Asked by Lord Hussain To ask Her Majesty’s Government what is their
assessment of the human rights situation in Indian-held Kashmir.
The Minister of State, Department for International Development
(Lord Bates) (Con) My Lords, the Government monitor closely the
situation in...Request free trial
Asked by
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To ask Her Majesty’s Government what is their assessment
of the human rights situation in Indian-held Kashmir.
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My Lords, the Government monitor closely the situation in
India-administered Kashmir. We encourage all states to
ensure that their domestic laws are in line with
international standards. Any allegations of human rights
abuses must be investigated thoroughly, promptly and
transparently.
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I thank the Minister for that Answer. For decades, the
Indian army has been reported for illegal detentions,
torture, rape and murder in Kashmir. Last year, it
started to use pellet guns on civilians in the region,
often blinding them. According to the Amnesty
International report of September this year called Losing
Sight in Kashmir, of the 88 people named in the report 31
suffered injuries in both eyes. What will Her Majesty’s
Government do to get those human rights abuses
investigated independently and impartially?
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We are certainly aware of the accusations that were made.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
said that there will be remote monitoring of the human
rights situation in Kashmir and the findings will be made
public in the near future.
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My Lords, given that India has formally registered a
reservation against Article 1, on the right to
self-determination, of the 1966 International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, widely acknowledged as the
bedrock of international humanitarian law, on what basis
can the UK Government support an Indian claim to a
permanent seat at the UN Security Council?
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The situation that the noble Lord refers to is highly
complex and dynamic, and we are very sensitive to it. It
has been the long-standing position of the UK that it can
neither prescribe a solution to the situation in Kashmir
nor act as a mediator; it is for the Governments of India
and Pakistan to find a lasting solution, taking into
account the wishes of the Kashmiri people.
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My Lords, does the Minister agree that we should be
cautious in lecturing the world’s largest democracy on
human rights, which are enshrined in its constitution,
protected by a well-established legal system and
accountable to an independent judiciary—not to mention a
large and vibrant investigative media and an active civil
society? In the meantime, we should support our ally,
India, to combat cross-border terrorism sponsored by
Pakistan and Pakistani infiltrators, who are the real
threat to peace, stability and human rights in that
region.
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Both Pakistan and India are close friends of the United
Kingdom and we want to maintain that strong relationship.
Of course, we wish for a peaceful outcome to
negotiations. We welcome the fact that the Government of
India have recently appointed an interlocutor but we feel
that, as in all conflicts, the countries themselves—the
parties to the conflict—must be the parties to the peace.
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Could the Minister outline what practical steps the
Government are taking to ensure that all parties are
brought together and that we build peace and
reconciliation? In the previous question, the noble Lord
raised freedom of speech. One of the biggest concerns we
have on these Benches is that limitations on freedom of
speech will harm and hinder that process of
reconciliation.
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The practical situation is that the British high
commission in New Delhi monitors human rights in the
country and in Kashmir as a whole, or certainly in the
Indian-administered portion of Kashmir. We look at that
fairly closely. However, we have to recognise that the
situation is extraordinarily sensitive and that our words
and actions, even in this House, can contribute to
instability in that area. It is in everybody’s interests
that an open dialogue is maintained. We do not want to do
anything that would detract from that.
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As the Minister will be aware, countless thousands of
families seek to meet other family members from whom they
have been parted for 30 to 40 years. Is my noble friend
able to influence the Pakistan Government, who are the
block on those families meeting, as I saw myself on the
ground as the European Parliament rapporteur for Kashmir
for many years?
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I recognise my noble friend’s great expertise in this
area. However, I repeat that we believe it is for the
Governments of Pakistan and India to initiate an open
dialogue. As I said, we are encouraged that the
Government of India have appointed an interlocutor but it
is for them to initiate the process. However, the
absolute wish of Her Majesty’s Government is that those
talks should happen and be productive, so that there can
be a solution and the types of issues that my noble
friend raises can be resolved.
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My Lords, the Minister said that both India and Pakistan
are friends of this country. Does he agree that
friendship has no relevance to the abuse of human rights
and that we should be even-handed in our condemnation of
human rights abuses wherever they occur?
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Human rights are important. Whenever meetings take place
between Ministers, be it recently and my noble
friend Lord Ahmad, human rights issues are always on the
table and are always addressed. However, in conflict
situations we also need to recognise that there needs to
be a dialogue towards a peaceful resolution of the
problem, so that human rights, and most crucially, human
development, can take place.
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My Lords, what are the Government doing to encourage the
Indian Government to secure justice and closure for the
families of those who have disappeared in Kashmir? Might
we share with India the lessons from Northern Ireland on
how transitional justice can help to facilitate peace?
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The noble Baroness raises a very interesting point about
lessons from our own experiences of conflict but, again,
I come back to the point that it would be for the
Governments of India and Pakistan to invite people to
take part in that process. It is not something that we
feel we should impose, other than to express our
overwhelming will that an open, continuing dialogue
should commence and take place.
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