Mrs Sharon Hodgson (Washington and Sunderland West) (Lab) I beg to
move, That this House has considered the prevention of sexual
violence in conflict. It is a pleasure to serve under your
chairmanship, Sir Charles. I thank Labour Friends
of Israel the all-party parliamentary group on UK-Israel
and others for the briefings they have provided for this debate. I
also thank Baroness Helic, who is a leading campaigner on this
issue. The focus of this...Request free
trial
Mrs (Washington and Sunderland
West) (Lab)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered the prevention of sexual violence
in conflict.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Charles. I
thank Labour Friends of Israel the all-party
parliamentary group on UK-Israel and others for the briefings
they have provided for this debate. I also thank , who is a leading campaigner
on this issue.
The focus of this debate is to ensure that we keep shining a
light on the horror of the use of sexual violence in conflict. As
we know, throughout history sexual violence was considered just
part of the spoils of war. Rape, enslavement and murder,
particularly of women and girls, formed an accepted part of the
narrative of conflicts over centuries. Finally, a breakthrough
came just 30 years ago. The deliberate use of mass sexual
violence in armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo provoked a loud and very
angry response from global women's organisations and human rights
activists, which could not be ignored.
Under that pressure, the United Nations Security Council created
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in
1993. Significantly, that had an unprecedented commitment to
prosecute rape as a crime against humanity, along with other war
crimes. A Rwandan tribunal followed with the same objective. In
2000—really not that long ago—the UN Security Council recognised
women's perspectives, rights and roles in relation to peace and
security for the very first time. I am pleased to say that that
initiative was championed by the UK Labour Government.
Important steps in recent years include the Government's creation
of the UK women, peace and security national action plan and the
establishment of the preventing sexual violence in conflict
initiative, which has been allocated funding. However, in an
increasingly volatile world, women and girls continue to bear the
brunt of the violence, and those legal frameworks and tribunals
have been insufficient to ensure gender justice.
The use of sexual violence in conflict and the denial and
dismissal that so often occurs afterwards remain a constant
scourge in conflicts around the world. Shockingly, just last
month, the UN special representative on sexual violence in
conflict, Pramila Patten, reported that wartime sexual violence
increased by 50% in 2023, compared with the previous year.
Perhaps the most well-known example of our failure to tackle
sexual violence in conflict in the past year is the atrocities
committed by Hamas against Israeli women and girls on 7 October.
Most of the victims of that violence were subsequently murdered,
so we may never have a full account of what actually took
place.
Mr (East Londonderry)
(DUP)
I congratulate the hon. Lady on securing the debate. On issues
not being fully reported, does she agree that one of the
advantages that we have in the west is that where there is a free
press, these issues are highlighted, as they are being today? In
some of the more repressive regimes, we hear very little, if
anything, about the types of sexual violence that she is rightly
alluding to.
Mrs Hodgson
That is a very important point, and I did not include it in my
opening remarks, so I thank the hon. Gentleman for that.
What happened on 7 October was a well-documented case of mass
sexual violence, in part because the terrorist perpetrators
proudly filmed and advertised their crimes. A first responder at
kibbutz Be'eri reported finding “piles and piles” of dead women
“completely naked” from the waist down, and there have been
horrifying reports of sexual mutilation. A survivor of the
Supernova music festival massacre, Yoni Saadon, recalled:
“I saw this beautiful woman with the face of an angel and eight
or ten of the fighters beating and raping her…When they finished
they were laughing and the last one shot her in the head.”
Tragically, Hamas's use of rape as a weapon of war may not be
over yet. Reports indicate that female and male hostages have
been sexually assaulted and abused during their incarceration.
The fact that sexual violence was committed at multiple locations
suggests that it was part of a systematic effort. As the Israeli
women's rights campaigner Professor Ruth Halperin-Kaddari told
the BBC, such a concentration of cases in a relatively short span
of time left her in “no doubt” that there was a
“premeditated plan to use sexual violence as a weapon of
war”.
Dame (Barking) (Lab)
Does my hon. Friend share my anguish at the fact that the United
Nations chose not to recognise that sexual violence took place
during the attack on 7 October? Does she further share my horror
at the testimony I heard from a woman who was responsible for
looking at the bodies when they came into the mortuary? That
woman talked about the greyness that confronted her, adding that
every now and then there was a bit of shining colour, which was
the nail varnish left on the bodies of people who had been
sexually abused and then killed.
Mrs Hodgson
I agree with my right hon. Friend on that point, and I heard that
testimony too. On that very day, I had bright red nails, unlike
the paler-coloured nails that I have today, and the testimony
struck me in a profound way.
For months after the 7 October attacks, there was a deafening
silence from many organisations and international agencies that
are supposedly dedicated to addressing these kinds of crimes. The
best that the UN special rapporteur on violence against women and
girls could respond with initially was a very evasive expression
of “concern” about
“reports of sexual violence that may have occurred since 7
October, committed by State and non-State actors against Israelis
and Palestinians.”
Another organisation, UN Women, which is supposedly
“dedicated to gender equality and the empowerment of women,”
issued multiple statements following 7 October, none of which
addressed Hamas's sex crimes.
It is deeply concerning that that has been mirrored in the
response of some progressive groups, some of which have refused
to believe the testimony of eyewitnesses and sought to
characterise evidence as “unverified accusations”, even though
the evidence of organised and systematic planned attacks in
different locations at the same time is clear. The choice made by
many to downplay the testimonies of survivors and ignore the
evidence about those who were murdered, which we have seen in
conflicts around the world, shows just how far we still have to
go to change attitudes, even among groups that purport to believe
all women.
It is important to note that, although it is particularly stark
in relation to the sexual assaults committed on 7 October—I cite
that atrocity as it is the most recent example—the denial and
dismissal of sexual assault in that conflict is not unique. Many
conflicts receive less international attention and reports of
sexual violence are often met with an international wall of
silence or ineffective expressions of concern. In that regard, it
is important to draw attention to the serious allegations of
sexual violence reported by interlocutors in Ramallah who raised
concerns about the treatment of Palestinians in detention, and in
particular the use of sexual harassment and threats of rape
during house raids and at checkpoints.
In both 2021 and 2022, the Democratic Republic of the Congo had
the world's highest number of verified cases of sexual violence
against children committed by armed forces and armed groups, yet
how many of us here today knew that? Well, perhaps more of us
knew than is the case in other parts of society. So far, we have
clearly failed to achieve the far-reaching change that the world
needs. I believe that an important component of that is that
sexual violence is seen as an unintended consequence of conflict,
instead of a heinous act, in parallel with other war crimes.
Where do we go from here to address the issue? We must centre
women's voices in peace negotiations to help ensure that the
victims of sexual violence in conflict receive recognition of the
crimes against them, to ensure that crimes of sexual violence are
recognised in parallel with other war crimes, and to provide
alternative perspectives on the impact that conflict has. We must
also hold to account Government initiatives such as the UK women,
peace and security national action plan for 2023 to 2027, to
ensure that its commitment to put women at the centre of conflict
resolution peacebuilding programmes over the next five years is
realised.
(Somerton and Frome) (LD)
I thank the hon. Member for bringing forward this important
debate and allowing me to intervene. There are 614 million women
and girls living in conflict regions. Women often face
disproportionate violence in those conflict zones. Sexual
violence is often used against women in conflict, as the hon.
Member has so powerfully set out. Does she agree that it is the
UK's moral obligation to provide humanitarian support and funding
to help rebuild infrastructure in those conflict zones, and to
increase our international aid to 0.7% of GNI?
Mrs Hodgson
I thank the hon. Lady for her intervention, and I agree with what
she said. The UK needs to play a leading role in that regard.
The international community should work to create an
international commission with the sole mandate of focusing on
sexual violence in conflict. To the hon. Lady's point, we would
be leading the way on the matter. That idea has been pioneered by
, informed by her role
helping to create the preventing sexual violence in conflict
initiative, and inspired by the International Commission on
Missing Persons. That was formed following an agreement during
the G8 and has now transformed into a treaty-based body that
works in more than 40 countries.
There are gaps in international architecture, which means that
sexual violence is slipping through the net. Instruments used to
achieve justice internationally are able to focus only on
perpetrators at the highest levels, and national courts often
experience limited resources or a lack of willingness. The
proposed commission would perform a similar function to the
International Commission on Missing Persons, which has the dual
aims of ensuring the co-operation of Governments and others in
addressing issues of missing persons, and providing technical
assistance to Governments in locating, recovering and identifying
missing persons.
The proposed commission would have a two-pronged approach. First,
it would work with Governments and other international bodies to
co-ordinate the deployment of experts in countries where sexual
violence in conflict has occurred, to help collect vital evidence
and record testimonies in a sensitive way, and build up local
expertise. On 7 October, the primary focus of emergency services
was responding to the heinous act of terror, which meant that
forensic evidence of sexual violence diminished over time. Should
a body such as the one that is proposed have existed, it could
have played a key role in collecting that vital evidence in a
timely but culturally sensitive manner, which would ultimately
have helped refute all the denials.
Secondly, the commission would act as a centre for excellence,
helping to drive forward forensic technology that could help in
confirming the use of sexual violence and provide a space to
share best practice, train and educate investigators, and discuss
preventive strategies. I believe that such a body would provide
the much-needed tools and joined-up co-operation required to hold
perpetrators to account and bring victims justice. I believe that
we must take these steps to prevent backsliding on the progress
that has been made so far, to ensure meaningful justice for
victims, to deter future crimes and to press for further
international change that will make a difference.
We must take steps to address sexual violence in conflict,
because those who have been victims of it, and those who will
sadly, no matter what we do, become victims in future, cannot
afford for us not to.
Sir (in the Chair)
I remind Members that they should bob if they wish to be called
to speak. I call .
2.44pm
(Strangford) (DUP)
It is a pleasure to be called so early in the debate, Sir
Charles—I am used to jumping up, then sitting back down again. It
is great to be here and I look forward to all the contributions.
I thank the hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West (Mrs
Hodgson) for securing this debate. I will give examples and
perspectives from across the world.
The violence that happens to ladies and young girls across the
world is horrendous. It upsets me and makes me physically and
emotionally annoyed. I shudder whenever I think of the things
that happen. As Members of this House, we have a platform to
raise awareness of significant human rights concerns. We are here
to advocate for those who are subjected to some of the most
extreme cases of violence that threaten their safety, freedom and
dignity. For me, each of those three points is incredibly
important.
This debate has been called at a time when the world is
witnessing the highest number of violent conflicts since the
second world war. I am a person of faith. The Bible talks about
how there will be wars and rumours of wars. I never in my
lifetime can remember as many wars and as many rumours of wars as
there are now. That tells me that the Bible is an indication that
the last times are coming. Perhaps that is something we should
take note of.
That fact makes me shudder. Knowing that that entails a rise in
conflict-based sexual violence affects me physically and
emotionally. The UN verified that there were 3,688 cases of
conflict-based sexual violence last year alone, a 50% increase
from the previous year. Women and girls account for 95% of those
cases and children account for 32%. How could anyone in this
world carry out anything sexual against a child?
Sexual violence occurs in conflicts across the world, with the
highest numbers recorded in Ethiopia and, as the hon. Member for
Washington and Sunderland West said, in the Democratic Republic
of the Congo. I read some time ago that in Ukraine there were
attacks on women and girls as young as eight years old and as old
as 80. Can anyone envisage what that means? Those people must
think they are Russian monsters, because that is what they are.
They think it is okay to abuse girls and women whenever they
want. That is the world we live in and why this debate is so
important.
I look forward to hearing the contributions from the shadow
Ministers, the hon. Member for Aberdeen North () for the SNP, and my good
friend, the shadow Minister speaking for the Labour party, the
hon. Member for West Ham (Ms Brown). I often say that when she is
in Westminster Hall, so am I. I thank her for her contributions
in these debates, where she speaks with passion and belief. We
will not be disappointed in the Minister's response, so I look
forward to his contribution as well.
I want to relate a story that is pertinent to this debate. I
visited Israel the week after
Easter. The hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West
referred to the Nova music festival, which unnerved me a wee bit.
I walked through the Nova music festival site where people were
murdered, which really disturbed me. I met some of the families,
including a mother, Amanda Damari. She told the story of her
daughter, Emily, who was kidnapped by Hamas terrorists and has
not been heard of for the last three months.
The hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West outlined the
case of what is happening. I will not dwell too much on the mum
because we can understand what she was thinking, and perhaps what
we were all thinking. Since that day, as I vowed I would do, I
have made sure that Amanda, the mother, and Emily, the daughter,
are very much on my prayer list. I am sure that they are on the
prayer lists of many others as well. I am a great believer in
prayer.
It would be remiss not to mention the men and boys subject to
conflict-based violence. It has happened in Ukraine and in other
parts of the world, but many countries do not include this
demographic in the scope of their sexual violence legislation.
Sexual violence against men and boys occurs most often within the
context of detention and interrogation. Those are the examples I
am aware of, although I am sure that there are many other
circumstances in which it happens.
As a person of faith and chair of the all-party parliamentary
group for international freedom of religion or belief, I feel
obliged to draw attention to the vulnerability of religious
minorities, which experience sexual violence in ongoing
conflicts. It is terrible. Each time I comment on conflicts in
countries across the world, I find that those of Christian faith
or minority faith are in a position where they are victims of
abuse—first, they are victims of human rights abuses, then they
are abused because of their faith. The APPG speaks up for those
with Christian faith, other faith or no faith. It is really
important that we do so, and as chair of the APPG, I speak up
regularly for all groups.
Militant groups and terrorist organisations often target members
of opposing ethnic, religious or political groups. Those
belonging to religious minority communities are often stripped of
the freedom to exercise their faith in conflict-affected areas.
People who are Christian or who are members of an ethnic minority
automatically receive sexual abuse as well, because it makes them
vulnerable and they are specifically targeted. That is something
we must speak out about. Their religion provides them with
identity and purpose, but during conflict it makes them
particularly vulnerable to sexual violence.
A couple of years ago I had the opportunity to travel to Nigeria
and meet the mother of Leah Sharibu, one of the wee schoolgirls
who was kidnapped. She has never been released. About a month ago
we heard rumours that she was going to be released, and we were
hopeful, but unfortunately that fell through. Leah refused to
renounce her faith as a Christian and convert to Islam. She was
kidnapped by Boko Haram and forced to marry one of their
fighters. The latest story is that Leah has three children and
has been subjected to abuse over a number of years.
We met Leah's mother, and her pain was palpable and deeply
saddening. I witnessed how the pain of those subjected to sexual
violence ripples through their families and communities. The case
of all the young schoolgirls who were kidnapped—some of them are
still held, including Leah Sharibu—underlines that. This
experience has greatly affected me and motivates me to speak in
today's debate. Leah's reality is an unfortunate reality for many
girls, not only in Nigeria but worldwide, so it is important that
we give voice to this debate, and we are all here to do that. I
thank Members in advance for their contributions.
The UK is recognised as a global leader in promoting human
rights, and we must utilise this role to advocate for those
affected by conflict-based sexual violence. Where praise is due,
I always give it—the same goes for criticising, which we do all
too often—so I want to praise our Minister and Government for
exhibiting excellent leadership in tackling conflict-related
sexual violence by establishing the preventing sexual violence in
conflict initiative. When I was in Israel
one of the Israeli lady MPs said that she wished to establish
something similar in Israel I put her in
touch with some MPs—unfortunately they are not here today for
various reasons—so she could come here and engage with them and
try to press those things that are happening in Israel
The PSVI's goal to rally global action to end conflict-based
sexual violence has led to the empowerment of other Governments
to lead efforts in different areas on this issue—for instance,
the example I gave of Israel and what we are
doing here. Others have echoed the statement that the aid
allocated is not nearly the amount needed to match the magnitude
of the issue. Perhaps in summing up, the Minister could give us
some indication of what has been done.
I thank the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office for all
it has done thus far. However, it is evident that more needs to
be done to support those globally who are victimised on a daily
basis. For all those young ladies and those girls and boys—maybe
not in the same numbers—who have been sexually abused, we have a
right to be their voice in this Westminster Hall debate. I thank
the hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West for bringing
the debate forward. It is incumbent on me to be here to support
her because the subject matter, while difficult to talk about, is
one that we cannot ignore.
2.55pm
(Pontypridd) (Lab)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Sir Charles, and
to speak in this incredibly important debate. I thank my good and
hon. Friend the Member for Washington and Sunderland West (Mrs
Hodgson) for securing today's debate. Sexual violence is the most
forgotten, and one of the most reprehensible, weapons of war. It
is, as the United Nations has rightly stated, rarely simply the
action of rogue soldiers but a deliberate planned tactic designed
to terrorise, assert power and inflict lasting trauma and
psychological scars. It has a particularly sickening attraction
for its perpetrators. As Amnesty International put it,
“rape is cheaper than bullets”.
While the conflict in Bosnia saw the first ever convictions for
mass rape as a war crime, that hardly seems to have served as a
deterrent. In recent years, women and girls in Ukraine, northern
Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have been
subjected to horrific sexual war crimes, but we have no hope of
combating this evil if we cannot even acknowledge its existence,
if we cannot agree that it must never be ignored, doubted or
dismissed, and if we cannot recognise that rape is rape whatever
the victim's race, religion or nationality. That is why I want to
briefly comment on the abhorrent acts of sexual violence
committed by Hamas in its attack on southern Israel on 7 October. As
we have heard, those were acts of exceptional brutality. As Meni
Binyamin, head of the international crime investigations unit of
the Israeli police, has suggested, they were
“the most extreme sexual abuses we have seen”
—truly horrifying acts of rape, sexual mutilation and
torture.
An extensive investigation was carried out by The New York Times
in December, which utilised video footage, photographs, GPS data
from mobile phones and interviews with over 150 people, including
witnesses, medical personnel, soldiers and rape councillors. They
all identified at least seven locations where Israeli women and
girls were sexually assaulted and mutilated. They included the
site of the Nova music festival, kibbutz Be'eri and kibbutz Kfar
Aza. The attacks against women were not isolated events, The New
York Times concluded, but part of a broader pattern of
gender-based violence. That confirms the analysis made by
Professor Ruth Halperin-Kaddari, an expert on family law and
international women's rights who works with Israeli women's
groups, that those were atrocities that the world, including
those supposedly committed to human rights and the safety of
women and girls, had decided to downplay and ignore. It took over
seven weeks for the UN Secretary-General to call for an
investigation into Hamas's campaign of rape. It took UN Women,
which says it is dedicated to gender equality and the empowerment
of women, 50 days to even acknowledge that these crimes had
occurred. Where was the sisterhood? Where were the feminists? “Me
too, unless you're a Jew.” Let the call come from this House
today directly to those women: we are here to tell you that we
see you, hear you and believe you.
I had the privilege of being present at the sitting of the UN
Security Council where special representative Pramila Patten
presented her report on the sexual violence that took place on 7
October. Describing her experience as unlike anything she had
witnessed elsewhere in the world, Patten said:
“The world outside cannot understand the magnitude of the
event”.
Her report outlined the desperate need and moral imperative for a
humanitarian ceasefire to end the unspeakable suffering of
Palestinian civilians in Gaza and the immediate and unconditional
release of all the hostages.
If the conflict and violence overseas were not bad enough, we
know that this has had a knock-on effect on the levels of
violence against women and girls here in the UK, where Jewish
Women's Aid stands virtually alone among charities dedicated to
combating violence against women in speaking out about those
brutal events. I know from my discussions with the charity as the
shadow Minister for domestic abuse and safeguarding that the
accusations levelled at Israeli women—that they were lying about
the brutal rapes and sexual violence that took place on 7
October—served to undermine confidence in the services that
Jewish Women's Aid offers.
As Deborah Lipstadt, the US special envoy to monitor and combat
antisemitism, and Michelle Taylor, the US permanent
representative to the UN Human Rights Council, have argued, this
reaction is in stark contrast to the global gender-based violence
movements' typical emphasis on the importance of listening to,
and believing, survivors' accounts.
Sexual violence is seen as a weapon of war all over the globe.
According to the national prosecutor's office, over 200 accounts
have been recorded of sexual abuse committed by Russians during
its war on Ukraine, which have begun proceeding through Ukrainian
courts. Since the start of the brutal armed conflict between the
Sudan armed forces and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in
mid-April 2023, conflict-related rape and sexual violence against
women and girls in Sudan has increased significantly. As conflict
escalates in Gaza and the middle east, UN experts describe
credible allegations that Palestinian women and girls have been
subject to sexual assault, including rape, and are calling for a
full investigation. At least two Palestinian detainees have been
raped, with others being subject to multiple forms of sexual
assault and humiliation.
These brutal events are not confined to overseas and have led to
a rise in incidents of Islamophobia and abuse here in the UK.
Just yesterday I was told by police and Tell MAMA that since 7
October and the escalating conflict in the middle east, there has
been a dramatic increase in incidents of domestic abuse in Muslim
households reported to them right here in the UK. This once again
demonstrates that British Muslim women have borne the majority of
the brunt of anti-Muslim hate during this time.
The devastating truth is that sexual violence is commonplace in
war, but this does not have to be the case. Let us be clear that
rape and sexual violence must never be used as a weapon of war,
and those seeking to capitalise on foreign events to spread
hatred at home will not be allowed to get away with it.
Preventative work is key to tackling this and I am pleased that
work is already being done through initiatives that we have
already heard of, such as the PSVI. Cross-departmental work like
that is essential to tackling the issues. While we can do little
to alleviate the suffering of victims, survivors and their
families, we can stand here today and speak up on their behalf,
acknowledging these devastating crimes, no matter where they are
positioned on the globe. Victims and survivors deserve to be
listened to, validated and believed.
3.02pm
(Walthamstow) (Lab/Co-op)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Charles,
and a true honour to be part of this debate, which I have a
feeling is going to be this place at its best. It is at its best
when it speaks for those who cannot yet be heard, and when it
confronts difficult truths in our society and makes a plan to
act. I suspect that the Minister shares our concern on this
matter and so we are pushing at an open door, because, sadly,
this is something we have seen for many years.
Let me start by joining my hon. Friend the Member for Washington
and Sunderland West (Mrs Hodgson) in honouring and her work on this matter,
as well as thanking my hon. Friend for securing this debate. She
made such a powerful opening speech, and I agree with everything
that my colleagues have said. I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the
Member for Pontypridd (), who has just blown us
all apart with her powerful call to action.
International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in
Conflict is 19 June, so the Minister has a mere couple of weeks
to agree and put in place what we shall decide today should
happen in this House. But that should be a very easy task,
because the asks are very simple. We must act, because we know
that this is getting worse. I am not going to join the hon.
Member for Strangford () in suggesting that we are in the end of days just
yet, although I respect that as part of his faith, but I
recognise that we live in a very uncertain world. Six out of
seven worldwide are plagued by a feeling of insecurity. We are
facing the highest number of violent conflicts since the second
world war, and 2 billion people —a quarter of all humanity—are
therefore in places affected by those conflicts.
The challenge that we face here today is that, too often, sexual
violence is seen as an inevitable consequence of such conflict—as
day follows night, so women will be violated. That is not the
case. Women are not mere collateral damage to conflict. The first
thing that we must do in this House is to challenge that
notion—that complacency—that it is part of the process so our
challenge is to find a way just to stop it. No; we need to
prevent it, and we prevent it by, first of all, recognising that
it does not need to happen. It is chilling to me that many
non-governmental organisations talk about how, for those who
fight wars, sexual assault is seen as more destructive than using
fire to damage a community, because the resulting damage lasts
for generations.
We should recognise that, across the world, there are 15
conflict-related settings where there are active concerns that
sexual-based violence is taking place—Afghanistan, the Central
African Republic, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Iraq, Israel and the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, Libya, Mali, Myanmar, Somalia, South
Sudan, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine and Yemen. There are also three
post-conflict settings where we are, again, concerned that this
is a very live issue—the western Balkans, Nepal and Sri Lanka.
And there are three situations of concern where the UN thinks
that further sexual violence may be taking place—Ethiopia, Haiti
and Nigeria.
It is little wonder that more than 3,500 verified cases of sexual
violence were reported last year alone—a 50% increase in this
reporting cycle. The highest numbers are being reported in
Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but I suggest
that that is because those conflicts have been going on the
longest, and therefore the capacity to record is the greatest. We
should recognise the evidence, speak out for the victims across
the world, and stand with them in the way that, as my hon. Friend
the hon. Member for Pontypridd has rightly said, we stand with
those women in Israel and Gaza.
In Sri Lanka, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights recognised that, during the conflict with the
Tamil Tigers, there has been a horrific level of violation and
abuse, including indiscriminate shelling, extrajudicial killings
and the use of torture and sexual violence. While it is difficult
to get accurate numbers, we know that at least half a million
women were raped during the Rwandan genocide, and 50,000 in the
war in Bosnia.
We know that rape and sexual violence are the hallmarks of the
military genocide for the Rohingya women. The Women's League of
Burma documented more than 100 cases of conflict-related sexual
or gender-based violence during the coup. As the hon. Member for
Strangford mentioned, we also know that there is a growing but
emerging evidence base from Ukraine that, in the Donetsk and
Luhansk regions, since the start of 2014, Ukrainians—especially
but not exclusively women and girls—are victims of rape, gang
rape and forced nudity perpetrated by Russian military
troops.
My hon. Friend the Member for Pontypridd is right; so often in
these cases there is denial and dismissal, and we are seeing that
in Israel right now—and
actually we are seeing it in Gaza too, because there have been
very credible reports. In this country, those of us who want to
tackle violence against women start from a position where we
believe, because we know how hard it is to come forward and
report in the first place. So we believe until the evidence
proves otherwise, but the evidence basis that we have got is very
clear. I want to mention this because I know that there will be
people watching this, and I have seen myself the querying, the
questioning and the double-bluffing about whether or not sexual
violence is taking place. The evidence basis of the special
representative of the Secretary-General on sexual violence in
conflict included interviews with 34 individuals —survivors and
witnesses of the 7 October attacks, released hostages, first
responders, and health and service providers. Some 5,000
photographic images and 50 hours of footage of the attacks were
also reviewed. These are not in-passing recollections; it has
been a systematic approach to identifying what has happened.
Sir (New Forest East) (Con)
Both the hon. Lady and the hon. Member for Washington and
Sunderland West (Mrs Hodgson) have stressed the organised nature
of what happened on 7 October, but no one has yet said what the
reason was for that. The principal reason, as far as I can see,
was to try to goad the Israelis into precisely the sort of
overreaction—thus alienating world opinion from their cause—as
that on which they have subsequently embarked. So, if it can be
proven that the mass rape and other sexual abuse was planned by
the organisers of Hamas, does it not follow from that, that they,
as well as the actual perpetrators of these attacks, must face
retribution in the international courts eventually?
Many of us have consistently called for all allegations of war
crime—and the use of sexual violence in war is a war crime: we
should be absolutely clear about that—to be investigated. I want
to go on to develop an argument around that. I would just say
that it is really important, today of all days and in this debate
of all debates, that we centre our thoughts on the victims of
sexual violence, and do not go down some of the rabbit holes
about whether this is a strategy in war. Because those who study
these situations point out that sexual violence is not
inevitable; it is not an inevitable tactic. There are decisions
being made. By switching our focus, we deny the women the right
to have their voices heard—women who require accountability and
justice. If sexual violence is something that happens as a matter
of course in a war, when you end the war you end the problem: job
done. But as I said at the start, the challenge is not just to
stop sexual violence but to prevent it, and to take it out of
this arena altogether. So I hope the right hon. Member for New
Forest East (Sir ) will understand if I am very
firmly focused on the evidence of sexual violence and assault in
war and the challenge that we face from the work that the UN has
done.
The UN has also recognised concerns in Palestine. The special
rapporteur also went to Ramallah and, as my hon. Friend the
Member for Pontypridd pointed out, she highlighted instances of
sexual violence in the context of detention, particularly
invasive body searches, beatings, including in the genital areas,
and the threats of rape against women and family members.
My point is that none of this is inevitable.
Dame
I am listening to my hon. Friend's speech with intent. She says
that we have to hear women's voices on this; I think we all hold
that point in common. But does she agree that, important though
it is, it is just not enough for us in Britain to pronounce here,
in a debate in Westminster Hall, our horror and our anger and our
determination to prevent this from happening? It is absolutely
vital that the international institutions—the UN and others—give
far greater priority to looking at sexual violence as wars
evolve, rather than in retrospect, after a war has come to an
end.
As ever, my right hon. Friend prefigures what I am going to
argue, about that mindset change and that cultural change. There
is this idea that as long as we stop the war, we stop the
violence, and that is enough. It is not enough, and that is what
we need to change.
I also want to recognise that this is not just about sexual
violence by states. As I get older, I seem to find myself in more
and more agreement with my colleague the hon. Member for
Strangford—I do not know whether that is accidental or
deliberate. He talked about Boko Haram. We have seen in conflicts
around the world the use of violence by insurgent organisations.
NGOs report that sexual violence often occurs in religious
conflict, particularly in India, Pakistan and Afghanistan, where
sexual violence is used to keep minority communities in their
place.
Almost 10 years ago, ISIS seized huge swathes of Iraq and Syria
and launched a genocidal campaign against the Yazidis in northern
Iraq. Some 6,000 women and children were captured. To this day,
half of them are still missing. The captive women and children
were used for sexual slavery and trafficking. One of the most
horrifying points for me about the Yazidi community and how they
deal with the trauma is that those women who are still missing,
and who are not presumed dead, are considered to have stayed
displaced because they are staying with children who have been
the product of rape. They face an impossible choice of being
separated from their children if they return to freedom.
Boko Haram is a good example of where women have been brutalised
by insurgents and then further brutalised by the state, and
stigmatised by Government state action. In Nigeria, the governor
of Borno state, Kashim Shettima, publicly warned that those women
who had become pregnant by Boko Haram fighters could breed a new
generation of terrorists, and advocated for those women to be
educated not to bring up their children to be terrorists. That is
the cycle of blame and shame continuing on.
It is also not just women and girls who are risk; again, the hon.
Member for Strangford is absolutely right. There is evidence from
the Red Cross that there is sexual and gender-based violence
against men and boys, and particularly against LGBTQI people in
humanitarian settings, and also against refugees. One of the most
depressing studies you will ever read shows that approximately
one in five refugees who are displaced women have experienced
sexual violence as part of fleeing a conflict zone.
We condemn without reservation those who question whether sexual
violence happens. We condemn without reservation any of those
people who seek to minimise it or say it is less of an issue in
some conflicts than in others. It is an issue in all of them.
That matters because over 90% of survivors of sexual violence do
not report it to the police or officials in those conflict zones
because of their lack of faith that anything will happen. That is
understandable when we look at the mixed record of our action,
which is where my right hon. Friend the Member for Barking (Dame
) is absolutely right.
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda does not reflect
the high levels of sexual violence that we know happened in that
conflict in its record for action. In contrast, after what
happened in the former Yugoslavia, 93 individuals were indicted.
Some 44 of those were for crimes involving sexual violence. Of
those 44, 29 were convicted, representing a 69% conviction
rate.
Sir (in the Chair)
Order. I am sorry to interrupt the hon. Lady. I will call the
final speaker at 3.18 pm, so she has a couple of minutes.
I apologise, Sir Charles; I am confused about my timing.
Sir (in the Chair)
No, you are giving a wonderful speech. It is just that I have to
get the last speaker in.
Absolutely. Let me say just a few things. First, sexual violence
when it happens in conflict is not an accident. It is deliberate.
Whether it is organised or happens progressively, it is not an
accident. Secondly, it is not inevitable. Analysis of sexual
violence in conflict over the last 45 years shows that it has
been different in different conflicts. For example, rape was
widespread in the civil wars in Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste, but
far less likely in El Salvador. That is why we have to break the
cycle, and we break the cycle only by saying that it matters.
My appeal to the Minister is for the UK to demand an explicit
accountability mechanism for the allegations of sexual violence
in Israel and Palestine as
part of the peace process. Let us not brush this under the
carpet. Let us not say that once the conflict has been
resolved—we all desperately want that urgent ceasefire—that is
enough. Let us have accountability for all these mechanisms.
The Deputy Foreign Secretary (Mr )
Will the hon. Lady give way?
I was going to sit down, but I will happily give way.
Mr Mitchell
I just wanted to say that the UK has made an offer
to Israel and Palestine to
support evidence gathering and technical support on the issue of
conflict-related sexual violence, as per the report of the
special representative of the Secretary-General, Ms Patten.
Sir (in the Chair)
Stella Creasy—one more minute.
I appreciate what the Minister is saying. Will he also clarify
that the UK has made representations with the United Nations and
the International Criminal Court for a specific criminal tribunal
process for this conflict to be part of the ceasefire
negotiations, so that all actors, including Hamas, Israel and the
third-party actors who are supporting the peace process,
recognise it, respect it, contribute to it and prioritise it?
Sir (in the Chair)
I imagine that will be answered in the wind-ups.
3.17pm
(Islington North) (Ind)
I am pleased that we are having this debate. I congratulate the
hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West (Mrs Hodgson) on
securing it, and on the way she introduced it by talking about
the horrors of violence against women on 7 October
in Israel and the
violence against women and children going on in the continuing
conflict in Gaza and in other parts of the world.
As the hon. Member for Walthamstow () quite correctly pointed out,
the time to investigate, if possible, is while the conflict is
going on. We should at least preserve evidence during a conflict
so far as that is possible, but that is never particularly easy.
In her opening lines, the hon. Member for Washington and
Sunderland West pointed out the levels of conflict around the
world and the prevalence of sexual violence, particularly against
women and children, in all wars going on at the present time,
including those in Yemen and Ukraine, and in other conflicts
going back, such as Vietnam. It is sadly not a new situation, but
it is one that we have to address and do everything we can
about.
I will particularly refer to the Democratic Republic of the
Congo. I have many constituents from there and they have often
talked to me about it. In the few minutes I have, I will quote
from the report on the DRC given by Volker Türk, the UN High
Commissioner for Human Rights, at the Human Rights Council only a
couple of months ago on 4 March. He said:
“I fear that the enjoyment of human rights in the country has
come to a grinding halt...The absence of State authority over
large swathes of territory has also cleared the way for brutal
levels of violence and attacks. The insecurity is being fuelled
by a seemingly impassable mountain of challenges: from
large-scale corruption, to the unbridled race between multiple
parties to take control and exploit the country's wealth of
natural resources, to ongoing violent land disputes...Between 1
October 2023 and 15 March 2024, the UN Joint Human Rights Office
documented 2,110 human rights violations and abuses throughout
DRC. Of these, 59 per cent were committed by armed groups…Almost
half of these violations and abuses were committed in the North
Kivu province…The UN Joint Human Rights Office has documented 156
people who were summarily executed at the hands of the M23. M23
was also found to have sexually abused 30 women and 12
children”.
Amnesty International goes on to report that 38,000 cases of
sexual violence were reported in North Kivu during the first
quarter of 2023—that is in the first three months of last year.
In May 2023, Doctors Without Borders said that levels of sexual
violence in internally displaced camps around Goma reached an
unprecedented “catastrophic scale”. The UN Population Fund says
that between 2021 and 2022, there was a 91% rise in reports of
gender-based violence in North Kivu province, and its mobile
clinic reports on the number of people it is trying to assist who
are victims of that violence. The situation is unbelievably
appalling.
A report by the TG Foundation in a study by the American Journal
of Public Health, published in June 2011, stated that 48 women
were raped per hour in the Congo, which would mean that since the
start of the war with Rwanda, an estimated 12.5 million Congolese
women have been raped. The report goes on to demand action by
international Governments over the behaviour of the Congolese
Government, armed forces and armed groups, and over the
relationship between Rwanda, the Congolese Government and the
mineral companies.
I want to put on record that, having on several occasions visited
the DRC, I have never forgotten arriving in Goma after a very
complicated journey by road from Kigali. It was almost dark, and
we went to a women's centre—by that time, it was completely
dark—and the audience waiting for our small delegation were 300
or 400 women, all of whom had been victims of rape. They wanted
some degree of closure on the horror of their experience, if that
is possible, and some degree of international recognition of the
horrors they were going through, where the armed groups routinely
used rape as a weapon of war.
Behind the violence is the thirst for minerals in the Congo, the
search for cobalt and coltan, and the use of child labour, as
well as the exploitation of women, in doing that. The
international mining companies wash their hands of this and
pretend that they are buying the vital minerals from responsible
sources. They are not; they are buying them second hand from the
exploited children and others who have suffered in the Congo. We
have to put this issue in the wider context of insecurity
there.
We are very proud in Islington to have a councillor who comes
from the Congo, Michelline Safi-Ngongo. She just sent me a
message—it is quite long, so I will not read it all—saying,
“Loss of income and high food insecurity can lead to spiking
violence, abuse”.
She goes on to say that the high incidence of abuse reflects the
gender inequality and poverty of so many people in the DRC.
When the Minister replies, I hope he will say what we are also
doing about the breakdown of any form of law or process in the
Congo to try to protect women and children from the violence, and
what demands we are making of the mineral companies—in this
country, Switzerland, China and elsewhere—that are buying
minerals knowing they have been produced in the most appalling
circumstances. The victims are women who have no means of
protecting themselves—no defence whatsoever—so rape has become a
pandemic of violence against women in the DRC. I hope we can
reflect that in the policies we pursue.
3.24pm
(Aberdeen North) (SNP)
I thank everyone who has taken part, especially the hon. Member
for Washington and Sunderland West (Mrs Hodgson), who secured the
debate. I also thank the staff team of my hon. Friend the Member
for Livingston (), who provided me with some
information in advance of the debate.
We have heard already that sexual-based violence is increasing in
conflict zones and that at a time when we should be moving
forward, we are moving backwards. This is a difficult and
uncomfortable subject to talk about, but it is incredibly
important that we do talk about it. It is incredibly important
that we do highlight the issues that are being faced around the
globe, particularly by women and girls. I am really pleased to
hear that we are standing together on this as a House—that we are
saying that this is illegal, immoral and unacceptable, and that
we will all work together and support the Government in taking
action to eradicate this violence. It feels to me that we are
speaking with one voice in this regard: that we do not believe
this should be allowed to continue.
I want to talk about a number of things. I will try to do what
the hon. Member for Walthamstow () did by centring victims and
their views. Although I may mention a few individual situations
and countries, everybody who commits war crimes—regimes or
individuals —should be held to account for those crimes, no
matter who is committing them and no matter who they are being
committed against. We should be considering every single case as
incredibly important. I agree again with the hon. Member about
the explicit accountability for sexual crimes in Israel and Palestine;
that is key and I was pleased to hear the Minister's comments on
that.
Let me turn to reporting and the mechanisms around reporting
sexual violence. We must ensure that we increase reporting, the
ability for individuals to report and the safety of making those
reports. We know that in Afghanistan, when the Taliban came in,
women who had reported being victims of sexual violence were at
risk of being attacked again and of being ostracised by their
communities, because the Taliban dismantled the systems and
protections that had been in place around them. That is
completely and totally unacceptable. The UK should be using
whatever powers it has and it can—whether soft powers or more
extreme powers—to ensure that the protections in any country in
relation to sexual violence reporting stay, no matter which
regime is in charge, and that those victims are protected or safe
from those situations.
The debate has emphasised the importance of supporting the
universal application of human rights and the developments in the
rule of law. We should do everything that we can as an
international power to ensure that no one who comes forward faces
reprisals for reporting and coming forward. Otherwise, how can we
have the clearest possible picture of what is happening, and how
can we ensure that we are using the powers that we have to
prevent that from happening in any conflict?
As a number of different people mentioned, including the right
hon. Member for Islington North (), women and girls are
disproportionately impacted in crises. Sexual violence is often
used in conflict and in post-conflict zones; it is important to
say that refugees and those who are displaced are also at risk
and continue to be at risk, even though they may have escaped
that war zone. There are so many people who are displaced just
now, and we need to ensure that they are being protected in
whatever scenario they are in and whatever country they are
hiding in. In Afghanistan, there is evidence to suggest that
sexual violence is being used as an interrogation tool against
detained women. That is torture that these women are facing, and
we should be doing what we can to condemn that violence towards
women.
A number of people mentioned Boko Haram. The countries of origin
in my constituency go UK, Polish, Romanian and Nigerian, so I
have a significant number of Nigerian constituents, some of whom
have family members who have been affected by the actions of Boko
Haram. A third of the schoolgirls who were abducted 10 years ago
are still in captivity, still in sexual slavery and still in
domestic servitude. They now have children in those horrific
situations, but they cannot find a sensible way out that ensures
that they can protect their children and also have their freedom.
Mention has been made of the 3,000 Yazidis, many of whom have
experienced sexual violence and who are still missing and in a
very similar situation. We should never be quiet about that; we
should continue to raise what has happened and what is happening
and to condemn those who have taken these women and girls away
from their families.
The hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West talked about
the horrific sexual violence that occurred on 7 October. A number
of others mentioned that it was planned and systemic, and in some
ways it is even more horrific because of the planning that went
on behind it. For every one of the women, girls or men who were
targeted, the ripples go far beyond what happened that day.
Sexual violence is not something that just affects someone during
the initial crime and is then forgotten. We must try our best to
prevent these things, and we must do what we can to condemn them,
but we must also put in place support afterwards so that people
can recover as best they can. We must also support regimes so
that they can put that protection around victims of sexual
violence—
Mrs Hodgson
Survivors.
Yes, the ones who did survive—absolutely. But we also need to
ensure, where people are still in a hostage situation, that they
get the support they need once they are freed so that they can
get through that.
The situation in the west bank has escalated, and there are
issues with women and girls being disproportionately impacted.
Violence and conflict increase the structural inequalities that
already exist, and we know that women and girls are already
disadvantaged and that any conflict situation means they are
further disadvantaged. Everything relating to sexual
violence—including rape, sexual slavery, forced pregnancy and
forced marriages—is used as a weapon of war. Those things are
used to genocide communities.
Lastly, because I know I do not have much time, Sir Charles, we
need to do what we can to support women's leadership and that the
UK Government need to take action. Women have a leading role to
play, not just in rebuilding communities, but in brokering peace
and in ensuring that systems and support mechanisms are in place
and that women's voices are heard. In too many countries around
the world, women do not have that platform and are not able to
make the case for other women. I would also like the UK
Government to look specifically at the UN report on sexual
violence and to integrate gender analysis into planning and
responding to emergencies and conflicts, because we know about
the structural inequalities involved.
I have far more I could have said, but I will end by mentioning
the work being done by the Scottish Government to ensure that
their aid money is used to support and empower women and girls
whenever it can be. From 2016 to 2018, gender-based violence aid
funding was only 0.1% of total humanitarian funding. That is grim
when we know the situation that so many women and girls are in
right now.3.33pm
Ms (West Ham) (Lab)
As ever, it is a pleasure to serve with you as our Chair, Sir
Charles. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Washington and
Sunderland West (Mrs Hodgson) for bringing forward this important
debate. She made an absolutely excellent contribution, and it has
been a good debate.
As we have heard, horrific sexual violence continues to be used
as a weapon of war in conflicts around the world. Across the
House, we are absolutely united in our opposition to that
practice, no matter where it occurs and who the perpetrators are.
I am therefore grateful to my hon. Friend for creating time for
us to talk not just about this utter horror and the damage it
does, but about how we can play our part in supporting
solutions.
I hope hon. Members will forgive me if I focus on a few of the
African contexts where we continue to see sexual violence used as
a weapon on a truly appalling scale. I will start with the
ongoing generals' war against the people of Sudan—against the
women and the girls of Sudan. There have been 5,000 reports of
grave violations in Sudan, including sexual violence, but that is
likely to be an underestimate, given that 60,000 survivors of
sexual violence in conflict have been identified in Sudan as of
June 2023, which is almost a year ago.
Sexual violence by armed men has been reported in areas across
Sudan, with many different groups targeted. In Khartoum, Sudanese
women, girls and whole families have been raped in their homes
and in the street. In Darfur, targeted sexual violence against
the Masalit people and other non-Arab Darfuris has formed a major
component of the ethnic cleansing campaigns. The link between
racism, misogyny and the political agenda of some armed groups in
Darfur has been evidenced again and again. Women who are attacked
are labelled “slaves”, using racist slurs. I would just like to
quote from an Al-Jazeera report that sums up the utterly chilling
mentality of these rapists:
“After [we] rape [you], you will carry our babies […] to change
the non-Arab portion within the Sudanese blood”.
These patterns of targeted violence against women and girls in
Khartoum and Darfur are mostly attributed to the Rapid Support
Forces or their allied forces. The UN reported in February that
one victim was held by the RSF and gang-raped repeatedly for 35
days. The sheer horror of it! As a woman, I honestly cannot
comprehend how one might survive that. There are also continued
reports of sexual violence being used to intimidate women's
rights activists, and that is often attributed to the Sudanese
armed forces.
The healthcare system has almost entirely collapsed. Few of the
women victimised through rape can access the immediate support
needed to deal with physical and mental trauma, the risks of
infection or the risks of pregnancy. The UN has reported that
women who have tried to access abortion have been denied it
because Sudan's 90-day legal window to obtain an abortion in the
case of rape had passed. We must continue to work together
against the stigmatisation of children born following rape and to
argue for universally accessible abortion for all women who face
these terrible circumstances.
We need to redouble our efforts to stop the generals' war in
Sudan and to support forces for sustainable peace and justice,
because right now in Darfur hundreds of thousands remain trapped
in the city of El Fasher, under siege, in famine conditions and
with the imminent threat of attack by the RSF. This is already an
atrocity. How many more women and children will be targeted for
rape and violence if El Fasher falls? The international community
must surely act now to protect the civilians trapped in that
city, and I hope the Minister will be able to say something about
the Government's plans for action and what immediate further
steps the UK might take.
Sadly, the horrors I have described in Sudan are familiar from
other recent and continued conflicts, as we have heard. I have
spoken many times about the large-scale and often ethnically
targeted sexual violence that was evidenced in Ethiopia during
the Tigray war. UN experts have estimated that this conflict has
left 10,000 survivors of sexual violence, mostly women and girls,
with very limited support. If he is able to, will the Minister
therefore update us on the Government's engagement with Ethiopia
over the process of accountability for these abuses? Sadly, the
threat is far from over, because conflicts between ethnically
organised armed groups continue in many areas of Ethiopia,
including Amhara, Tigray, Haramaya and the south-west.
As my right hon. Friend the Member for Islington North () mentioned in his
contribution, the threat to women and girls is even greater in
the Democratic Republic of Congo, particularly among the hundreds
of thousands of civilians forcibly displaced by the M23's
advance—that is the M23 for which there is credible evidence of
material Rwandan support.
I am pleased that the hon. Lady mentioned that issue. The reality
is that 7 million people in the Congo have been displaced. The
world's media barely recognise that—it barely registers on their
scale—but it is probably the greatest abuse of human rights
anywhere in the world at present.
Ms Brown
I understand where the right hon. Gentleman is coming from and I
utterly agree.
Let me quote the heartbreaking words of a 15-year-old girl called
Florence:
“One of them took me by force, strangled me, and”
they
“raped me one after another. He had strangled me so much that I
no longer had the strength to scream.”
The rape survivors supported by Save the Children in the DRC are
as young as nine years old. The impact on children, women,
families and communities is enormous. We cannot be content with
just raising our voices repeatedly against these atrocities; we
need a clear strategy for how the UK can play its part. For me,
preventing sexual violence must be integral to the wider approach
to conflicts and violence.
These horrific cases, whether in Sudan, Ethiopia or the DRC, do
not end at those countries' borders; they spill over into the
wider region and undermine security for many communities. To
truly prevent that, we have to recognise how it works
politically. The perpetrators are individual men—soldiers,
commanders and politicians —but their violence can take hold only
because the state fails to stop it. Ultimately, this will stop
only when there are robust state institutions, justice systems to
hold people to account, and security forces that protect
communities, rather than bearing responsibility themselves for
the violations.
In contexts such as Sudan, there are no trustworthy state
authorities that play that part, so we have to be smarter in the
way we act. We have to look beyond the easy options of
international NGOs and expensive consultants and to be far more
open to working directly with small local organisations. In
Sudan, there are many women's groups and other local
organisations that are opposed to both military factions. They
are a force for peace, democracy and justice, and at the same
time they provide support to survivors of rape in their own
communities. My main question to the Government today is, why are
we not doing more to support them? Why are we not supporting the
Sudanese women who challenge the power of the generals—the men
who have plunged the country into this nightmare and put millions
of sisters in such dire risk? Why do we not recognise that
building the capacity of local organisations is a strategic
intervention in the UK's interests?
We cannot see this issue in terms of silos. It is a humanitarian
and medical response. It is development. It is accountability and
justice. It is diplomacy and sanctions. It is peacebuilding. It
is all those things. Let's face it, our resources are limited and
the challenges in regions such as the horn of Africa are
massively complex and interconnected. It is more important to
break down the barriers and recognise that, unless our
interventions help to solve many challenges simultaneously, they
will not be effective. They will not support our efforts to build
strong partnerships for mutual benefit in Africa, and they will
not genuinely help to prevent this horrific form of abuse, which
continues to blight our world.
3.44pm
The Deputy Foreign Secretary (Mr )
It is a pleasure to appear before you once again, Sir
Charles.
I am incredibly grateful to the hon. Member for Washington and
Sunderland West (Mrs Hodgson), who represents an area where I
first stood for Parliament 41 years ago, for securing this debate
on preventing sexual violence in conflict. She made an excellent
speech. I will not only try to respond to much of what she said
but look at all the ideas she put forward and write to her
afterwards about any that I do not cover. I am incredibly
grateful for the contributions of all Members and will try to
respond to the points raised. This has been an outstanding debate
and I feel privileged to try to respond to it for the
Government.
The hon. Member for Strangford (), who always brings so much to these debates, said
that he has never known so much violence and misery in the world
as he sees today. The fact that there is so much violence and
misery is one of the reasons why Britain has put aside £1 billion
this year to meet humanitarian need, and I am grateful to him for
recognising that the UK is a global leader in that respect.
The hon. Member for Pontypridd () made an outstanding
speech. She spoke up about the horrendous events of 7 October and
about the lack of response by parts of the international
community. She called for the immediate release of the hostages
and spoke with great feeling when she said that the phrase “Me
too, unless you're a Jew” has resonated with parts of the
community. She also spoke with great eloquence about Ukraine and
Sudan. The House will be grateful for what she said and I hope
that many people who are not able to be here will read her
powerful contribution.
The hon. Member for Walthamstow () spoke about the importance
of the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence
in Conflict, which is 19 June. She also talked about the
importance of focusing directly on the victims of this dreadful
violence and made the point, which the whole House will echo,
that there can be no impunity.
The right hon. Member for Islington North (), the former leader of the
Labour party, spoke about the DRC, Goma and the terrible
humanitarian tragedy that has unfolded for years in the Kivus, an
area I have visited on a number of occasions in the last 20
years, as has he. The Government urge all the military forces
there to lay down their arms and support the various different
political processes, particularly in Nairobi and Rwanda, to try
to ensure that there is a political track to end the terrible
violence. The right hon. Gentleman asked specifically what more
can be done on minerals. He will know of the work of the
Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative; the Government
want more effort to be made in that respect to follow and track
minerals.
The hon. Member for Aberdeen North () said that this is a
difficult subject to talk about, but then did so very well.
Again, she spoke about there being no tolerance of impunity, and
about the terrible legacy of the teenagers and young women who
were taken by Boko Haram. She also talked about the role of
women, including the voice of women in conflict resolution, the
work to end GBV and—again—the importance of ensuring that there
is accountability.
The hon. Member for West Ham (Ms Brown) spoke for the Opposition
about the whole of this subject, but in particular about Sudan
and the terrible events there, including the particular role
Britain has through the troika and through holding the pen on
Sudan at the UN. She also talked about Darfur and the dreadful
situation in al-Fashir, about which the Government have spoken
up, and the clear evidence of ethnic cleansing in Darfur. The
demands of the international community are that the troops should
return to barracks and enable the humanitarians to operate in
those dreadful circumstances, and to open up a political track as
soon as possible. Britain is supporting the collection of
evidence through open-source means, and we will make sure that
that evidence is retained for future use.
The hon. Lady also talked about the situation in Ethiopia.
Britain supports the Pretoria agreement and we have done a lot of
work to help to head off famine conditions, including in Geneva
just a few weeks ago, where we supported a replenishment at a
conference that I co-chaired with the Ethiopian Foreign Minister,
and which raised $610 million. The hon. Lady also talked about
the harrowing evidence and work of NGOs such as Save the
Children.
I am sure the entire House agrees that conflict-related sexual
violence, or CRSV, is not an inevitable consequence of war. It is
morally abhorrent and illegal and does not discriminate. It
affects women and girls, and men and boys too, as we have heard,
and has devastating consequences, yet it continues to take place
in conflicts around the world and is often used as a deliberate
tactic to terrorise entire communities. We are witnessing its
horrific impacts in Ukraine, Sudan, Israel and the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, to name just a few.
The whole House was particularly horrified by the reports, which
have been mentioned today, of sexual violence on and since 7
October. The hon. Member for Washington and Sunderland West spoke
eloquently about that in her opening remarks, as did the right
hon. Member for Barking (Dame ), and about the appalling
violence perpetrated by Hamas on that day.
Sir
Will the Minister give way?
Mr Mitchell
I am afraid not because of the time, but if I have a second at
the end, I promise my right hon. Friend that I will give way.
We have clearly and unequivocally condemned all allegations of
reports of CRSV in Israel and the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, and led calls for a UN Security Council
debate on that specific issue. We continue to call for thorough
investigations, for hostages to be released immediately and for
detainees to be treated with dignity and in line with
international law. We have also, on a number of occasions,
including at the UN Security Council, offered PSVI expertise and
tools to help to ensure that victims and survivors of CRSV
receive the support they need.
It is 12 years since the launch of the preventing sexual violence
in conflict initiative. For their tireless efforts I pay tribute
to Lord Ahmad, the Prime Minister's special representative on
preventing sexual violence in conflict; , who started the UK's
exceptional focus on the issue; and . The UK is at the forefront
of the fight to end this heinous crime, and I will briefly
highlight five steps to demonstrate the impact of our work.
First, since 2012 we have used our influence and convening power
to draw global attention to the issue. For example, at the PSVI
conference that we hosted in London two years ago we brought
together over 1,000 delegates, including survivors, experts,
states and multilateral organisations. I personally led several
sessions at that meeting and collectively we succeeded in getting
54 countries to sign an ambitious political declaration to
deliver change.
At the conference we also announced the international alliance on
preventing sexual violence in conflict. Lord Ahmad launched the
alliance last year, and it brings together a range of global
actors to prevent and respond to CRSV. Its membership continues
to grow and it now has 26 members, including Governments,
multilateral organisations, civil society and survivors. We are
working closely with the current chair, Colombia, to drive action
through the alliance. We have also launched the PSVI strategy,
backed by £12.5 million, with four clear objectives: to
strengthen global response, prevent sexual violence in conflict,
promote justice and support survivors.
Secondly, we are coming up with creative solutions to prevent
these crimes. For example, Britain's flagship What Works: Impact
at Scale programme is encouraging and supporting innovative
ideas. We have invested £67.5 million into the second phase of
the programme. That is the biggest global commitment by any
Government to prevent gender-based violence.
Thirdly, we are setting a global benchmark by giving survivors a
say in the decisions that affect them. Britain has appointed two
PSVI survivor champions, Kolbassia Haoussou and Nadine Tunasi,
and established a survivor advisory group to put survivors'
voices at the heart of policy proposals. Since 2018 we have
committed almost £8 million to the global survivors fund to
provide psychosocial and educational support for survivors. We
know how important it is to ensure that we gather information
from survivors safely, which is why two years ago we launched the
Murad code with the Yazidi human rights activist and Nobel prize
winner Nadia Murad, to collect information responsibly and
ethically.
Fourthly, we are working to make these crimes punishable by law.
Impunity may be the global norm, but that is unacceptable. The UK
is taking steps to change that, and we have made some progress.
We sanctioned 14 perpetrators over the last two years and we are
boosting the capacity of countries to investigate and prosecute
these crimes. In Ukraine, for example, we are supporting the
Office of the Prosecutor General to investigate the crimes
effectively.
We are also backing the draft UN crimes against humanity
convention to make the global legal framework stronger and more
effective, and we are working with the International Criminal
Court to help survivors to engage with courts using technology. I
am grateful to , who is helping us to find
new, innovative solutions to tackle impunity, but I agree that we
still have a long way to go.
I want to share two examples of the tangible impact we have had
on the ground. Since 2012, we have deployed our PSVI team of
experts times across the world over 90. These highly trained
independent individuals provide direct support to national and
international bodies. They have helped to plan missions, convened
workshops and supported Governments to execute their projects. UK
programmes have also contributed to vital recent legislative
changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The changes will advance the
rights of survivors and children born of CRSV—for example, by
enabling them to access finance for higher education.
To conclude, the five steps that I have highlighted show that we
have come a long way and that our work matters, but there can be
no doubt, particularly given what we have heard today, that we
need to go further still and ensure that our efforts are bearing
fruit. We are making progress, and the UK will continue to drive
sustained, united and innovative action globally. That is the
only way we can consign conflict-related sexual violence to the
history books.
Sir
Does the Minister agree that the mass rapes on 7 October were not
a biproduct of the attack but an integral part of the plan to
provoke Israel If that is
proven, does it not mean the people who planned the attacks, as
well as the perpetrators themselves, must be held to account in
the international courts?
Mr Mitchell
I completely agree with what my right hon. Friend says about
accountability. On 7 October there was the greatest murder of
Jewish people at any time in one day since the holocaust and the
end of the second world war. The impact of that, which we have
heard about so graphically today, underlines why it is so
important that we continue this work. We are making progress,
above all because we have unity, drive and support in all parts
of the House. That gives Britain a particular locus and focus
internationally to make sure that this work is effectively
pursued.
3.58pm
Mrs Hodgson
I thank all speakers and echo what has been said about this
consensual and important debate. I thank the Minister for his
contribution, and I join him in thanking and the work of the PSVI.
The five measures he outlined are welcome, but I would still
suggest that an international commission is needed to lead on
this work, including those measures, and that women's voices and
survivors of sexual violence in conflict especially should be
included in any peace negotiations in conflict areas. That is
needed if we are going to start to find a way through for the
survivors and ensure that their voices are heard.
The right hon. Member for New Forest East (Sir ) made an important point in
his last intervention about the most recent conflict, the
intentions behind it and the way it was carried out. I agree that
it was intentional, although this can be seen in all conflicts,
as has been discussed this afternoon. I thank everyone for an
excellent debate.
Question put and agreed to.
Resolved,
That this House has considered the prevention of sexual violence
in conflict.
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