling out any policy
nationally, to test it at a local level first?
-
I think that that is right. We should recognise that we are
piloting these approaches, and I look forward to learning
from the local authorities involved what has worked in their
areas and what lessons it might hold for any further moves.
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(Morecambe and Lunesdale)
(Con)
Recently, the Electoral Commission told the Public
Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee, on which
I serve, that of postal votes put into a ballot box, more
than 1,000 would be deemed abnormal. What measures are in
place to prevent such behaviour? Obviously postal votes are
to for posting, not for putting in the box on the day.
-
As my hon. Friend knows, it is legitimate to take a postal
vote to a polling station on the day, but I understand that
he has recently found unusual evidence of the extent to which
that may have been happening. I know that what is in his mind
is how much verification can have taken place of the high
numbers of such postal votes, and I encourage him to go on
trying to find out exactly what seems to have happened in his
area.
As I have said throughout this afternoon’s exchanges, it is
extremely important for us all to have confidence in our
electoral system. That means that we must be able to test
ways of improving our protection in the system, which will in
turn mean that fewer people become victims of electoral
crime. I record my thanks not only to the five authorities
that are conducting the ID trials, but to the three that are
testing ways of improving the postal and proxy voting
processes.
-
(Mid Dorset and North
Poole) (Con)
I welcome the Minister’s statement and her commitment to
combating fraud. Contrary to Labour Members’ assertions, is
it not the case that this will not deter people who are
entitled to vote from doing so and will not reduce turnout,
but that what it will do is reduce and deter electoral fraud?
-
That is precisely what the pilots are intended to do. They
are intended to test, in a proportionate and reasonable way,
practices that already take place throughout the world and
have continued to support thriving and flourishing
democracies.
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