Ayoub Khan (Birmingham Perry Barr) (Ind) I beg to move, That this
House has considered humanitarian aid and Gaza. I thank everybody
for attending this very important debate. I begin by paying tribute
to the humanitarian aid workers in Gaza, who continue their
lifesaving efforts and face impossible odds. Despite having every
reason to lose hope, they remain steadfast in their mission to
provide aid, and are the only source of survival and hope for the
people of Gaza....Request free trial
(Birmingham Perry Barr)
(Ind)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered humanitarian aid and Gaza.
I thank everybody for attending this very important debate. I
begin by paying tribute to the humanitarian aid workers in Gaza,
who continue their lifesaving efforts and face impossible odds.
Despite having every reason to lose hope, they remain steadfast
in their mission to provide aid, and are the only source of
survival and hope for the people of Gaza. Sadly, at least 289 of
those brave individuals have been killed. I trust that Members
present will join me in honouring each and every one of them.
The horrors facing the people of Gaza are overwhelming,
reflecting Israel's efforts to strip away their humanity. Since
the attack on 7 October, the collective punishment inflicted on
Gaza has been shocking. Ninety per cent. of the population has
been displaced, being moved from pillar to post, and 96% face
acute food insecurity. There have been over 42,000 deaths in the
past year, although that number does not include the thousands of
bodies still buried under the rubble of destroyed buildings:
loved ones who will never be recovered.
This debate is not about the Israelis' military onslaught of
Palestinian civilians in Gaza; it is about those being killed not
by weapons, but by the lack of basic humanitarian assistance.
Israel has weaponised the denial of aid, pushing the remaining
Palestinians to the brink of death. The health crisis in Gaza is
devastating. Since 7 October, at least 10 children per day have
limbs amputated, many without anaesthesia. Over half a million of
the population suffer from diseases such as jaundice, caused by
malnutrition and the unsanitary conditions they are forced to
live in. That is the size of almost half of Birmingham's
population.
Hospitals—the very places that could help—are in ruin; 31 of
Gaza's 36 hospitals, and most United Nations healthcare stations,
have been damaged or completely destroyed by Israeli airstrikes
and ground operations. The Lancet estimates that the real death
toll could be closer to 186,000, and with flood season
approaching, the situation is set to get even worse.
It is not a case of shortage of aid, as we all know—we have all
seen the thousands of trucks lined up on the border. This is a
deliberate act. Israeli authorities are intentionally limiting
the supply of vital aid. They have destroyed civilian
infrastructure, such as schools, water stations, mosques and
churches, and claimed military necessity. But the humanitarian
workers on the ground tell a very different story. These are not
military targets, yet the bombs keep falling and critical aid
facilities are being obliterated.
Before 7 October, Gaza was receiving 508 aid trucks a day—just
enough to keep the population afloat. Now the numbers stand at a
mere 52 trucks, according to Oxfam aid workers.
(Dewsbury and Batley)
(Ind)
Throughout the past 12 months, the UK Government have failed to
highlight or prevent the Israeli Government's denial of
international assistance into Gaza and their clear breaches of
international humanitarian law. The UK has also failed to
highlight the Israeli Government's not complying with
International Court of Justice orders, which require them to
facilitate the unimpeded access to Gaza of United Nations and
other officials engaged in the provision of humanitarian aid. The
UK is failing to stand up for international law as Israeli forces
are forcibly transferring civilians as we speak—
(in the Chair)
Order. This should be an intervention, not a speech, because many
people are waiting to speak.
Does my hon. Friend agree that the UK must act urgently to
enforce UK Security Council resolutions?
I thank the hon. Member for his intervention. I think we are all
singing off the same hymn sheet when it comes to what the UK
should be doing.
Experts say that 2,000 trucks are required to address the current
crisis, but only 52 are coming in at the moment. Aid convoys are
being blocked not only at the checkpoints by Israeli soldiers; we
have all witnessed some of the Israeli civilians blocking aid at
crossings like Kerem Shalom and Nitzana. While the Israeli Army
are competent to disperse thousands of protesters in Tel Aviv
within minutes, they choose not to disperse the fewer than 100
protesters blocking life-saving aid. Even once they get through
that blockade, they are shot at by IDF forces, either by snipers,
drones or other military means.
We all know about the killings of the seven aid workers from the
World Central Kitchen charity, which included three British aid
workers. That was despite the Israeli Army being given
co-ordinates and information about locations.
Dr (Ealing Central and Acton)
(Lab)
The hon. Gentleman mentioned aid workers. Does he not agree that
it is not just aid workers but those in the media, teachers,
doctors and medical staff where we are seeing a discrediting and
delegitimisation of the UN? He mentioned buildings, even the
oldest church in Christendom. It feels like even within the rules
of war, something has gone wrong here.
Of course. The biggest problem we have is that journalists are
not allowed in. One has to think about the reason why journalists
are not being afforded the opportunity to report impartially—it
is not happening. If the Israeli Government have nothing to hide,
we would expect them to be welcoming journalists into the war
zone. The risks are down to the journalists. However, we have
seen this on an enormous scale. Journalists believe that they are
being targeted specifically, so there is no reporting from
within.
This is collective punishment on an enormous scale. There are no
red lines for Netanyahu's Government. The actions of the IDF over
the past 369 days are not those of a moral army as Israel claims,
but actions that have crossed every moral and legal boundary.
Netanyahu's pursuit of Gaza's destruction is relentless and will
not stop unless forced to do so. I welcome the reinstatement of
the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees
funding by this Government, but we must do more.
Mr (Blackburn) (Ind)
I agree that calls for additional aid and safe routes for the
delivery of aid into Gaza are vital and encouraged. However, does
the hon. Member agree that questions must be raised as to the
absurdity of a situation in which we as a country provide both
the aid and the weapons to bomb the besieged people of Gaza?
I agree, and I am sure there will be many similar contributions
throughout this debate.
I welcome the Government's reinstatement of UNRWA funding, but we
must do more. We must address the root cause of the suffering,
and an immediate, permanent ceasefire is absolutely essential.
Diplomatic calls from Governments of various nations have fallen
on deaf ears. The only option available now is to enforce a
ceasefire through the prohibition of all arms sales to Israel. If
the UK did that, it would send a clear message to others, who
would inevitably follow suit, but innocent lives are being lost
and the Government have done little to change the course of
Israeli aggression. I ask the rhetorical question: how can we
send aid with one hand while providing the weapons of destruction
with the other? How can we claim to stand for morality and
justice when we are complicit in this collective punishment?
Time is of the essence. Every 10 minutes, another child in Gaza
dies. This regime of mass murder and destruction is fuelled by
the west's unconditional support and its granting of full
impunity for breaches of international humanitarian law. The time
for change is now, not later. Will the Minister admit that Israel
is actively blocking efforts to distribute humanitarian aid and
reach a ceasefire agreement? What will the Government do to
encourage Israel to open border crossings for humanitarian
aid?
Several hon. Members rose—
(in the Chair)
Order. A number of Members wish to speak, so I will impose an
informal three-minute time limit. Please be kind to each other so
you can all get in.
3.11pm
(Islington North) (Ind)
I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Perry Barr
() for securing this absolutely
crucial and essential debate.
Last night, my hon. Friends the Members for Blackburn (Mr
Hussain) and for Birmingham Perry Barr and I attended a film
showing by Al Jazeera at a cinema near here. The film showed very
raw footage of the behaviour of Israeli soldiers in Gaza. It was
about the destruction of life and of the appalling death toll of
children, in particular, across Gaza. It showed soldiers cheering
when they destroyed an entire Palestinian village. It showed
pictures—devastatingly realistic in the horror they showed—of the
torture of Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli prisons.
Afterwards, we had a question and answer session with a number of
lawyers, medical people and so on. A doctor said that when she
tried to enter Gaza to act as a doctor, she was restricted to one
suitcase and told that she had to bring in three days' water
supply, have her own personal security and have a car and a
driver with her at all times just to undertake her work. She said
that there are very few hospitals working in Gaza, and the
conditions are appalling and abominable. Many doctors are now not
working in Gaza any more because they simply cannot get in;
Israel controls all access and exit. The small number of very
brave and wonderful doctors who were working there are now being
forced to go elsewhere. The film showed the way in which Israel's
occupation has been entirely directed towards the destruction of
Palestinian life—Palestinian buildings, schools, roads, hospitals
and everything else.
I have never forgotten going to Beech primary school in Jabalia
refugee camp many years ago—a wonderful school in a wonderful
place with wonderful children. With joy, the children sat down
and read, through translation, the poetry they had written about
their lives, their hopes and what they wanted to achieve. We then
went on to the roof of the school, and we could see the fence on
one side and, not that far away, the sea on the other. To the
north, we could see Ashkelon. We could hear the sadness in their
voices when they said, “We are never going to be able to go
anywhere. We are never going to be able to travel anywhere. We
are forever prisoners in this school and our homes,” but at least
at that time they had homes and a school. I have seen the footage
and seen the films; the school is totally destroyed. Many of
those children who I met, who were so happy in those days, are
now deceased. Famine is there in Gaza. It is recognised as a
famine around the world. Polluted water, inadequate food,
inadequate medical supplies—it is an absolutely appalling
situation.
Yes, obviously we have to demand all the aid that we can to go
into Gaza—we would do that for any people anywhere in the
world—but when there are more than 40,000 recorded deaths, and
possibly 100,000 more bodies waiting to be discovered under the
rubble, the answer has to be a political one. Why are we still
supplying arms to Israel, knowing full well that those arms, in
contravention of ICJ rulings, are actually being used to bomb
civilian targets in Gaza?
War crimes are being committed before our very eyes on our
televisions every night. It is up to our Government to show that
they believe in international law. If they did, they would halt
the supply of weapons to Israel, because they know full well that
those weapons are being used to destroy human life, in breach of
all aspects of international humanitarian law.
(in the Chair)
I expect to take winding-up speeches from the Front Benches at
about 4.5 pm.
3.16pm
(Vauxhall and Camberwell
Green) (Lab/Co-op)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship this afternoon,
Ms Vaz. I also want to pay tribute to the hon. Member for
Birmingham Perry Barr () for securing this important and
timely debate.
A year on from the tragic terrorist attack by Hamas, with an
estimated 101 people still being held hostage, we are seeing the
devastating impact on innocent civilians caught up in this war.
As we have heard, it is estimated that more than 41,000
Palestinians have been killed, more than 90,000 injured and up to
1.9 million internally displaced. Thousands of families are
trapped, unable to leave their homes to find vital food and
water, and many now face starvation.
Shortly after this conflict started I met with Islamic Relief UK,
which is based in my constituency of Vauxhall and Camberwell
Green. Staff spoke to me about the devastation and the impact on
the ground in Gaza, including the bombing of their offices, and
the fact that they lost contact with their aid workers for two
days. Over the past year, Islamic Relief UK has distributed more
than £26 million of aid to the people in Palestine. I pay tribute
to Islamic Relief UK and the many other aid organisations and
charities working on the ground, with their aid workers risking
their own lives to help innocent civilians.
Along with many others, I welcomed the Foreign Secretary's
announcement, in his first statement to the House, that the UK
would lift the pause on funding to UNRWA, and that an additional
£21 million would be made available to support that work; but
sadly, that money will be too late for the many people who have
already died.
I had the opportunity to meet a senior representative from UNRWA
last week, and he outlined three main challenges to me. The first
was logistical: the vital aid continues to be blocked. There are
an estimated 70 trucks going in, compared with the 400 pre this
conflict. Moving aid around Gaza is nigh on impossible, with an
estimated 30% of that aid being looted because people are just so
desperate. Aid workers are being attacked.
The second was political: we all have to acknowledge the
concerted attempt to discredit and undermine the work of UNRWA.
As the Foreign Secretary stated:
“UNRWA is absolutely central to those efforts; no other agency
can deliver aid on the scale needed.”[—[Official Report, 19 July
2024; Vol. 752, c.
300.]](/search/column?VolumeNumber=752&ColumnNumber=300&House=1)
However, there are three Bills currently in the Knesset aimed at
discrediting UNRWA's operation in East Jerusalem, stripping its
status as an aid agency and declaring it a terrorist
organisation.
The third challenge was financial; there are still serious
difficulties, and the largest donor—the US—has still not
reinstated its funding. Is the Minister aware of today's letter,
co-signed by 15 leading aid agencies including Islamic Relief UK,
Medical Aid for Palestinians and Oxfam, calling on the UK to
continue to take a stand on upholding international law, to
oppose the annexation in northern Gaza, to support the
independence of the ICJ, and to review the sale of arms? As we
enter the second year of this conflict, we restate our calls for
an immediate ceasefire and lasting peace in the region.
3.19pm
(Hammersmith and Chiswick)
(Lab)
It is a pleasure to be under your chairmanship, Ms Vaz. I
congratulate the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () on securing this debate.
Earlier this week, six Arab ambassadors came to speak to Members
in this House, from not only Palestine and Lebanon, the two main
protagonists, but Egypt, Saudi, Jordan and Bahrain, and they said
that they spoke on behalf of the whole Arab community. The
message they wanted to get across to Members was that long-term
peace and security is attainable in the region; it has been for
nearly 20 years now under the Arab peace initiative. Looking
forward, that is still the prospect they want, which includes not
just Arab states but the 58 Muslim states around the world not
just recognising but co-operating fully with Israel.
However, what we have seen over the past year is the opposite;
there has been the ratcheting up of violence. Now that has
happened on both sides and nobody present holds a brief for Hamas
or Hezbollah, but because of the asymmetric nature of this war,
almost all the deaths post the terrible atrocity of 7 October
last year have been predominantly among Palestinians—41,000 in
Gaza and almost 1,000 in the west bank—as well as now over 2,000
Lebanese civilians. The question today is: what will the British
Government's response be? Yes, the Government have consistently
called for a ceasefire. The Minister, who does his job
excellently, has been very consistent in saying that, but there
is no response; on the contrary—the atrocities get worse.
What is happening? We saw today another school attacked and
nearly 30 people killed there, and there are attacks on UN
positions by Israeli forces. Yes, the Government are right to
emphasise aid—which is the subject of this debate—and the
practicalities of getting aid in, but also those attacks on
civilians are happening daily. There is the forcible transfer of
the population. There are beaches of international law happening
all the time. There is the collective punishment of the
Palestinians, particularly in Gaza. There is famine and disease
throughout the territory.
I say to the Minister gently that we need more from the
Government now. We need to know what they will do to ensure a
ceasefire. What practical steps can they take with allies? We
also need—this was emphasised very much by the ambassadors this
week—an early and clear recognition of the Palestinian state.
Until that exists, it is almost impossible to frame the terms of
a ceasefire and a lasting peace in the region, and that is what
we need.
3.22pm
(Hayes and Harlington)
(Ind)
I want to raise again the issue of the evacuation of seriously
injured children from Gaza. When the Ukraine war started, we very
rapidly put in place a mechanism for the evacuation of injured
children from Ukraine to hospitals here, to ensure that they had
the appropriate treatment. It was a system that seemed to have
worked effectively. Soon after the attack on Gaza, my friend
, who was the hon. Member for
Blackburn, raised in this House the issue of trying to instigate
a similar scheme for Palestinian children. I think she did that
around November or December, but we heard nothing back. I raised
the issue again on the Floor of the House with the then deputy
Foreign Secretary—the right hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr
Mitchell)—and we were given an assurance. I had met with the
voluntary organisation Save Gaza's Children, which is based in
France, and there is also Save A Child, which was doing work at
that point to evacuate children to Italy and to other countries
surrounding Palestine.
I raised the issue again in May because we had no response. Then
the general election happened so I wrote to the Prime Minister,
because I felt this needed a prime ministerial push to get it
through. I raised it with the Foreign Secretary because we needed
to ensure that our diplomatic efforts were involved, and I wrote
to the Home Secretary as well because we needed the visa
arrangements put in place. I never received a response.
I wrote again in August to the Minister for Development, my right
hon. Friend the Member for Oxford East (), and I did receive a
response. However, it was not about the evacuation but the
assistance being provided to organisations hopefully working as
best they could within Gaza. So I wrote again, and I have not
received a second response. I am not sure what is happening in
Government on this. I understand that a new Government have come
in and it is difficult settling down and sorting out
arrangements, but this is a matter of urgency.
We have had further reports this morning of another hospital
being attacked, and we have also heard reports of the doctors
being threatened that if they did not evacuate they would be
arrested. We have even had ambulance workers arrested this
morning as well. They are being forced to choose between
evacuating children from intensive care, which is risky, or
leaving them behind, and as a result some doctors are risking
their lives.
We could do exactly as we have done with Ukraine, by simply
establishing a system to ensure that those seriously injured
children are evacuated. Clinicians are willing to assist here; in
fact, I have had clinicians contact me to say, “What can we do?”
and “How can we assist?” I ask the Under-Secretary of State for
Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, my hon. Friend the
Member for Lincoln (), to take this and come
back as a matter of urgency. Children are dying as a result and
we cannot stand to one side.
3.25pm
(City of Durham) (Lab)
I thank the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () for securing this afternoon's
debate. In the short time I have, I want to focus on the plight
of Christians in Palestine. In April, I was honoured to meet
Father Gabriel Romanelli, the parish priest at the Holy Family
church in Gaza, who informed a group of MPs of the tragedies that
had befallen his flock, none more so than the killing of Nahida
Anton and her daughter Samar. They were two parishioners at the
church who were killed inside the parish compound by a sniper;
several others were wounded.
It was the week before Christmas, a Christmas that for
Palestinians would be observed under rubble, in ruins and in
perpetual fear. Rev. Munther Isaac put that into words when he
said:
“If Jesus was born today, he'd be born under the rubble of
Gaza.”
We all know that places of worship should be protected under the
Geneva conventions. I say “should be” because in this and many
other instances, they are not. It is heartbreaking, then, to
consider that both Nahida and Samar must have thought they were
safe in church when, in fact, a sniper was targeting them. I
cannot imagine what the family was going through.
What happened at the Holy Family church is a microcosm of the war
itself: a war where human rights are ignored, where long-standing
conventions are breached and where innocent people like Nahida
and Samar are killed. Earlier this year, I asked the former
deputy Foreign Secretary, the right hon. Member for Sutton
Coldfield (Mr Mitchell), whether the Foreign, Commonwealth and
Development Office condemned the attack. He answered:
“We are not clear about the full facts of what
happened.”[—[Official Report, 8 January 2024; Vol. 743, c.
46.]](/search/column?VolumeNumber=743&ColumnNumber=46&House=1)
In contrast, Cardinal Vincent, the Archbishop of Westminster, was
unambiguous. He said:
“They were shot in cold blood inside the premises of the parish,
where there are no belligerents.”
He also said:
“The people in Gaza…are not given to tell lies.”
I implore the Minister from the bottom of my heart to listen to
the Palestinians in Gaza, and reflect on the bitter injustices of
Nahida and Samar's deaths and all those who have suffered similar
fates. The last time I spoke about Palestine in Westminster Hall,
the death toll was 25,000. It is now, as we have heard, well over
41,000. I urge the Minister to use the full weight of the FCDO to
bring this war to an end, and to commit to the Palestinian people
that we will assist them in rebuilding their lives. We need
diplomacy, not an all-out war. The people of Gaza cannot have
another Christmas under the rubble.
3.28pm
(Leicester South) (Ind)
It is an honour to speak under your chairship, Ms Vaz, and I
thank my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () for bringing this vital
discussion. I want to reiterate and confirm what my right hon.
Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington () said in discussing the
children. The suffering of all victims of war is devastating, but
when it comes to innocent children belonging to all faiths and no
faith, it really does affect our humanity and our future.
This is my question to the Minister. As we speak, there are fewer
than 16 hospitals standing in Gaza and there is nowhere for
children to be treated. More than 50,000 children require
treatment who are not even victims of the war; they are suffering
from malnutrition and other ailments. Can we, like some of our
European partners, look at avenues and mechanisms to bring those
children here or treat them somewhere neutral to give them that
much-needed support?
3.29pm
(York Central)
(Lab/Co-op)
It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Ms Vaz. I thank the
hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () for organising today's
debate.
The tragedy of Gaza just leaves us speechless. The devastation
that we are witnessing on our screens is horrific, but to be in
Gaza is unimaginable at this time. We stand by all those on both
sides who are experiencing the trauma of loss, through hostage
taking and lives lost.
We know that this can be prevented. It is immoral and it is
man-made. We have to act more strongly. Of course, we have to end
the sale of all arms, and end those export licences. We have to
increase our funding to UNRWA, as the ambassador has called for,
and we need to apply greater leverage, including sanctions, to
ensure that we can get a political outcome.
I have to question what happened on 18 September at the UN
General Assembly. We could have used our influence in that forum
in a different way—124 countries, including our allies, France,
Spain, Norway and New Zealand, had the courage to call for a
ceasefire and to put that on record. It is one thing to call for
something, but when we have a vote, that is decisive and it makes
a difference. I just cannot comprehend why we did not use our
leverage at that critical point to try and stand by the people
who are suffering in Gaza right now.
We know that things are getting even worse, with the suffering
getting even greater. We think about the seasonal change that is
coming and the risks that come from that; we see the data from
the Famine Early Warning Systems Network, highlighting the scale
of malnutrition, hunger and the spread of disease; we know that
people are dying every day before our eyes and we could do
more.
When the Minister and his colleagues are at those platforms, I
ask that he does everything possible within his power to use that
leverage to call this to an end. We cannot just cross by on the
other side. We must not let perfection be the enemy of good. Even
if resolutions are not perfect, we know that they can save lives,
they can end the carnage and they can build the hope of having
food, clean water and aid to heal wounds and bring pain relief. I
say to the Minister that every opportunity must be utilised to
ensure that we have the humanitarian response to end this
nightmare.
3.32pm
(Poplar and Limehouse)
(Ind)
In February this year, I secured and led a debate on the
humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. During the debate, I quoted
Save the Children International's chief executive officer's
harrowing plea:
“We are running out of words to describe the horror unfolding for
Gaza's children.”
Eight months later, it is absolutely and utterly devastating to
be here again today, and that things have gone from bad to worse.
As such, I urge the Government today to refrain from the insult
of the usual euphemistic phrasing of speaking of too many
civilians being killed or broad references to the humanitarian
situation without condemning the actions that are so clearly
responsible.
This is not about some random natural disaster. It is just beyond
disturbing that so many cannot express a simple condemnation of
the type of war being conducted by the Israeli military—the
unprecedented death toll, the violence against women and
children, the deliberate targeting of civilian infrastructure,
the blocking of aid and the weaponisation of starvation.
It is just not enough to repeat the lines that Israel must uphold
international human rights standards in theory, when it is so
clear that they have not and are not doing so, and have
effectively been given the go-ahead to continue to not do so.
Quite frankly, the UK's continued support and facilitation of
this is absolutely shocking to my constituents, and indeed to the
majority of people in the UK.
No matter the brutality of the censorship at home, the silencing
or the spin, the inescapable truth is that civilians in Gaza,
including large numbers of children, are facing healthcare
shortages and diseases. This is what happens when hospitals are
targeted and health and sanitation and other infrastructure is
wilfully destroyed. My constituents have opposed this, but this
is what the UK continues to facilitate. Civilians in Gaza,
including large numbers of children, are not only starving, but
being starved. This is what happens when food is being prevented
from getting to those who need it. Civilians in Gaza, including
large numbers of children, are not simply dying; they are being
killed.
The lifting of the pause on funding the UNRWA is a welcome step
forward, but as we speak, new mass displacement orders will
worsen the entire, already dire, situation. I speculate that the
Minister will likely assert something along the lines that aid
must get to where it is needed in theory, yet everyone is clear
that aid is being blocked and hindered by Israel, the UK's close
and staunch ally. The best way we know to ensure that aid is
delivered is to secure a ceasefire. It is important that there is
an arms embargo, including of F-35 fighter jets, which are being
traded to be used against civilians. It has implications for
global human rights benchmarks.
The horrors that continue to unfold before our eyes mean that we
are being changed forever, but it has been made very clear that
UK and US foreign policy interests are being pursued with an
utter disregard for Palestinian life. It is chilling, and the
complicity will never, ever be forgotten.
3.36pm
(Brent West) (Lab)
As politicians, we talk of the international rules-based system,
by which we mean the World Trade Organisation and the United
Nations, but often we do so only when it suits our position. When
it does not, we ignore it. That is why it is crucial that we
grasp the legal implications of the decision promulgated on 19
July this year by the International Court of Justice. It settled
the law in its advisory opinion on the legality of Israel's
continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory. The
opinion came from a request by the United Nations General
Assembly in December 2022, and I believe it carries immense
weight. It is the interpretation of our world's highest court of
law as it relates to the occupation of Palestine.
The court ruled that the occupied Palestinian territory is to be
considered a single territorial unit, which means that the
failure to recognise Palestine as a state is now out of step with
international law. On 10 September, Palestine took its seat at
the 79th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations.
It is not yet a full member, because it has been blocked by the
United States, but it has the right to submit proposals and
amendments. The Government of the UK still does not recognise the
Palestinian state, and I believe that that is now incompatible
with international law.
The court ruled that settlements and outposts in the west bank
and East Jerusalem were unlawful. It does not matter that Israeli
law considers settlements to be lawful; they are not, and they
should be evacuated. The court ruled that Israel's exploitation
of natural resources in settled land was also unlawful. The court
ruled that Israel occupied Gaza. It ruled that it occupied the
west bank and East Jerusalem. It ruled that that occupation was
unlawful. It ruled that the occupation must be brought to an
end.
That also means that, in its actions, Israel must behave not as a
warring nation state against another warring state, but as an
occupying force, with all the obligations that entails about its
conduct, including ensuring that aid can get through to all who
need it. Israel ought to cease its unlawful activities, halt all
new settlement activity and provide full reparation for the
damage caused by its wrongful acts, which includes returning
land, property and assets seized since the occupation began in
1967 and allowing displaced Palestinians to return to their
original places of residence.
The court made it clear that other states also have obligations.
It emphasised that all states are required not to recognise the
illegal situation created by Israel's actions in the occupied
territories. That means that they should not engage in trade,
investment or diplomatic relations that would entrench Israel's
unlawful presence. The advisory opinion is a landmark in the
legal and political struggle over the fate of the Palestinian
people and the integrity of international law. It highlights the
obligations of all states, including the United Kingdom, to
ensure that the rule of law prevails. We are all duty bound not
only to act in the interests of justice and human rights, but to
uphold the very principles of international law. That is the law.
It is clear. It has been authoritatively stated by the court.
What is not clear is whether Governments will abide by it. The
law can state, the court can rule, but none of it brings about
anything unless the power of enforcement lies behind it.
In the UK we are very fond of saying that we respect the
international court and the international rules-based order. My
challenge to the Minister is this: show it.
3.40pm
Mr (Blackburn) (Ind)
I repeat again the absurdity of the situation whereby we give aid
with one hand to the besieged population of Gaza and provide
weapons with the other, which has created the catastrophic
circumstances that have taken the lives of over 40,000. Although
the Prime Minister has made his position on the refusal to stop
all the arms sales to Israel abundantly clear in Parliament just
this week, I will none the less press the matter. Will the
Minister assure us, especially in the light of further news today
of a school housing displaced civilians in Gaza being bombed?
Just weeks ago, a humanitarian safe zone, al-Mawasi, a camp
identified by Israel itself, was bombed, with families dissipated
in seconds. I therefore ask the Minister once again whether the
Government's position on arms sales to Israel will be revisited.
Can he also answer whether, given the abundance of evidence
already available, arms sales to a country plausibly accused of
committing genocide can be morally or legally justified?
3.42pm
(Middlesbrough and Thornaby
East) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair this afternoon, Ms Vaz.
I congratulate the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () on securing this debate. Before
the recent recess, I tabled a written question to the Government.
The answer is overdue, so I will briefly provide the background
and put it to the Minister.
On 2 September, the Government revoked licences for all items
used in the current conflict in Gaza that go to the Israel
Defence Forces. It did so because there exists a clear risk that
they might be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of
international humanitarian law. This is evidenced by events such
as the IDF-confirmed use of 2,000 lb bombs, bunker-busting bombs,
in a declared safe zone in al-Mawasi in July when they killed at
least 90 Palestinians and injured over 30.
The revocation includes licences for F-35 fighter jet components
where they go directly to Israel. They are revoked, but those in
the supply chain in the global pool are not. Clearly, the
components can still be used to facilitate a serious violation of
international humanitarian law and to frustrate humanitarian aid.
So I ask my Government to make it their policy to seek to
negotiate an end-use agreement with F-35 programme supply chain
and electronic stockpile management system counterparts, to end
the re-export of F-35s to Israel.
The Dutch Government have suspended direct sales but continue to
supply the global pool, but surely a discussion must be had with
partner nations on managing the programme so that the global pool
of spare parts is not used to repair Israeli F-35 jets. Unless
the issue is raised and resolved with partner nations, I submit
that the Government are at risk of breaching our own commitments
to upholding international humanitarian law. I pray in aid the UN
inquiry, which said today that it found that Israel carried out a
“concerted policy” of destroying Gaza's healthcare systems in the
Gaza war—actions amounting to both
“war crimes and the crime against humanity of extermination”,
so I urge my Government to utilise all the levers at their
disposal, and accept that the recognition of the state of
Palestine is a prerequisite of peace—and that the optimal time to
do so is now.
3.45pm
(Cowdenbeath and Kirkcaldy)
(Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Vaz. I thank
the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () for securing this important
debate.
It is impossible to do justice to the horrors in Gaza—famine
conditions and polio among them—in the short time we have today.
I was in Gaza in April this year, six months into the horrific
humanitarian catastrophe that continues now. What I witnessed
then was haunting, and it is so much worse in Gaza today.
I wish to raise two main issues. First, there are alarming
reports in the Israeli media that Israeli Prime Minister
Netanyahu is considering a proposal from Smotrich and Ben Gvir,
the far-right members of his Cabinet, which would effectively
prevent aid agencies, including the UN, from operating or
distributing aid in Gaza. Instead, it would hand all such
responsibility to the Israeli military, reportedly including the
running of field hospitals. There are many reasons why that would
be unacceptable.
In January this year, the International Court of Justice ordered
“immediate and effective” measures to protect Palestinians in
Gaza from the risk of genocide by ensuring sufficient
humanitarian assistance and enabling access to basic services.
Despite that, the number of aid trucks that entered Gaza last
month was the lowest we have seen since the start of the year.
This is not an accident; the aid is deliberately obstructed by
the Israeli Government. In April, I saw the queues of hundreds of
trucks filled with aid stuck at crossings into Gaza. The aid is
there—it is simply not allowed to enter Gaza in the quantities
needed, nor are aid workers allowed to safely distribute it. The
fact that more than 300 aid workers and almost 1,000 healthcare
workers have been killed in the last year is testament to
that.
When I left Gaza, I also visited warehouses full of aid items
rejected by the Israeli authorities. I checked the list this
morning, preparing for this debate. It included: wooden and metal
crutches, wheelchairs, green sleeping bags, commodes, solar
lamps, first-aid kits, an anaesthesia machine, generators, a bag
of UNICEF footballs, bleach, and pots and pans. I could go on.
The idea that a Government and military who do this should be
allowed to take operational control of a humanitarian aid effort
is unconscionable. I ask the Minister to be clear today that our
Government oppose this, and to raise the subject with the
Israelis. There is no excuse for the Israeli Government's denial
of Palestinian's access to humanitarian aid. It is a violation of
international law.
Secondly, the situation for civilians across Gaza is a living
nightmare. Worst of all is the situation for civilians in the
north, who have been trapped for over a year now. Months ago,
civilians there were eating grass and animal feed to try to
survive, and it is so much worse now. I want to raise alarm at
the Israeli military's most recent forced displacement orders for
civilians in the north of Gaza being told to move south. This
includes orders to evacuate critically ill patients and
healthcare workers from the Al-Awda, Indonesian and Kamal Adwan
hospitals. This morning I saw footage of intubated children and
babies in incubators in the paediatric intensive care unit at
Kamal Adwan hospital; they cannot evacuate, and even if they
could, there is nowhere safe to go. Does the Minister agree that
this military action is intolerable, unacceptable and must
end?
Our new Government have taken important first steps on UNRWA,
arms and the ICC. There is much more to do. It is true that the
Palestinians of Gaza need a ceasefire and access to aid, and aid
workers need to be able to work safely, but Palestinians do not
just need aid. They have the same rights to safety, freedom and
dignity as everyone else, and we in this House would do well to
remember that.
3.50pm
(Folkestone and Hythe)
(Lab)
It is always a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Vaz,
and I thank the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () for securing the debate.
The situation in Gaza is horrific and tragic. The British Red
Cross has stated that more than 41,000 people have been killed in
Gaza, and many more have been injured and displaced. Hostages are
still being held and survivors are traumatised.
The meetings that I have attended with ambassadors from the
region have searingly impressed upon me how desperate and urgent
the situation now is in Gaza and the west bank. Making sure that
enough aid enters and is properly distributed to the people in
Gaza is a moral imperative. It is also a legal imperative. In
January, the International Court of Justice ordered Israel to
take measures to prevent genocide, in order to ensure that
humanitarian aid reaches Palestinians, but that order is not yet
being complied with. As hon. Friends have said, aid is still
being blocked. It is of particular concern that the Israeli
military are forcing hospitals—which are full of displaced
civilians, medical staff and sick patients, all of whom are
protected under international law—to shut down. The health system
in Gaza must not be allowed to collapse.
I thank the Minister for all his work on this issue. Will he
confirm that the UK is taking urgent action to stop Israel
forcibly displacing Palestinians from the north; to ensure that
adequate aid reaches those who need it; to ensure that civilians,
including those in hospitals and in their homes, are protected at
all times; and, ultimately, to secure an urgent ceasefire?
Respect for the international rule of law requires
this.3.51pm
(Montgomeryshire and
Glyndŵr) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to speak under your chairpersonship, Ms Vaz. I
congratulate the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () on securing this crucial
debate, which coincides with today's nationwide workplace day of
action for Palestine.
This past year has been marked by indiscriminate loss, with lives
tragically taken on 7 October last year and in the ongoing
horrors that we have witnessed unfolding since then. Over 41,000
people have been reported killed in Gaza, alongside 695 in the
west bank, with many more unaccounted for beneath the rubble.
The impact on women and children has been particularly severe,
with Oxfam reporting last week that more women and children have
been killed in Gaza by the Israeli military in the past year than
have been killed in any other conflict in the last two decades.
In addition to the ongoing daily bombardment, the malnutrition,
disease and unmet medical needs pose an even greater threat to
Palestinian lives.
Yesterday marked a year since Israel's Minister of Defence
declared a “complete siege” on Gaza, stating that there would
be:
“No electricity, no food, no water, no gas—it's all closed.”
The humanitarian crisis that has followed has been beyond
comprehension. Approximately 83% of required food aid is blocked
from entering Gaza, while the risk of famine becomes more
imminent. Over 70% of civilian infrastructure, including
hospitals, has been destroyed, with more than 500 recorded
attacks on medical facilities and hundreds of healthcare workers
having been killed. Last month, the United Nations reported that
the number of aid workers killed in Gaza in the past year is the
highest ever recorded in a single crisis.
With food aid and healthcare are under attack, and aid workers
paying the ultimate price for their efforts to provide relief, we
must urgently address this humanitarian disaster and ensure that
unimpeded aid reaches all those who so desperately need it. I
welcome the actions taken by the Labour Government in our first
months in office to facilitate the entry of humanitarian aid into
Gaza. We have restored funding to UNRWA and engaged with the
United Nations Security Council to ensure that there is a global
focus on protecting civilians in Gaza. However, given the scale
of the crisis, our Government should be doing everything in their
power to secure an immediate and permanent ceasefire. Without
one, the humanitarian crisis in Gaza will worsen, essential aid
will be obstructed and suffering will be prolonged.
The decision in September to suspend about 30 UK arms export
licences to Israel from a total of approximately 350 marked a
crucial step towards achieving a ceasefire for all Palestinians
and Israelis. However, by excluding export licences for F-35
fighter jet parts from that announcement, the UK risks complicity
in Israel's potential violations of international law. F-35s,
described as the most lethal fighter jets in the world, are
partly manufactured in Britain and are currently deployed in
Gaza, causing significant civilian casualties and hindering the
distribution of aid while destroying vital healthcare
infrastructure. Can the Minister clarify how the decision to
continue allowing licences for F-35 components exported via
third-party countries aligns with the UK's international legal
obligations? How does this approach ensure that critical aid can
be delivered securely to alleviate the suffering in Gaza,
especially given the risks to medical workers and the destruction
of healthcare facilities?
We must urgently end these atrocities and stand for humanity.
Allowing the horrifying decline of this conflict to continue will
lead to even greater consequences. Diolch yn fawr.
3.56pm
(Birmingham Hall Green and
Moseley) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Vaz.
The people of Gaza are being let down by the international
community. We have reached a point where the human suffering and
cultural devastation in the area is undeniable, yet we continue
to fail to provide a sustainable amount of life-saving aid. The
Palestinian people should not be subjected to a lack of food,
water and medical supplies.
I have received hundreds of emails from the constituents of
Birmingham Hall Green and Moseley, who are extremely worried
about the restrictions on food and humanitarian aid due to the
new customs rule on aid trucks enforced by the Israeli
Government. The United Nations reports that in September, more
than 90% of efforts to get trucks into Gaza were either denied or
delayed by the Israeli Government.
Palestinian children are suffering the most from the catastrophic
restrictions imposed on them. Over 2 million people—more than 90%
of the population of Gaza—are living in tents after being forced
from their homes by the Israeli Government's actions. This will
prove to be a deadly winter, with the danger of hypothermia.
Israel's ongoing attack is punishing the Palestinian people by
denying them the human right to adequate housing.
Now is the time for action. We have heard words in this House for
more than 12 months, but it is about time they were translated
into action. Israel must be held accountable for the war crimes
it is committing, and this Government must now stop all arms
sales to Israel. The international community needs to work
together and look for viable ways to get vital aid into Gaza.
Finally, we need to push for a full, permanent ceasefire to stop
this humanitarian disaster, and give international organisations
proper access to Gaza. I thank the hon. Member for Birmingham
Perry Barr () for securing this debate.
3.59pm
(Edinburgh East and
Musselburgh) (Lab)
It does not need saying, because everyone with eyes can see it,
but we cannot say it often enough: too many civilians have died
over the last year in the middle east. It is so important that as
few as possible follow them.
Before being elected, I worked at Save the Children, and I have
worked on migration policy for the past 15 years. I am profoundly
worried by the high levels of displacement we are seeing in the
middle east. One million people have been displaced in Lebanon.
Within Gaza, it is estimated that nine in 10 people have been
displaced at some point. This is awful for those personally
affected, but it is also profoundly politically destabilising to
an already febrile situation, and it adds to the potential for
escalation and therefore miscalculation.
We should be terrified of escalation and miscalculation. That is
the biggest threat to the humanitarian situation, because we have
already seen things escalate appallingly quickly. We must be
clear: “escalate to de-escalate” is a falsehood, it is misguided
and it will strategically misfire for all. Will the Government
strain every sinew to avoid further escalation in the middle
east? The reason is not just political or diplomatic; it is
humanitarian. Too many have died already, and the only way to
stop more joining them is by stopping escalation.
I know that the Minister will be constrained in what he can say
today. I welcome the decisions on UNRWA, arms and the ICC, and
the commitment to the rule of law, but can he reassure us that
the Government's aim in this situation is de-escalation for
humanitarian purposes?
(in the Chair)
We will try to get everyone in. We have three people and I want
to start wind-ups at 4.5 pm, so please keep it short.
4.01pm
(Birmingham Northfield)
(Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Vaz. I thank
the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () for securing this important and
timely debate.
Earlier this week, the House marked the one-year anniversary of
the 7 October atrocities. On that day and the days that followed,
Hamas and other groups intended to ignite a wider war, and the
death and destruction that would follow in its wake. Today, when
over 2 million people have been displaced, over 40,000
Palestinians are dead and the threat of wider war looms all too
closely, we must redouble our efforts in pursuit of an immediate
ceasefire, the return of hostages and real progress—after these
long years—towards a two-state solution that upholds the dignity
of the Palestinian people and the security and territorial
integrity of both nations.
Six months ago, the Israeli Defence Minister said:
“We plan to flood Gaza with aid and we are expecting to reach 500
trucks per day.”
However, since then the World Health Organisation has warned that
lifesaving hospital aid has been cut off, and the UN has warned
that starvation has spread throughout Gaza. There were just 52
aid trucks each day in September —a bare tenth of the pre-October
rates and far short of the total needed to relieve the extreme
distress.
Noting the UK Government's existing assessment that Israel is not
ensuring that lifesaving food and medical supplies are reaching
civilians in Gaza, I ask the Minister to update us today on what
representations and protests the UK Government have made to the
Israeli Government on the entry of food and aid into Gaza.
Secondly, what steps are the Government taking to work with aid
agencies and civil society to offer protection to aid workers,
including British aid workers, who face unacceptable risk?
Finally, will he give us a broader update on the UK Government's
efforts to progress ceasefire talks and bring forward a credible
reconstruction programme in Gaza?
I know that hon. Members welcome the decision to reinstate UNRWA
funding, but that cannot be the end of the process. I also know
that the Minister takes this important matter seriously, and I
hope he will ensure that there is further debate and scrutiny in
this House.
(in the Chair)
Two minutes left.
4.03pm
(East Renfrewshire)
(Lab)
I began this week by speaking to commemorate the hostages who
were taken on 7 October. I see no contradiction in ending it by
recognising the horror of the humanitarian situation within Gaza.
It is important to put it on the record that people in Gaza do
not choose to be ruled by Hamas. A poll published last month
showed that two thirds of people in Gaza support a two-state
solution, not the destruction of Israel, and only 6% support
Hamas.
In the short time I have, I want to ask the Minister to reflect
on three particular things. First, in a deeply uncertain
environment, we know one thing: winter is coming. It is about to
get colder and wetter, and the lower immunity that people have
due to malnutrition—particularly children—means an increased risk
of respiratory diseases, diarrhoea and other common diseases.
Along with others, I ask the Minister what more he can do to
ensure that more shelter and more hygiene kits are allowed
through to reach those who need it.
Secondly, looking beyond the ceasefire that we all want, I want
to talk about the long tail of insecurity within Gaza. Dozens of
bakeries have been destroyed and about two thirds of agricultural
land has been damaged in some way. Fields, greenhouses,
polytunnels and irritation systems have been damaged. The plan
for the day after has to start now. What plans do the Government
have to ensure that horticulture, livestock farming and fishing
are restored and the bakeries and markets rebuilt? Otherwise,
this will be not a short-term emergency but a long-term
problem.
Finally, after the 2014 Gaza war generous pledges were made by
international donors for reconstruction. In some cases, the funds
pledged simply did not come through. In many cases, attempts to
reconstruct were blocked by the Israeli Government. There were
other cases. For example, Fatah accused Hamas of stealing
hundreds of millions of dollars of reconstruction aid. In 2014,
about 150,000 properties were damaged in some way. This war has
far outstripped that. What can the Minister do, working with
international partners, to ensure that the failures after the
last 2014 war in Gaza are not repeated?
4.06pm
(Melksham and Devizes)
(LD)
I speak as someone who knew Gaza in the happy times when, as a
young university researcher, I went with my Israeli friends from
Kibbutz Re'im to meet their Arab friends in Gaza City to drink
coffee and trade. We have heard in the debate about the horror
and the passion. We have also heard of solutions, a recognition
of the state of Palestine and, indeed, the inclusion of the
evacuation of wounded children.
War is a horrible thing, and it makes people behave badly,
especially when they feel—and, indeed, have been—hurt as the
Israelis have been by the events of 7 October last year. There
are things that can be done, which we have heard today, including
the release of the hostages and the end of the war, but there are
also things that must be done in the future to see Palestine's
future assured, such as the closure of the illegal settlements in
the west bank and the rebuilding of Gaza itself. For that to
happen, trust needs to be built, and for that to be built, our
Government need to be talking to not just the leadership but the
opposition in Israel. Jaw-jaw is indeed better than war-war.
4.08pm
(Esher and Walton) (LD)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Vaz. I
congratulate the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr () on securing the debate on this
most critical issue. This is my first contribution in my capacity
as Liberal Democrat spokesperson for international development,
and this is a hugely pressing issue.
Hon. Members have spoken of the many aid agencies working in
incredibly difficult situations and risking their lives. I want
to add my voice to the tributes paid to them. Liberal Democrats
share the calls we have heard today for an immediate recognition
of a Palestinian state and urge the Government to use every lever
they have to de-escalate the conflict. Conflict is escalating in
the middle east. We are on the brink of a regional war, which
would be of devastating consequence to innocent civilians, be
they Palestinian, Lebanese, Israeli or Iranian.
We now face a second humanitarian crisis in the region in
Lebanon, where hundreds of thousands are already displaced in
addition to the many Syrian refugees already living in Lebanon.
We cannot afford for Lebanon to become a failed state. We welcome
the increase in aid to Lebanon of £10 million but, frankly, that
is a drop in the ocean. As recently as 2019-20, the UK ODA
allocation to Lebanon was over £200 million. This year we are
looking at less than £20 million.
Amidst the tensions in the region, we cannot and must not forget
Gaza. The Liberal Democrats continue to call for an immediate
bilateral ceasefire in Gaza to resolve the humanitarian
devastation there, get the hostages out and open the door to a
two-state solution.
There is clearly a dire humanitarian need in the strip. Amidst an
escalation of the conflict in the region, the flow of essential
goods into Gaza has been critically restricted, causing a drop in
aid supplies and a critical shortage of commercial goods. Aid
entering Gaza has plummeted to its lowest level in months. If the
flow of assistance does not resume, more than 1 million
vulnerable people will lose the assistance they rely on in
October. Three quarters of Gaza's population rely on food aid to
survive. People have run out of ways to cope, food systems have
collapsed and the risk of famine persists. The World Health
Organisation is now looking to carry out the second phase of a
polio inoculation campaign after the first case of polio in Gaza
in 25 years was found over the summer.
First, we call on the UK Government to increase humanitarian
support to Gaza. The Liberal Democrats have long urged the
Government to restore the 0.7% of national income target for
international development spending—indeed, when in government, we
enshrined that target in law. Now that the aid budget has been so
depleted, we face humanitarian crises such as these with one hand
tied behind our back. We continue to urge the Government to look
again at returning to 0.7%. There are also specific problems with
getting aid into Gaza. Not enough humanitarian aid is getting
into the strip, and the Rafah crossing is shut. I hope that the
Minister will provide an update on what exchanges he and his
counterparts have had with all relevant agencies, in particular
with the Israeli Government, to ensure that aid is stepped
up.
Secondly, we know that there are particular problems with the
distribution of aid in Gaza, with no deconfliction system in
place. We have heard about how aid entering into one part of the
strip does not get to its intended destination, because human
need is so great along the way. Will the Minister update us on
what work the FCDO is doing to try to make it easier and safer
for aid to be distributed in a manner that protects the safety of
aid workers?
Thirdly, we are now moving into the winter months, and as the
temperatures drop they pose particular challenges to the
humanitarian situation in the strip. It is vital that we act now
and quickly with our allies to do all we can to ensure that we
can support Gazans through these winter months and beyond. Will
the Minister update us on what steps he and his ministerial
colleagues are taking to that end?
Fourthly, the Liberal Democrats welcome the Government's decision
to once again provide UK ODA to UNRWA. Will the Minister update
us on what conversations he has had with counterparts in UNRWA,
including on the implementation of the Colonna report? It is
vital that these recommendations are implemented as soon as
possible, thereby ensuring that all work to support Palestinians
in Gaza is of the highest possible standards and integrity.
Finally, looking across from Gaza into the west bank, will the
Minister update us on the level of UK ODA being provided to
support the Palestinian Authority? Supporting the Palestinian
Authority and improving wider conditions for Palestinians is
absolutely vital at this difficult moment.
4.13pm
Dame (West Worcestershire)
(Con)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Vaz. This
afternoon has been an opportunity to hear voices from across the
United Kingdom. I congratulate the hon. Member for Birmingham
Perry Barr () on securing the debate. We have
heard voices not only from Birmingham, but from London and across
the English home counties. We have heard strong Scottish voices,
and we have heard from Durham and York. In the interests of time,
I will not list every constituency from which we heard
passionately and expressively that the Palestinians face a
devastating humanitarian crisis, but the UK should continue to
play a leading role in alleviating that suffering.
This week of all weeks, however, we must remind ourselves that on
7 October Israel suffered an appalling attack—a modern-day
pogrom. It was the worst loss of Jewish life since the second
world war, a horrific display of antisemitism and a brutal
reminder of the existential threats that Israel must contend
with. We must always state that Israel has the right to defend
itself in accordance with international humanitarian law.
As we have heard, so many innocent civilians are suffering not
only in Israel, but in Gaza and now Lebanon. This conflict must
come to a sustainable end as quickly as possible, starting with
the immediate and unconditional release of the remaining hostages
captive in Gaza, including the British citizen Emily Damari. Can
I ask the Minister—a former hostage negotiator himself—for an
update on the Government's efforts to secure her release and the
release of the other hostages who are in such awful jeopardy?
The previous UK Government trebled our aid commitment in the last
financial year and facilitated aid flows into Gaza by land, sea
and air. In the interests of time, I will not list them all; I
will focus on the 11 airdrops delivered directly to Gaza through
a temporary marine corridor that was supported by the Royal Fleet
Auxiliary and the funding of field hospitals to treat thousands
of patients. Can the Minister confirm that these efforts continue
under the new Government?
During the previous Government, Israel committed to increasing
the amount of aid getting into Gaza, including by allowing the
delivery of humanitarian aid through Ashdod and Erez, extending
the opening hours of Kerem Shalom, increasing the total number of
aid trucks to at least 500 a day, and allowing more types of aid,
including fuel for bakeries and hospitals. We welcome the recent
pause for polio vaccinations and wish to put on record our
gratitude to the World Health Organisation, the British Red
Cross, the World Food Programme and UNICEF staff, who are doing
vital humanitarian work and should be commended.
As we have heard today, aid workers are not a target. Protecting
humanitarian actors must be a priority, and guaranteed
deconfliction for aid convoys and other humanitarian work is
essential. We should also take this opportunity to pay tribute to
all of the brave aid workers in Gaza and our fellow citizens
James Kirby, John Chapman and James Henderson who were killed
delivering aid in Gaza earlier this year.
Can we have an update from the Minister on the work that the
Government are doing to advance on these key areas? What steps
have they taken to help to increase the amount of aid getting
over the border into Gaza? What additional aid, supplies and
humanitarian support has the UK sent? What action have the
Government taken to make the case for the protection of the
humanitarian personnel on the ground distributing that aid?
In the interests of time, I will skip over the situation with
UNRWA, but I want to hear an update from the Minister on the
implementation of the Colonna recommendations and the UK
Government's scrutiny of it. As we heard earlier this week from
the Leader of the Opposition, the situation in the middle east is
grave. There is no equivalence between Iran's terrorist proxies
and Israel. Israel has a right to defend itself, and we support
it in those goals, but too many innocent civilian lives have been
lost and irreparably changed by this conflict. The UK should
continue to carefully support them through our humanitarian aid
commitments, and I look forward to the Minister reporting to us
on the progress made.
4.18pm
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign,
Commonwealth and Development Affairs ()
I am grateful to the hon. Member for Birmingham Perry Barr
() for securing this important
debate, and I thank you, Ms Vaz, for your expert management of
today's proceedings. This is my first debate in this place, so I
am sure that I will be considerably less expert, and I beg your
indulgence at the outset. I will try to be brief so that I can
give the hon. Member an opportunity to respond.
As many have said, this week marked one year since Hamas's brutal
attack against Israel. It was the worst attack in its history and
without doubt the darkest day in Jewish history since the
Holocaust. As many have said in this Chamber, my thoughts are
with Jewish people around the world and the Jewish community here
in the United Kingdom. More than 1,000 people were massacred,
hundreds were taken hostage and many are still cruelly detained
today, including Emily Damari. I reiterate our commitment to
bringing those hostages home; we will not give up until they are,
and work is ongoing on that.
However, as has been the subject of most of the interventions, we
also look back on a year of devastating conflict and suffering. I
will say a little about the Government's assessment of the
situation in Gaza, then, in the time available, I will focus
particularly on the humanitarian situation. I recognise that it
is my fault that there are some late parliamentary questions on
these issues, particularly relating to the detail on F-35s, and I
will be pleased to respond in writing.
A year on, close to 42,000 people have now been killed in Gaza,
with over half of all bodies identified being women and children.
We believe that more than 90% of the population has been
displaced, many of them repeatedly. There is now simply no safe
place to go. The humanitarian zone covers less than 15% of the
Gaza strip, and as has been mentioned, not even that is always
safe. It is chronically overcrowded and the lack of clean water
and sanitation means that the risk of disease is rife.
Reference has also been made to the severe lack of food which,
according to the IPC, means that the whole population is at risk
of starvation, and we expect a further update on that in due
course. Sixty-six per cent of buildings, including hospitals—as
many have mentioned—are damaged or destroyed. Parents cannot feed
their children. Children cannot go to school. Families cannot
support each other. I have been asked many questions by
contributors about humanitarian access, and I want to be clear on
the Government's position: it remains wholly inadequate. There
have been repeated attacks on convoys, evacuation orders have
undermined operations and the level is far below Israel's
commitment to flood Gaza with aid.
I raised earlier the question of the Israeli military action to
which the Minister has just referred. In the past hour or so, the
UN has stated on its website:
“Israel Defense Forces (IDF) fired on UN peacekeepers in Lebanon
early Thursday morning.”
Two peacekeepers were injured, which is yet further evidence that
Israel behaves with complete contempt and disregard for
international law and norms. Will he join me in condemning such
action?
They have only just come in, but we are very concerned about
reports of attacks on staff of the United Nations Interim Force
in Lebanon. The work of UN peacekeepers is incredibly important
and a vital contribution to global peace and security. We will be
able to say more as reports become clearer.
The situation in Gaza is a catastrophe on all counts. A few
contributors have mentioned winterisation. We are deeply
concerned that winter is coming in and the shortage of aid into
Gaza means that most of the civilian population is unprepared for
the drop in temperature. I will be visiting the region next week
in part to look into some of those matters further. We intend to
work together with our allies. Since entering office in July, we
have made a series of key decisions. Along with our allies, we
have been pushing for an immediate ceasefire since day 1, and I
was confused by the reference to our position on 18 September. We
have been calling for an immediate ceasefire since 4 July, and we
will continue to call for an immediate ceasefire. The fact that
is has not yet been abided by does not in any way undermine the
urgency of what we are doing.
I was referring to the UN General Assembly resolution where we
did not vote with 124 countries.
I think that is an issue in relation to the advisory opinion of
the ICJ rather than the ceasefire; that is how I understood my
hon. Friend's remarks. I will stick to the ceasefire now, and I
can come to the advisory opinion later. We are clear that we need
a ceasefire; we need a ceasefire in Gaza and we need a ceasefire
in Lebanon. It is clearly a statement of fact that neither of
those things is happening, and we continue to work behind the
scenes with our partners to try to achieve that. That point has
been made by both the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, as
well as the whole ministerial team in the Foreign Office.
We are repeatedly urging our Israeli counterparts— I think it is
on this issue that I have received the most questions over the
afternoon. We are asking them to take three key steps. The first
is to take all necessary precautions to avoid civilian
casualties, and we have heard many lurid examples of where that
has not been the case. The second is to ensure that aid can flow
freely into Gaza through all land routes, and many contributors
have described how that is not currently the case. The third is
to allow the UN and its humanitarian partners to operate safely
and effectively. I recognise some of the concerns raised this
afternoon about the functioning of UNRWA, so I will say a little
bit about that.
I congratulate the Minister on making his maiden address. Can he
reflect on the verb that he used? He said that we have been
“asking” Israel to do those three things. He then went on to
elaborate that none of those three had actually been fulfilled.
Is it not time to stop “asking” and to do something a little
stronger?
My colleague will understand that there is a difference between
what we can say in public and what we can say in private.
However, I reassure him that those points are being made to
partners with force, with emphasis and with consistency. As he
will have seen through a number of forums over the last few
weeks, the UK has made its position absolutely clear. It is, of
course, a frustration to me that at this stage, and since we came
into power in July, we are still having some of those
discussions, so I recognise the frustration in his voice.
On my first day as a Minister, we lifted the funding pause on
UNRWA. We provided £21 million to support its humanitarian appeal
in Gaza. No other agency can deliver aid to Gaza on the scale
that is needed. We must support UNRWA to do its job effectively.
Of course, in delivering, we expect it to meet the highest
standards of neutrality, as laid out in Catherine Colonna's
independent review, and the Minister for Development has met her
to discuss such matters. Of our funding to UNRWA this year, £1
million has gone to support the implementation of its agreed
action plan. However, I take note of the reference to some of the
discussions in the Israeli Knesset. I want to emphasise the
importance that the UK places on UNRWA, on its continued function
and its unique role in the area, as well as our full support for
the UN Secretary-General.
I am sorry to interrupt the Minister's flow, but before he sits
down, can he give me some assurance that he will take back to his
colleagues the issue about the evacuation of children? I raised
it again on Monday with the Prime Minister and still got no
response.
I was coming to that issue, but I will take it now.
I am very familiar with these issues; in fact, as an official in
2014, I was working with the mass atrocity prevention hub, where
I know my colleagues have also served, to try to identify
children at that time and in that stage of the war. It is
incredibly depressing to be in this Chamber 10 years on talking
about injured children in Gaza again. At that time, I was tasked
with trying to find children who could benefit from UK medical
assistance, and I was honestly not able to find children who
would not be better served in the region. Having discussed the
matter with officials—I understand the Minister for Development
has looked at this as well—we primarily share the view expressed
in WHO guidance that children should be treated in the region as
much as possible. That will mean in most cases that being treated
in Egypt or somewhere nearby is going to be more appropriate than
being treated in the UK. However, I will go back to the
Department and secure a fuller answer.
I want to return briefly to the mandate of the UN. We are clear
that Israel must respect the mandate of the UN and must enable
humanitarian workers to travel easily into and throughout
Gaza.
It is absolutely clear that aid and aid workers are being
hindered and blocked by Israel. At the same time, the UK
considers Israel to be one of its closest allies. How does that
make sense in terms of how the UK represents itself at the UN and
on the world platform? The Minister seems to be suggesting that
efforts are being made to secure a ceasefire to provide aid, when
it is obvious that there is a block and that the UK is
facilitating that, as opposed to opposing it.
I do not accept that we are facilitating rather than opposing. I
could not be clearer in everything I have said this afternoon
about the position of the British Government. I have been clear
with my colleagues about our frustration that we have not been
able to make more progress on the things that we have been
calling for. I want to reassure colleagues across the House that
the whole ministerial team is working hard day and night on these
issues. We recognise the acute nature of the situation before us,
and we treat it with the full gravity that it deserves.
Mr Hussain
Will the Minister give way?
I will try to make a tiny bit more progress, and then I will hand
back.
(in the Chair)
You have a minute left, Minister.
Then I will probably get to the end, in order to allow people to
respond.
From the Prime Minister down, we will continue to call on all
parties to act in accordance with international humanitarian law.
Earlier in July, when he was visiting the region, the Foreign
Secretary announced £5.5 million in new medical aid to field
hospitals in Gaza; I think that was the subject of a question
that was asked today. We are working to try to bolster medical
capacity for patients. We think that is best done in the region,
and we are frustrated by the impediments that still exist,
particularly around children being able to access medical care
and other aid.
(in the Chair)
Order. I want to put the Question.
Question put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That this House has considered humanitarian aid and Gaza.
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