School Funding: Greater London Motion made, and Question
proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—(Stephen Barclay.) 11.56
pm Ms Karen Buck (Westminster North) (Lab) I am
grateful for the opportunity to have this short debate on the
impact of funding changes on London’s schools. I apologise to the
Minister for his drawing the short straw of having to respond to a
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School Funding: Greater London
Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now
adjourn.—(Stephen Barclay.)
11.56 pm
-
Ms (Westminster North)
(Lab)
I am grateful for the opportunity to have this short debate
on the impact of funding changes on London’s schools. I
apologise to the Minister for his drawing the short straw
of having to respond to a debate at midnight, although I
suspect that this will be the first of many such debates.
London Members of Parliament have some grave concerns,
although I know that other parts of the country are
affected by changes to the funding formula and by the wider
squeeze on schools funding. In my constituency—this
experience will be replicated widely, particularly in
London—the story of school progress over recent years has
been one of the great public policy successes. In the
mid-1990s, our school estate was crumbling. We were
teaching children in badly ventilated, overheated and
old-fashioned buildings that had not received investment
for decades. I remember when North Westminster community
school, which was a sprawling three-centred school,
achieved in the last year before its closure just 18% GCSE
grades A to C, including English and maths. It was one of
the worst results in the country. I remember when half our
secondary schools and a number of primary schools were in
special measures, despite some frankly heroic efforts by a
number of teachers and heads. I remember when there was
virtually no provision at all for pre-school education.
Over the course of the past 15 years, the situation was
transformed by a number of measures, including the London
challenge programme—a focused management and good practice
sharing policy that, under the inspirational leadership of
Tim Brighouse, was widely understood to be a key factor in
driving change in London schools. The transformation was
also brought about by the new infrastructure, with
magnificent new buildings across the city. It was brought
about by the investment that went into the Sure Start
children’s centres and the early years programme.
Critically, it was brought about by money. The additional
funding that went into London schools was used particularly
to invest in teaching and improved teacher pay; in support
for schemes such as Teach First; and in generally giving
headteachers the ability to marshal resources to support a
better learning environment. We have seen the outcome of
that investment —both human and resource investment—in the
hugely improved outcomes in school performance across the
capital.
In the days before the London Challenge, London was the
worst performing region in the country at key stage 4
level. By the end of that programme and the additional
investment that accompanied it, we were the best performing
region. Yet we know that the job is not done. Despite the
improvements, there are still too many children who are not
going into secondary school having achieved the standard at
primary that is our benchmark. Across the country as a
whole, we are still not managing to close the gap in
attainment with some of our competitor nations. That is, as
the last few hours of debate have confirmed, more of a
challenge to rise to than it was previously. More than
ever, the country as a whole but London in particular
require an education system that will allow us to be a
world leader creatively, technically and economically, with
an education system to support that.
The pressures and challenges that face London education are
as great as ever. We have problems of deprivation that are
still acute, and problems of churn. I appreciate very much
that the Government have, for the first time, introduced a
churn or pupil mobility indicator into the funding formula.
I remember having an Adjournment on this very topic 10
years ago, when I wanted a factor of mobility to be brought
into the funding formula for policing, for health and for
education. I welcome the introduction of the indicator, but
none the less schools face enormous pressure in some cases.
I know of primary schools where not a single child at key
stage 2 was there at the completion of the key stage 1
process. This is a very real difficulty for schools. We
know of the challenges of English as an additional language
and, critically, of the higher salary, building and other
operating costs that London schools have to face. Even my
borough of Westminster—the hon. Member for Hendon (Dr
Offord), who was a Westminster councillor, will recognise
this—despite its reputation as the glittering centre of the
capital that people see with Oxford Street and, indeed, the
Palace of Westminster and so forth, has the seventh highest
child poverty in the whole country.
-
(Feltham and Heston)
(Lab/Co-op)
My hon. Friend is making a very powerful speech. The impact
of child poverty on educational attainment is very much the
subject and the driver of the work we are doing in Hounslow
with Hounslow’s promise. Does she agree that there is
tremendous concern about comments I have heard from
headteachers suggesting that schools may be reluctant to
accept pupils with significant needs, who may also be
quicker to be excluded, because those schools do not have
the resources to deal with some of their in-depth needs?
Will she, with me, congratulate Hounslow Council, which
tonight, with Tory and Labour councillors together, has
called on the Government to consider again the impact that
these changes will have on Hounslow schools’ ability to
maintain the highest standards in quality of provision?
-
Ms Buck
I am happy to congratulate Hounslow Council, and I
completely endorse what my hon. Friend has said. I will
come in a second to the comments of headteachers and
councillors from across London who have expressed their
dismay about the effect of the funding formula changes.
I want to finish what I was saying about the level of
deprivation. I think that it is either not understood or
glossed over by too many of the representatives from the
shires, who want to negotiate a better funding settlement
for their own schools—that is something that I completely
understand and appreciate—but who do not always recognise
the extent of the expense and the pressures faced by the
capital city, which is experiencing a redistribution away
of funding to meet those needs. Seven of the 10 local
authorities with the highest levels of poverty in the UK
are in London, so it is horrifying that the new Government
formula for distributing schools funding hits London
particularly hard. In briefing me for this debate, London
Councils and the Mayor of London have made it clear that
they are extremely concerned about that.
A higher proportion of London schools—an estimated total of
1,536—will see a reduction in funding than in any other
region. Seventy per cent. of London schools face a fall in
funding, compared with 58% of schools in the north-west and
53% in the west midlands—and the figures for those areas
are bad enough. Eight of the 10 local authorities that face
the highest percentage losses in funding are in London.
Worst affected are councils known for high levels of
deprivation and challenge, such as Hackney, Camden,
Lambeth, Lewisham, Haringey, Tower Hamlets and Hammersmith.
-
(Dulwich and West
Norwood) (Lab)
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for securing this important
debate, even at this late hour. I have written to all the
headteachers in my constituency over the last few weeks,
and they tell me that the pressures of the increase in
national insurance contributions and the cuts to their
funding are already forcing them to make very difficult
decisions about cuts to support staff, in particular, and
to SEN provision and so on. Does she agree that those are
precisely the kinds of resource that have enabled London
schools to be so successful over the past 10 years?
-
Ms Buck
I absolutely agree with my hon. Friend, and I will
reinforce that point in a minute. The modelling undertaken
by London Councils indicates that at constituency level the
national funding formula element of the changes alone will
mean that 28 schools lose in Barking; 35 in Bermondsey; 42
in Bethnal Green; 41 in Poplar and Limehouse; 37 in
Tottenham; and 48 in West Ham, to list just a few. Leyton
will lose £4.5 million —equivalent to 6.8% of its funding;
Deptford £6.1 million or 7.6%; Hammersmith £5 million or
7.6%; Brent North £9 million or 7.3%; and Hendon £5.5
million.
My council, I am happy to say, is not one of the worst
affected. We are still waiting for some of the modelling
data, but I think that that is to do with the churn factor
that the Government have introduced. Even allowing for
that, many individual schools still stand to lose.
Westminster Academy, for example—last time I looked, it was
the seventh highest on the free school meal indicator,
making it one of the most deprived schools in the
country—will potentially have its funding cut by a quarter
of a million pounds. According to analysis undertaken by
the council, all but two secondary schools are potential
losers, including Westminster Academy, Paddington Academy,
St George’s, St Augustine’s, Pimlico Academy, St Marylebone
and Westminster City. Primaries that face losses include
George Eliot, St Joseph’s, St Luke’s, Robinsfield and
Barrow Hill. Many Westminster children attend schools
across the borders in Kensington, Camden and Brent, which
are hit even harder. A number of local parents will be
affected by the impact of the cuts on schools outside the
boundary.
-
(Hendon) (Con)
I congratulate the hon. Lady on securing the debate, which
comes at an important time. She is talking about the
indices of deprivation, which are important. In the London
Borough of Barnet, we do not suffer to the same extent as
other people, but we have a significant number of one-form
entry schools. Yesterday, I visited Etz Chaim Primary
School, where the staff explained to me that economies of
scale mean that they will find themselves in a very
difficult financial situation. Does she agree that the
Government should be looking at that as part of their
funding formula? It is not just the shires that suffer from
that problem; so do some local authorities in inner London.
-
Ms Buck
I absolutely agree with the hon. Gentleman. The pattern of
school development in London—not just inner London—means
that we have a historically large number of smaller schools
and one-form entry schools, which are taking a particular
hit from this formula.
Our troubles do not of course end with the impact of the
redistribution through the funding formula. We know that
the changes will coincide with the wider spending shortfall
identified by the Institute for Fiscal Studies and by last
month’s National Audit Office report on the financial
sustainability of schools. The report identified a £3
billion squeeze, reflecting the fact that education is
protected in real terms, but not against inflation, the
pressures arising from salary increases and national
insurance contributions—my hon. Friend the Member for
Dulwich and West Norwood (Helen Hayes) mentioned that—or
pension contributions, the impact of the rates revaluation,
the apprenticeship levy and other costs.
Taken together, the funding formula implications and the
unfunded cost pressures hitting schools are turning what
would already be a challenging situation into a nightmare.
Schools spending next year will be reduced by £6.6 million
in Westminster, £23.3 million in Newham, £13.5 million in
Enfield and £11.1 million in Ealing. For some individual
schools, such a scale of cuts is equivalent to £1,000 per
pupil per year.
As both my hon. Friend and my hon. Friend the Member for
Feltham and Heston (Seema Malhotra) have said in respect of
their own local schools, heads and schools are also
contacting me to describe their fears about the
consequences of this reduction in funding. Many are anxious
not to be individually identified at this stage, as in many
cases they are not absolutely certain which of the many
unpalatable decisions they may have to make to balance the
books they will have to make, but they are keen to stress
their concerns.
Heads point out that many of them are struggling to recruit
at current pay grades, and trying to retain more
experienced is of course more expensive. For others, the
cuts mean the loss of teaching staff, and particularly of
support staff, and some very worrying cases of special
educational needs support being under threat are emerging.
The early intervention services relating to mental health,
speech and language, and SEN support are in some cases
being targeted as areas where cuts are more possible to
make than they are in the number of teaching staff. In many
of those cases, schools are already grappling with the
consequences of the loss of funding through child and
adolescent mental health services.
One of my long-standing concerns, which I know is shared by
my hon. Friend the Member for Dulwich and West Norwood, is
the issue of gangs and serious youth violence. That issue
has a crossover with child protection, and it is having an
impact even down to primary schools, not just secondary
schools. Early intervention and support in schools is
absolutely vital if we are to turn what is, unfortunately,
once again a rising tide in London. At the extreme end, two
teenagers have already lost their lives in the past
fortnight. I know that this is a particular concern for the
Mayor, who is being briefed on the impact of school budget
cuts with particular reference to early intervention.
Our outstanding nursery schools are also coping with
pressures because of unrelated and already extant changes
to their funding. One told me yesterday that the payment
for the 30 hours provision for early years that they
expected to begin in September is exactly half of what they
were getting per child two years ago.
Why are we putting the quality of our children’s education
at risk when, facing so much uncertainty, we need skills
and creativity more than ever? Why would we risk
undermining London’s crucial role as an economic driver for
the whole country? The Government must think again, not
choose this moment to inflict damage where it will hurt
most—in the foundations of our future.
I want to end my speech by asking the Minister a few
specific questions. I hope he will be able to answer them
now, but, if not, that he will be kind enough to write to
me after the debate. Although I appreciate that some parts
of the country have historical spending patterns that are
perceived as unjustly low, is it fair that the deepest cuts
are being proposed for schools in the poorest local
authorities in the country, most of which have to cope with
the impact of very high staffing and other operating costs?
What specific recommendations are the Government making to
heads in respect of efficiency savings, which are cited as
a way in which schools could accommodate both the funding
formula changes and the £3 billion spending squeeze
identified by the NAO? Will the Minister tell us what
efficiency savings are being recommended to schools to
achieve these savings?
What guidance will be given to ensure schools do not seek
to meet shortfalls by seeking additional contributions from
parents, as is increasingly being flagged up by schools
across the capital? What action will the Minister take to
ensure that special needs and pupil support are protected
within school budgets, and what protection is available to
schools hit by the combined impact of reductions under the
funding formula and cost pressures? I know that a cap is
being applied to school funding changes through the funding
formula, but not to the additional cost pressures, which
actually have a larger total impact. I hope that the
Minister will be able to address some of those comments,
and I look forward to what he has to say.
12.14 pm
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The Minister for School Standards (Mr Nick Gibb)
I congratulate the hon. Lady on securing this important
debate. I hope I can assure her about some of the issues she
raises.
Whenever a national funding formula is introduced, no matter
what weightings are attached to the factors in the formula,
there will be winners and losers. If we apply the formula to
the current year, 2016-17, and produce an array of figures
for each of the 23,000 schools, there will by
definition—mathematically, it has to occur—be winners and
losers. In the interests of transparency, we are showing the
effect of the new formula, the factors and principles of
which were agreed in principle when we consulted last year.
We have applied the new formula, with the weightings we
discussed in the second consultation, to all 23,000 schools.
It shows, of course, that some schools gain and some schools
lose. That will happen no matter what national formula
anybody in this House produces. If we want a national funding
formula—we committed to that in our manifesto—that is the
consequence of doing so on the basis of this year’s figures.
We have committed to protecting school funding in real terms
over the course of the Parliament. It stands at a record high
of £40 billion at the moment, and is projected to grow to £42
billion as pupil numbers grow over the spending review
period.
I share the hon. Lady’s view about the success of London’s
schools. Their academic standards have soared in recent
years, bucking the trend of inner cities throughout the
world. The Government are equally ambitious for the rest of
the country. All children should have an excellent education
that unlocks their talent and creates opportunity regardless
of where they live, their background, their ability or their
need.
The Government are, because of this ambition, prioritising
spending on education. We have protected the core schools
budget in real terms, so that as pupil numbers rise so too
does the amount of money for our schools. This means that
schools are receiving more funding than ever before: a total,
as I have said, of over £40 billion this year.
The current funding system prevents this record amount of
money from getting to where it is needed most. Underfunded
schools do not have access to the same opportunities to do
the best for their pupils. It is harder for them to attract
the best teachers and to afford the right support. That is
why the Government are introducing a national funding formula
for mainstream education and for the high-needs support
provided for children with special educational needs.
The national funding formula will be the biggest change to
schools and high-needs funding for well over a decade. Such
change is never easy. That is why previous Governments
assiduously avoided doing it. However, it will mean that for
the first time we will have a transparent system that matches
funding to children’s needs and the schools they attend.
In the current system, schools and local areas receive
significantly different levels of funding with little or no
justification. For example, a primary school in Westminster
teaching a pupil eligible for free school meals, and with
English as an additional language, would receive £4,973 for
that pupil this year. However, if that same pupil were in a
school in Greenwich, the school would receive £6,676 this
year, a difference of £1,703. Under our national funding
formula, they would receive the same amount.
These anomalies will be ended once we have a national funding
formula in place, and that is why introducing fair funding
was a key manifesto commitment for the Government. Fair
funding will mean that the same child with the same needs
will attract the same funding regardless of where they happen
to live.
We launched the first stage of our consultation on reforming
schools and high-needs funding systems in March last year. We
set out the principles for reform and the proposals for the
overall design of the funding system. Over 6,000 people
responded, with wide support for our proposals. Building on
that support, in December we were able to proceed to the
second stage of the consultation, covering detailed proposals
for the design of both the schools and high-needs funding
formula.
Our proposals will target money towards pupils who face the
greatest barriers to their education. In particular, our
proposals boost the support provided for those from
disadvantaged backgrounds and those who live in areas of
deprivation but who are not eligible for free school meals,
whose families are just about managing. We are putting more
money into supporting pupils who have fallen behind, both in
primary and secondary school, to ensure that they, too,
receive the support they need to catch up.
Overall, 10,740 schools will gain funding, and the formula
will allow them to see those gains quickly—54% of schools
will gain. There will be increases of up to 3% in per pupil
funding in 2018-19 and up to 2.5% in 2019-20. Some 72 local
authority areas are due to gain high-needs funding, and they
will also do so quickly, with increases of up to 3% in both
2018-19 and 2019-20. As well as providing for these
increases, we have listened to those who highlighted in the
first consultation the risks of major budget changes for
schools, so we are also including significant protections in
both the formulas. No school will face reductions of more
than 1.5% a year, or 3% overall, per pupil, and no area will
lose funding for high needs.
London will remain the highest-funded part of the country
under these proposals. Schools in inner London will attract
30% more funding per pupil than the national average. Despite
the city’s increasing affluence, London’s schools still have
the highest proportion from disadvantaged backgrounds and the
highest labour market costs in the country, so our formula
matches funding to those needs, which is why those schools
are funded better than those elsewhere. As a result of our
proposals, 17 of the 27 schools in the hon. Member’s
constituency will gain funding. That is 63% of schools in her
constituency.
Some schools in London, however, will see some reduction in
their current funding, and this reflects significant changes
in relative deprivation between the capital and the rest of
the country over the last decade. For example, the proportion
of London pupils eligible for free school meals dropped from
27% in 2005 to 18% in 2015, as London became more affluent,
but the current funding system has taken no account of these
changes. It has simply built on an anachronistic, atrophied
system, over 10 years, under which we simply increase the
amounts, year on year, based on a formula designed for life
in 2005. It is well past time that our funding system
reflected the levels of deprivation that exist today, not
those that existed a decade or more ago.
For those schools that will see a budget reduction, the
significant protections we are proposing will mean that no
school will face reductions of more than 3% per pupil as a
result of this formula. This will mean that they can manage
the significant reforms while continuing to raise standards.
All schools need to make the best use of the resources they
have, ensuring that every pound is used effectively to
improve standards and have the maximum impact for children
and young people. To help them, we have put in place, and
continue to develop, a comprehensive package of support to
help schools make efficiency savings and manage cost
pressures, while continuing to improve the quality of their
education.
To be specific, which the hon. Member asked me to be, we are
preparing a national buying scheme for things such as energy
and information technology, but we are also providing advice
to schools about how to manage staff and ensure the right
combination of staff to reflect the curriculum they are
providing.
We are using a broad definition of disadvantage to target
additional funding to schools most likely to use it,
comprising pupil and area-level deprivation data, prior
attainment data and English as an additional language. No
individual measure is enough on its own. Each picks up
different aspects of the challenges that schools face, and
they work together to target funding. Where a child qualifies
for more than one of these factors, the school receives
funding for each qualifying factor. For example, if a child
comes from a more disadvantaged household and lives in an
area of socio-economic deprivation, their school will attract
funding through both the free school meals factor and the
area-level deprivation factor. That helps us to target
funding most accurately to the schools that face the most
acute challenges, while not ignoring the needs of children
who face some barrier to achievement, and of course the
school will continue to receive additional funding through
the pupil premium to help them improve the attainment of the
most disadvantaged.
There are specific reasons why funding as a whole rises by
0.7% in the hon. Lady’s constituency, and they include the
growing affluence, as I have said. Historically, Westminster
has been one of the lower-funded inner-London local
authorities. As a result, it sets higher basic per pupil
funding than most other local authorities in England, and the
difference between Westminster’s basic per pupil funding
rates and the national funding formula rates is not as
substantial as in other parts of London. The majority of
schools in Westminster North are primary schools rather than
secondary schools. The Westminster formula is currently
marginally more generous to secondary schools than under the
national funding formula, so primary schools benefit from a
slight adjustment to the primary-to-secondary ratio that we
are introducing. Schools in Westminster North gain from the
national funding formula deprivation and low prior attainment
factors.
Westminster Council currently chooses not to use IDACI, the
income deprivation affecting children index, factor for
primary schools at all—it does for secondary—so its schools
are gaining from the broader measure of deprivation that we
are using in the national funding formula. The national
funding formula’s prior low attainment factor is also more
generous than Westminster’s formula, at £1,050 plus the area
cost adjustment under the national funding formula, compared
with £722 under the Westminster formula.
On that note, I hope that I have assured the hon. Lady that
this is a fairer funding system, but I shall be happy to
discuss the details with her in due course.
Question put and agreed to.
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