Commons Urgent Question
on War in Gaza
Mr (Tottenham) (Lab)
(Urgent Question):To ask the Deputy Foreign Secretary to make a
statement on the war in Gaza.
The Deputy Foreign Secretary (Mr )
I thank the shadow Foreign Secretary for his urgent question.
We want to see an end to the fighting as soon as possible. Well
over six months since Hamas's terror attack against Israel it is appalling
that the hostages are still being held. Very many civilians are
also dying in Gaza, and this weekend Hamas rockets killed four
Israeli Defence Forces soldiers and injured others. As we have
said, the fastest way to end the conflict is to secure a deal
that gets the hostages out and allows for a pause in the fighting
in Gaza. We must then turn that pause into a sustainable,
permanent ceasefire.
Regarding the situation in Rafah, our position has been
consistent. We are deeply concerned about the prospect of a
military incursion, given the number of civilians who are
sheltering there and the importance of that entry point for aid.
Entry points for humanitarian aid, including Kerem Shalom, must
be reopened quickly to allow aid in. Israel must facilitate
immediate, uninterrupted humanitarian access in the south,
especially the entry of fuel, and ensure the protection of
civilians and safe passage for those who wish to leave Rafah. As
yet, we have not seen a credible plan to protect civilians.
We are, of course, following closely the latest developments on
the hostage talks. At this stage, while events are still
shifting, I cannot—as the House will understand—provide a
detailed running commentary. As the British Government have said,
we want to see a deal agreed that would ensure the release of
hostages and a pause in the fighting. A generous offer was on the
table last week, proposed by Egypt and accepted by Israel We need to see
Hamas accept a viable deal and we can start building the momentum
towards a permanent sustained ceasefire.
In parallel, we continue to push as hard as we can to get
much-needed aid into Gaza via vital land routes, alongside sea
and air, to alleviate the suffering. Israel has now
committed to significant steps to increase the amount of aid
getting into Gaza. We now need to see that turned into action to
ensure that aid actually gets over the border, and that it is
safely and properly distributed. We look to Israel to meet its
commitments to flood Gaza with aid.
Ultimately, we need a long-term solution to this crisis. This
means the release of all hostages; Hamas's rule dismantled; their
ability to attack Israel removed; a new
Palestinian Government for the west bank and Gaza; and a
political horizon to a two-state solution. Israelis and
Palestinians should be able to live together side by side, in
peace and security. This is our goal. We will continue working
tirelessly to achieve it.
Mr Lammy
Thank you, Mr Speaker, for granting this urgent question, but I
have to say that it is extraordinary that the Government did not
come forward with a statement today. This is a profoundly
concerning moment in this awful war. Ceasefire negotiations
appear to be going backwards. Today the war is not just
continuing, but escalating.
Labour has been clear for months that we oppose an offensive in
Rafah, which risks catastrophic consequences. The United States
has said that it would be a disaster, the European Union has said
that the world must prevent it, and the United Nations Security
Council has called for an immediate ceasefire. Benjamin Netanyahu
is ignoring the warnings of Israel's allies and partners, the
United Kingdom included.
So can the Minister tell me what the consequences will be? We are
already seeing the consequences for civilians: airstrikes in
densely packed areas; the Rafah crossing—as well as Kerem Shalom,
shamelessly attacked by Hamas—now closed; aid reportedly being
blocked; and northern Gaza in full-blown famine. Some 1.4 million
people are sheltering in Rafah, many of them ordered to go there
by the IDF in the first place. Half the children in Gaza are in
Rafah. Where can they go to be safe? The French Government said
yesterday that the forced displacement of any civilian population
is a war crime. Does the Minister agree?
Hamas are a terrorist organisation and their cowardly tactics are
reprehensible, but that does not change Israel's obligation to
follow the rules of war, or the Government's obligations on arms
exports, so can the Minister say why he thinks that an attack on
Rafah does not present a clear risk of a serious breach of
international humanitarian law? Can he also confirm whether he
has received any assessment—not legal advice, but any assessment
or policy advice—from Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Office officials that the threshold has already been met? Now
more than ever, we need an immediate ceasefire, the release of
all hostages and unimpeded aid to Gaza.
Mr Mitchell
The shadow Foreign Secretary has set out in eloquent terms what
is effectively the policy of the Government and the entire House.
He chided the Government for not offering a statement today, but
I suggest that the Government have not been slow in coming to the
House with frequent statements and responses to urgent questions,
and we will of course continue to do so.
The right hon. Gentleman asked about the Government's discussions
with Prime Minister Netanyahu. The Prime Minister, the Foreign
Secretary and, indeed, the entire Government have been very clear
about our advice to Prime Minister Netanyahu, and I have set it
out repeatedly in the House. When I last answered questions from
the right hon. Gentleman here, I made very clear our position on
Rafah as well. He asked about the consequences and how we deal
with those. Britain and our allies, through the United
Nations—and I remind him that Britain was pivotal in securing
Security Council resolutions 2020 and 2028—are working together
to try to improve what is a terrible situation, and we will
continue to do just that with, I hope, the support of the whole
House.
Mr Speaker
I call the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
(Rutland and Melton)
(Con)
I welcome the efforts made by the Foreign Secretary, the Deputy
Foreign Secretary and the Minister for the Middle East, who have
been in and out of the middle east many times over the past two
weeks in order to hear from our allies. However, as we see the
launch of the Rafah offensive, what reassurances have been
received that aid access and, above all, aid workers will be
protected? We cannot see the entire aid industry flee from Rafah
junction, as is currently being predicted. There is speculation
about Al-Mawasi as a safe zone for civilians, but there is no
infrastructure in what is essentially a desert, and it was not
safe on the last occasion when, as we saw, the British charity
Medical Aid for Palestinians was bombed—on which we have still
had no answer. Finally, have we had any proof of life for those
Israeli citizens who have now been held for seven months? For
many, there has been no proof of life since at least Day 20. What
are we doing to push for that proof of life, which families so
desperately need?
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend is entirely right to make that last point. We do
seek proof of life. The families to whom she refers are desperate
for information, but that information has not been forthcoming.
We are deeply concerned about the humanitarian position in Rafah.
Any plan would have to respect international humanitarian law,
and we have yet to see such a plan. The immediate priority, as I
set out in my opening remarks, must be a humanitarian pause in
the fighting. As the House well knows, such a pause would allow
us, potentially, to get the hostages out, but also to get aid
into Gaza.
Mr Speaker
I call the SNP spokesperson.
(Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
A week ago from that Dispatch Box, the Minister said:
“Given the number of civilians sheltering in Rafah, it is not
easy to see how such an offensive could be compliant with
international humanitarian law”.[—[Official Report, 30 April
2024; Vol. 749, c.
141.]](/search/column?VolumeNumber=749&ColumnNumber=141&House=1&ExternalId=74253804-68CC-444F-B4E8-9F4227121130)
Despite repeated appeals for Israel not to
attack Rafah, just hours after the dashed hopes of a ceasefire,
that offensive is happening. Is this the breach of international
humanitarian law you referred to last week, and will that breach
immediately end UK sales of arms to Israel
Or is this yet another example of the UK declaring a red line
only for Israel to completely
ignore it without condemnation or consequence? We know how this
plays out, Minister. You plead with them, they ignore you, they
do what they want and you find excuses for them. A blind eye will
be turned to the slaughter of tens of thousands of innocent
civilians, and while the UK Government call for more aid to the
survivors, they will continue to issue arms export licences. That
has been the pattern of behaviour for seven months. Can we expect
anything different now?
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Gentleman's final point, he will know that we are
working flat out in these very difficult circumstances to achieve
something different, and we will continue to do so. He quoted
what I said the last time I was at the Dispatch Box, and I would
point out that the words I have used today, in answering the same
question, are virtually exactly the same. I have made it clear
that there would have to be a plan that respected international
humanitarian law, and we have not yet seen such a plan. That is
entirely consistent with what I said before.
The hon. Gentleman asked about the sale of arms. The Foreign
Secretary announced on 9 April that the British position with
regard to export licences is unchanged. We do not publish the
Government's legal advice, but we always act in accordance with
it. I would point out that we publish data on export licensing
decisions transparently and on a quarterly basis.
(Fareham) (Con)
Yesterday I met survivors of the Nova festival massacre—people
who had fought singlehandedly for hours in Israel on 7 October
against brutal Hamas terrorists. We all want peace, and we all
want to see the end of civilian fatalities, but sometimes
countries must fight for peace. Israel has a
right to defend herself and a duty to protect her people from the
brutal terrorist cult of Hamas. Will the Minister confirm that
the Government will maintain steadfast and resolute support
for Israel as she finishes
the job of eliminating Hamas from Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
I am very pleased to hear that my right hon. Friend had the
chance to meet those survivors yesterday, so that she can share
with the House the hideous circumstances that they suffered. She
makes it clear that Israel has the right of
self-defence, and she set out eloquently why that is the case.
But Israel must also abide
by international humanitarian law.
(Hayes and Harlington)
(Lab)
I say to the Minister, if I may, “You're better than this.” We
all condemn Hamas's attack and we all want to see the hostages
released, but we are on the edge of witnessing a massacre, a mass
murder of innocent men, women and children at the behest of
fanatical zealots in the Israeli Cabinet. We need this Government
to lead an international exercise to prevent this attack now. One
way to prevent it is to make it clear to Netanyahu that if it
goes ahead, this Government will pursue him as a war criminal at
the international courts.
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Gentleman knows very well that the Government are
working with their allies, with the powers in the region and
through the United Nations precisely to ensure that that does not
happen. He also knows that the Foreign Secretary, the Prime
Minister and other Ministers who are in close contact with the
Israeli Government have made it absolutely clear what the effects
of a military campaign conducted within the small confines of
Rafah, where so many people are kettled, would be. I have made
very clear from this Dispatch Box the view of the Government in
that respect.
Sir (Northampton North) (Con)
A couple of days ago, on Holocaust Remembrance Day, an Israeli
commander reminded his men that on that day 80 years ago, the
Nazis led Jews to the ovens for the sole crime of being Jewish.
On 7 October, at dawn on a public holiday, Hamas and their
supporters invaded Israel and murdered
1,200 more Jewish people, including children, and raped,
dismembered and tortured people—and yes, they put one baby,
alive, in an oven to murder it. They took dozens of hostages, and
still have many in savage confinement of a medieval nature.
Many voices put pressure on Israel to do what
they believe Israel should do. Does
the Minister agree that more pressure needs to be put on Hamas to
do what they should do—what any civilised human being would call
for—which is to release the hostages and stop attacking aid
points? One such aid point was attacked at the weekend, killing
four Israeli soldiers—an aid point that, by the way, British aid
comes through. They are silent about that, with every focus
on Israel and none on
Hamas.
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. and learned Friend makes an important point. I want
to emphasise to him, but also to the House, that the hostages are
not an afterthought. They are at the very centre of this—there
are more than 130, including women and children, and a holocaust
survivor. The Government are trying to strike a balance. There is
an urgent requirement for a pause in all the fighting to enable
aid to get in and to negotiate the hostages out, which might then
lead, as a process, to a sustainable ceasefire, which is what we
are trying to achieve.
Dame (Barking) (Lab)
I think we all want an immediate ceasefire, and as we see the
start of the destruction of Rafah and the impact that it will
have on the civilian population, we are horrified. I want to ask
the Minister a practical question that might get us a step
further. How optimistic is he that a sufficient number of
hostages will be released to ensure that agreement between the
two sides can be reached and that Israel will then
accept an immediate ceasefire?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Lady, who speaks with authority and understanding
on these matters, will know that the question she has asked me is
at the heart of the negotiations, which still continue, and which
we very much hope will be successful. As I have said before, I
cannot give the House a running commentary on those negotiations,
but I can assure her that the logic she brings to this debate
does inform the Government's support for getting a resolution to
those negotiations.
(North West Hampshire) (Con)
Over the past few months, Members from all parts of the House
have questioned the Deputy Foreign Secretary on the notion of
consequences, and we have heard that again today. He is an
experienced Minister, so he knows that every equivocation, every
hesitation and every set of diplomatic niceties has led us to
this calamitous moment for the hostages, for the Palestinian
people and for the interests of both peoples in the long term. On
7 April, the Foreign Secretary said that support
for Israel was not
unconditional. I shall ask the question in a different way: is
there any red line? Is there anything the Israeli Government
could do that would so appal this Government that they would feel
the need to act? If so, what is it?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. Friend talks about the calamitous situation that we
have reached, and no one in the House will forget that it started
on 7 October with the brutal events that my right hon. and
learned Friend the Member for Northampton North (Sir ) just described. My right
hon. Friend asks me a rhetorical question, but the evidence will
show that the Government have done everything we possibly can to
try to alleviate the situation, sometimes unpopularly, and that
our logic was accepted at the United Nations in the two Security
Council resolutions that I mentioned.
(Tiverton and Honiton)
(LD)
The Israeli Opposition leader Yair Lapid said at the weekend:
“A government that wants to return the abductees”
would be
“sending the teams to Cairo, not…crushing the hearts of the
families.”
Lapid is right, but it is not only the hearts of the hostages'
families that are being crushed; it is those of the Palestinians
who want nothing to do with Hamas terrorists. Many of them are
being chased around the Gaza strip. The UK rightly
defends Israel from the threat
of attack by Iran, but will the British Government also suspend
arms exports to Israel
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Gentleman's first point, he will have seen that both
sides have sent teams to Cairo, and we await developments on that
with a degree of hope and optimism. On his second point, I have
made it clear to the House where the Government stand on arms
exports. We follow the legal advice—we do not publish it, in
accordance with precedent—and we will continue to do so.
(Bolton North East) (Con)
Members have said that the situation in Rafah needs to come to an
end, but what needs to come to an end is the fighting. UNICEF has
said today that Rafah is a city of children, and we should not be
dancing around the issue or playing with words as though it were
a game of Scrabble. We should call this what it is and call for
an immediate ceasefire. Families of hostages want the fighting to
end now, and my constituents in Bolton demand that it does. The
international community is demanding an immediate stop. We are
one of the most influential countries on the conflict, so will
the United Kingdom call for an immediate end to the fighting?
Mr Mitchell
I am grateful to my hon. Friend for keeping in touch with me on
issues that are brought to his attention by his constituents. As
he knows, it is exactly the Government's policy to try to achieve
that pause, which can then lead to a sustainable ceasefire. We
will continue to do everything we can to achieve that.
(Sunderland Central)
(Lab)
What is the Government's plan to get aid into Gaza now that both
Rafah and Kerem Shalom are inaccessible? Even if they were
accessible, with an invasion now started there would be no way to
distribute aid. What is the Government's plan to get aid in to
alleviate the appalling suffering of the Palestinian people?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady is right to identify that yesterday, Rafah and
Kerem Shalom were shut with no aid able to get in. That is a
matter of immense concern to the Government. She will know that
as well as trying to get aid in ourselves by road transport, we
have been a leading nation in assisting with the maritime route
and with airdrops. Some 11 airdrops have been made, 10 of them by
the Royal Air Force.
Dr Thérèse Coffey (Suffolk Coastal) (Con)
Constituents are understandably devastated by what is happening
in Gaza right now, which is desperate for those on both sides. I
am conscious of what the Minister has just said about aid being
distributed, but will he ensure that all the resources possible
are there to enable us to carry on with maritime delivery and
airdrops? Does he agree that ultimately, it is in Hamas's hands
to return the hostages and remove any excuse for further actions
in Gaza by Israel
Mr Mitchell
We will certainly continue to boost the maritime efforts, which,
as my right hon. Friend knows, are ongoing using both British
military assets and our stores in the region, particularly in
Cyprus, as well as technology for clearing the kit that is
available there. We will continue to do everything we can in
extraordinarily difficult circumstances, as we have been, to
achieve greater entry of aid into Gaza.
Mr (Sheffield South East)
(Lab)
The real concern now is that Netanyahu has one objective, which
is to raze Gaza to the ground. That is what he is intent on
doing, and it will include Rafah. This Government, along with all
other western Governments, have told the Israelis that they must
not go into Rafah. I ask the Minister once again: what are the
consequences if they do? Will it be a slap on the wrist and a
“Don't do it again”, or is serious consideration being given to
banning the sale of arms and to sanctioning individuals and the
Israeli Government collectively? What are the Government going to
do? Are they going to do anything at all?
Mr Mitchell
I have made it very clear what the Government are seeking to do.
The hon. Gentleman has outlined what Prime Minister Netanyahu is
saying, but there are many different voices in Israel as we have seen
this weekend, including significant demonstrations in support of
the policy of getting the hostages back. Britain is doing
everything it can to help achieve that.
(Bracknell) (Con)
For me, the defining feature of this appalling tragedy in Gaza is
that the civilian population is trapped between the oppression of
an appalling terrorist organisation and an appalling military
onslaught. Given the increasing compression of that population
within Rafah, in a much smaller geographical area, the need for
precision, restraint and proportionality from the Israelis is
ever more acute. Will the Minister please assure the House that
he is doing everything possible to convince the Israelis of the
need to preserve the sanctity of human life?
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend will know that the Government have repeatedly
underlined the importance of Israel abiding by
international humanitarian law. The Foreign Secretary and the
Prime Minister have underlined that point in their frequent
contacts.
(Bradford East) (Lab)
Despite the blatant disregard that we have seen for international
law over the last few weeks, the international community has
warned that the Israeli ground offensive in Rafah will be a red
line. Even the Deputy Foreign Secretary told this House last week
that he could not
“see how such an offensive could be compliant with international
humanitarian law”.[—[Official Report, 30 April 2024; Vol. 749, c.
140-41.]](/search/column?VolumeNumber=749&ColumnNumber=140&House=1&ExternalId=74253804-68CC-444F-B4E8-9F4227121130)
With Israeli troops now ready to move into the world's largest
and most densely populated refugee camp, where 1.4 million people
sit starving and fearful for the lives of their children, I have
to ask the Minister just why he did not come to the House today
to announce a strong UK response that immediately supports the
International Criminal Court's war crimes investigation and
immediately ends arms sales to Israel
Frankly, it is shameful that the Government have again come to
the House with nothing. Will the Minister please answer the
question that we have all come to hear answered? What are the UK
Government doing to stop the bloodshed and the massacre that are
about to happen hours from now in Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Gentleman's first point, there is no difference
between what I have said today and the response I gave on the
last occasion I was at the Dispatch Box, to which he refers. He
sets out, in eloquent tones, the nature of the problem we face,
but he must recognise that Britain, along with a large number of
regional powers, the international community and the UN, is
trying to stop the very position he sets out.
(Brigg and Goole) (Con)
Seven months ago today, many of us began receiving the most
alarming messages from friends and/or family in Israel By the end of
that day, every red line of international law had been breached
by the monstrous Palestinian terrorists who raped countless
women, murdered 1,200 people and took hundreds of innocent people
hostage.
Within hours, people in this country, and some pro-Palestinian
activists, were on the streets cheering what happened that day.
Since then, we have seen the dehumanisation of Jews through the
dehumanisation of Israel “The Protocols
of the Elders of Zion” has been dusted off and every antisemitic
trope has been trotted out. Some people in this House, whom we
would have expected to be allies when it comes to gender-based
violence, have had little or nothing to say about the horrors of
that day.
Now, we hear calls for Israel to be denied the
right to defend itself, while arms continue to flow to Hamas from
Iran and North Korea. There is nothing kind or compassionate
about that message. Will the Deputy Foreign Secretary confirm to
me that any ceasefire, which we all want because we all want this
tragedy to end, will include the complete removal of Hamas from
governance in Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend is right in what he says. The rightful aim of
defeating Hamas will not be achieved by allowing a humanitarian
catastrophe in Gaza, as I am sure he would agree. He mentions
gender-based violence; he will recognise that the Government have
supplied funding particularly to try to tackle aspects of that,
where we are able to make a contribution and have some impact. On
what he says about the nature of some of what has been said in
this House and outside, the Government make it very clear that we
are absolutely opposed to antisemitism and Islamophobia in all
their forms.
(Cynon Valley) (Lab)
Last October, the Israeli Defence Minister disgracefully
described the Palestinian people as “animals”, and that is
exactly how Israel has treated
them, forcibly displacing men, women, and children from the north
to the south of Gaza and now forcibly displacing people again,
slaughtering tens of thousands of innocent civilians and creating
famine conditions. Now there is the risk of a massacre. What we
are witnessing this week is a clear escalation of Israel's total
disregard for civilian life and international law. We need an
immediate ceasefire, but will the Minister finally agree to
impose stringent sanctions on Israel not
simply on individual settlers, by ending support for its military
capability in Gaza, suspending arms export licences and offering
support for ICJ and ICC processes investigating Israel's criminal
actions? Where is our humanity?
Mr Speaker
Order. Emotions are running high. I want to get everybody in, but
I am concerned that we will not achieve it at this rate. Please
can we help each other?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady sets out in lurid terms the issues we face and the
problems the entire international community is trying to
address—
indicated dissent.
Mr Mitchell
She shakes her head, but the fact is that the Government are
doing everything they can, as we have set out—the Foreign
Secretary has set it out, the Prime Minister has set it out and I
have set it out from this Dispatch Box—to try to effect the
change that she and I so desperately wish to see.
(Gillingham and Rainham)
(Con)
I welcome the Minister's statement with regard to the United
Kingdom supporting the people of Gaza with humanitarian aid. The
Minister knows that I have written to the Foreign Secretary
asking that the United Kingdom hosts an international donors
conference for Palestine, as it did with the international
Friends of Syria group, which was the largest convening of
humanitarian donors at a conference held in the United Kingdom. I
understand that the Foreign Secretary thought that it was a good
idea, so where is the UK in leading the way in setting up an
international donors conference for Palestine?
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend is right to identify a political horizon that is
constructive; when this ghastly fighting is over, we hope that
people will lift their eyes to a political horizon. Britain is
doing a lot of work to try to support that opportunity when it
comes, and at that point there may well be a role for Britain in
the international community to convene something of that
sort.
(Dundee West) (SNP)
The invasion of Rafah by the Israeli army comes alongside further
discoveries of more than 390 bodies in mass graves at the
al-Shifa and Nasser hospitals, with the UN confirming evidence of
torture, summary executions and instances of people being buried
alive and others buried with intravenous needles still in their
arms. At the most recent Foreign Office questions, the Deputy
Foreign Secretary said that it would be hard to see how an
invasion of Rafah would not be in breach of international
humanitarian law. Given what I have just outlined, do the UK
Government finally consider the invasion of Rafah to be a breach
of international humanitarian law—yes or no?
Mr Mitchell
Alas, such questions are not susceptible to yes or no answers. We
have made absolutely clear our view about an invasion of Rafah.
The full reality of the specific incidents the hon. Gentleman
mentions is not clear. We need to recognise, as the British
Government have made clear, that full and transparent
investigations of those matters is required.
(Chipping Barnet)
(Con)
Hamas have apparently said to mediators that they do not have 33
living hostages who fall into the categories of women, children,
elderly and sick. That is an appalling body blow for the
relatives of those held captive in Gaza for more than 200 days.
Will the Deputy Foreign Secretary take the opportunity to
acknowledge Israel's right to take military action to get those
people home?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. Friend is absolutely right to focus on the awful
plight of the hostages, as she has done repeatedly in this House.
She is also right to make it clear that, under international
law, Israel has the right to
self-defence and to take proportionate action to recover
hostages.
(Birmingham, Selly Oak)
(Lab)
Like many others, I pray that pressure from this House and
elsewhere can bring this conflict to an end, but we all know that
that will require agreement on an Arab-led body to maintain
peace, order and security. How close are we to that
agreement?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right to try to lift people's
eyes to the political horizon so that from this intolerable
misery can come hope for the future. A great deal of work is
going on to pinpoint and augment the sinews of such a political
future. The Foreign Secretary has been in the region
repeatedly—especially on the west bank and in Ramallah. We will
continue to do everything we can to plan for that, alongside
trying to resolve the desperate situation in Rafah, on which I
have tried to set out to the House what Britain is doing.
Mr (Bournemouth East) (Con)
The Deputy Foreign Secretary reminds us that we are now in the
seventh month. Talks are not making progress, the hostages still
have not been released and border crossings are closing; we are
entering another dark chapter in this terrible conflict. The UN
World Food Programme warns of a full-blown famine unless more aid
can be delivered. This House is asking what we can do, so will
the Deputy Foreign Secretary update us on the building of that
new maritime port off Gaza? That is something that the
international community can control, of which we can have full
stakeholder ownership. Once it is operational, will British
troops be involved in aid delivery?
Mr Mitchell
In respect of my right hon. Friend's final point, we will have to
see what is required. Securing the temporary pier off the coast
of Gaza is a way of getting additional aid in swiftly. He will
know that the Royal Fleet Auxiliary Cardigan Bay is in the area,
and is effectively the command post for this maritime effort.
Britain is also thoroughly involved, just as it is from the air
and from land, in detail in the maritime effort.
(Manchester, Gorton) (Lab)
The UK Government have long warned Israel that an invasion
of Rafah must not happen. Civilian lives must be protected and
aid must enter Gaza. Prime Minister Netanyahu has shown once
again that he is not listening to his allies or the ICJ, and that
he is hellbent on turning the whole of Gaza into a graveyard.
Will the UK Government urgently impose a full arms embargo
on Israel which is the
only thing the UK can do to try to stop the starvation and
potential genocide of those left in Rafah?
Mr Mitchell
The early part of the hon. Gentleman's question set out what we
are all trying to address. On an arms embargo, he will know that
the amount of arms that Britain supplies is negligible. Equally,
we operate an arms sales regime that is strictly governed by the
rules that I have previously set out to the House. We act in line
with the legal advice we receive, and we will continue to do
so.
(Ipswich) (Con)
Of course I am greatly concerned about the humanitarian situation
in Gaza right now, but I am also greatly concerned that nothing
happens that gives Hamas an increased foothold in Gaza and puts
them in a position to inflict more evil and misery, like that we
saw on 7 October. I am also concerned that some of the proposed
ceasefire agreements seem to involve releasing hundreds of Hamas
terrorists and do not involve all of the hostages being released.
Will the Deputy Foreign Secretary give me a commitment that we
will intensify plans for a Hamas-free Gaza, so that innocent
people in Gaza can look forward with hope to a future of
peace?
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend is absolutely right that Hamas can have no role in
Gaza in the future. Much of the work we are doing in that respect
is designed to help to build up the Palestinian Authority, so
that it can be involved in governing both the west bank and Gaza,
as soon as the time is right.
(Rochdale) (WPB)
The Deputy Foreign Secretary's answers today are virtually
identical to those he gave, including to me, last Tuesday. The
situation has escalated, but the Government's response remains
the same. There are 600,000 child hostages in Rafah alone. There
is no proof of life from them, but millions of our people are
watching on their phones today the proof of death and mutilation
of many of them. The Government say they are doing everything
they can, but they are not. You could now stop sending weapons to
the people who are raining down this death and misery, and the
Labour party could ask you to do that, but did not.
Mr Speaker
Order. The hon. Member says “you”, but it is not me who is
responsible.
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman says that the answers I gave to him and others
last Tuesday are the same. Those answers reflect, in so far as
the parameters of the situation are the same, the fact that we
are pursuing long-term policies designed to tackle the evils that
have been set out so clearly this afternoon in the House. He also
makes a point about the number of children who are denied food
and medicine in Rafah. He will know that through medical aid and
the British contribution, not least through a field hospital,
Britain has been careful to ensure that where we can bring
medical help, particularly to children, we are doing so.
(Harrow East) (Con)
The 130-plus hostages have now been held for 214 days, in
barbaric conditions, subject to rape and torture, and denied
medical access from the International Red Cross. The sad reality
is that Israel put a deal on
the table that could have led to there being a ceasefire right
now, in return for the release of some—not all—of the hostages
and of Palestinian prisoners who have been convicted in courts of
law. Secretary Blinken described that as an “extraordinarily
generous” offer, yet Hamas refuse to accept it. Does my right
hon. Friend take the view that Hamas have it in their power to
accept the position of a ceasefire, so that the violence and war
can come to an end naturally as a result?
Mr Mitchell
The point that my hon. Friend makes, which has been echoed in
different ways across the House, is that we must ensure we do
everything we can to make certain that the negotiations that are
taking place at the moment in Cairo make progress and are
successful. That is what everyone should be hoping can be
achieved tonight.
(Birmingham, Yardley)
(Lab)
What I think the Deputy Foreign Secretary has been saying to us
today is that we have not seen a credible plan for evacuation
from Rafah, and that there is currently an incursion into Rafah.
If I add those two things up, what he is saying, between the
lines, is that Israel has currently
breached the rule that the UK has set. I do not think he wants to
say it here, but that is what I am hearing. If there is no
credible plan to move those people and the attack is ongoing,
when can we expect, if not today, an update from the Dispatch Box
on the UK's position towards Israel arms
sales and other things that have been mentioned?
Mr Mitchell
I have given the hon. Lady the update from the Dispatch Box, in
so far as there is an update to give. She asks me about the words
that we are using in respect of Rafah. I have made it clear that
we have not seen a credible plan for military action in Rafah so
far, so we are not able to judge whether it would be in
accordance with international humanitarian law, and that is the
point that I have been making to the House.
Sir (The Cotswolds)
(Con)
Israel is our friend and ally, but that does not stop us
questioning its actions. My right hon. Friend the Deputy Foreign
Secretary says that he wants to see much more aid getting into
Gaza. The actions in Gaza over the weekend have only made those
miles-long queues of lorries even greater. Air and sea drops are
difficult. Will he today, on behalf of the Government, appeal to
our allies to allow those in those miles-long queues in Rafah to
rapidly go into Gaza and relieve the suffering of the people
there?
Mr Mitchell
We continually appeal for more aid getting in by road. We have
made arrangements for maritime entry, and entry from the air, but
getting aid in through entry points on the road system is, by
miles, the best way. I said at the outset of my remarks that we
were very concerned indeed about the fact that no aid got in
through Rafah or Kerem Shalom yesterday. We are doing everything
we can, as we have been since the start of this crisis, to ensure
that more aid is getting in, and we will continue to do so.
(East Antrim) (DUP)
The pro-Hamas network of the press, politicians and protesters is
becoming increasingly hysterical in its efforts to
stop Israel pursuing those
who carried out the pogrom of murder, rape, torture and
hostage-taking last October. Does the Minister accept that if
there is to be long-term peace in the middle east, we must
continue to support Israel—in its battle against Hamas, in
defending itself, and in pursuing those who cynically hide behind
innocent civilians today, and tomorrow use their death as a
propaganda weapon?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Gentleman makes the point that Israel has the right to
self-defence, but I am sure that he would accept that it must be
exercised within international humanitarian law.
(Brent Central) (Lab)
Minister, what does “finish the job” mean, with 40,000 people
dead, many of whom are children? Is it finished when every single
man, woman, child and baby is dead in Gaza? Is that what “finish
the job” means? The Government said that the invasion of Rafah
would not comply with international law. The Minister says that
we do not supply that many arms to Israel
but if we were to stop even that supply, would it not send the
message that our Government abide by, and believe in the
importance of, international law?
Mr Mitchell
I hope that the hon. Lady will accept that although the
Government do not publish the legal advice that they receive,
they always act in accordance with it.
(Dwyfor Meirionnydd)
(PC)
My constituent Emily Fares has family in Gaza. Here is her
message:
“We heard from our family yesterday, half of them have now fled
Rafah after threatening evacuation orders fell from the sky. When
we spoke to them they did not know where they were going—they
mentioned al-Mawasi, but there is no building for them to stay,
it is not safe there. There are no food provisions there. There
is nowhere to go to the toilet, nowhere to wash. They are now
utterly destitute.”
Forced displacement is a war crime. The Minister's Government
have it in their power to set up a scheme for people desperate to
join family in the UK. If not now, when?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Lady sets out the heart-rending reports that she
has received. That is why the Government, with as much vigour and
co-operation with our allies as possible, are trying to do the
things that I have set out.
(Vauxhall)
(Lab/Co-op)
The initial Israeli offence in Rafah began last night, and it has
been described as “limited”. An operation is not limited if it
results in the evacuation and forced displacement of around
100,000 people. An operation is not limited if it results in all
crossings being closed, and humanitarian aid being completely
halted. The House cannot downplay the significance of what is
happening. The Minister said that the Government are doing
everything they can, but will he make it clear from the Dispatch
Box that the Government do not support this offensive, and that
there must be consequences under international law if it goes
ahead?
Mr Mitchell
The Government have made it absolutely clear that we have yet to
see a plan in respect of any military operations in Rafah, but we
have always made it clear that any such plans must abide by
international humanitarian law.
(Leeds East) (Lab)
For months, the Minister has come to the Dispatch Box and told us
that the Government are asking the Israeli Government to do this,
or requesting that the Israeli Government do that. The harsh
truth is that Israel is ignoring the
UK Government, and that our Government now need to act. Words are
not enough; we need action to show that there are consequences
for breaching international law. The Government must act now by
ending arms sales and suspending the trade talks, because if they
do not do what is necessary and take action to help prevent the
attack on Rafah, will the Israeli Government not see that as our
Government giving them the green light to commit yet more war
crimes?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman will have seen what the Foreign Secretary and
the Prime Minister have said, and how we are working with our
allies and countries in the region to try to improve the
situation. He will know, as the whole House knows, that there is
no magic solution. We have to persist with the arguments and the
logic that are so clearly set out in United Nations Security
Council resolutions 2720 and 2728, and we will continue to do
so.
Ms (Airdrie and Shotts) (SNP)
Over the past seven months, I and many other Members across this
House have come to the Chamber to gain an understanding of what
the red lines are for the UK Government, but it feels like there
are not many. It felt like it was not a red line when babies in
Gaza were removed from the wombs of their dead mothers. It felt
like it was not a red line when children in Gaza looked up to the
sky, not knowing whether aid or bombs were going to drop on them.
Now, in Rafah, displaced refugees once again face the threat of
forcible transfer, and again it does not feel like this is a red
line. Given that there is precedent for halting arms sales
to Israel will the UK
Government finally halt those sales? If not, can the Deputy
Foreign Secretary please explain to us what cost is associated
with a Palestinian life? What are the red lines? What does
Benjamin Netanyahu have to do that is too much?
Mr Mitchell
The case that the hon. Lady makes should encourage everyone—the
Government, but everyone else as well—to do everything they can
to bring an end to this catastrophic conflict, which is causing
such pain to so many.
Mr (Birmingham, Perry Barr)
(Lab)
I will start as I always do: I condemn Hamas, and I think all
refugees on both sides should be returned, but the attack on
Rafah has started. The escalation of humanitarian disaster and
catastrophe continues, in contravention of international law.
There has been too much hand-wringing and making of excuses. We
have to call it what it is: we stand here while people are
starving and children are dying of malnutrition, and while there
is no support for civilians in the area. The case has been made
for hostages to be released; what will happen when Rafah is
bombed? What will happen to those Israeli hostages? This policy
is doomed from the start. Will the Deputy Foreign Secretary call
for a ceasefire now and move forward?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman will know that the Government have
consistently sought a pause, so that the hostages can get out and
aid can get in, and have worked tirelessly, I would argue, to try
to ensure that aid does get in, including by inventing new ways
of trying to achieve that. He started his question by pointing
out that an attack had started in Rafah, but he will also know
that negotiations are proceeding in Cairo, and we must hope that
those negotiations are successful as quickly as possible.
(Newport East) (Lab)
With nowhere safe for Palestinians to go, and overcrowding in
places such as al-Mawasi, I ask again: where exactly do the UK
Government think Palestinians displaced from eastern Rafah should
go next? If the Deputy Foreign Secretary has no answer, why does
the Government's response remain the same?
Mr Mitchell
As I have repeatedly made clear, we think that there needs to be
a pause in the fighting that can, as I have expressed on numerous
occasions in the House, lead to a sustainable ceasefire.
(East Lothian) (Alba)
Is it not time to recognise that Israel's actions are not a
disproportionate response to 7 October, but in fact part of a
concerted plan to make Gaza unliveable, and to extirpate the
Palestinian population there, while encroaching on Palestinian
territories in the occupied west bank? As a result, is it not
time that we ceased arms sales, stopped being complicit in
Israel's military actions, reinstated United Nations Relief and
Works Agency aid, and joined other nations in condemning this
dreadful genocide?
Mr Mitchell
As I have said to the House before, I do not think it is helpful
to use terms such as “genocide”. It is important that the House
recognises that the findings of the International Court of
Justice have been misrepresented in that respect. Joan Donoghue,
a former president of the ICJ who was still serving at the time
of the preliminary decision, stated that the ICJ
“did not decide that the claim of genocide was plausible”.
(Bethnal Green and Bow)
(Lab)
The Minister talks about a pause; the United Nations voted for a
resolution calling for a ceasefire. The Minister is now talking
about looking at Israeli military plans for Gaza, when the
international community has thus far made it clear that there
should not be an invasion of Gaza. It feels as if he is going
backwards. His Government have so far failed to restore UNRWA
funding, which is making the matter and the misery worse. He has
failed to take action to ensure that the Government support the
implementation of the ICJ's provisional measures and the
International Criminal Court investigation of the Occupied
Palestinian Territories. He has a good track record, but he is
failing us by taking us backwards on this important issue. When
will he take action on those specific measures?
Mr Speaker
Order. Can we speed up questions? Otherwise, some people will not
get in.
Mr Mitchell
I do not recognise the early part of the hon. Lady's question,
but let me assure her, as I have assured the House in the past,
that we are doing everything we can to address the dreadful
situation that she has so eloquently articulated.
(Poplar and Limehouse)
(Lab)
The Minister's reply on 17 April to my written question referred
to wanting
“to see Israel take greater
care to limit its operations to military targets”.
Can he confirm that he is finally aware that Israel has not limited
its onslaught to military targets? Given that the Government's
own licensing criteria refer to the
“risk that the items might be used to…facilitate a serious
violation of international humanitarian law…or serious acts of
violence against women or children”,
how can continuing to arm Israel in its
bombardment of Palestinian civilians possibly be justified?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady refers to a number of early incidents, which have
been condemned. She will know that, in respect of each of those
incidents, the Government have said that we want an independent
and credible investigation and transparent conclusions, so that
we know why and how those acts took place.
(Birmingham, Hodge Hill)
(Lab)
The Minister has said that the policy has not changed, but the
facts on the ground have. Ordering the evacuation of 100,000
people is not a small operation; it is big one. He knows that the
clear test for suspending arms sales is a clear risk of a breach
of humanitarian law, but he has told the House this afternoon
that he has no assurances that that breach is impossible because
he has not seen a plan. Can he tell the House what advice he has
given the Department for Business and Trade, and when, about its
legal obligation to suspend arms sales now? Will he lay that out
for us this afternoon, before he gives evidence to the Select
Committee on Business and Trade on 21 May?
Mr Mitchell
The position on arms sales and legal advice is clear, as the
right hon. Gentleman will be aware. He knows that we always
follow carefully the legal advice, although we do not publish it,
and we always act in accordance with it. He will also know that,
in the light of that legal advice, as the Foreign Secretary
announced on 9 April, the UK position with regard to export
licences remains unchanged.
(Stretford and Urmston)
(Lab)
Gaza is bleeding and Gaza is starving. At least 34,700 people are
dead, the majority of them women and children, while a man-made
famine continues to take hold. How much further do things need to
escalate before this Government finally take action, restore
UNRWA funding and—finally—call for an immediate ceasefire?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Member raises the issue of UNRWA, which was also raised
by his hon. Friend the Member for Bethnal Green and Bow () and I should have responded
on that point. Britain is currently in a position of not owing
any money to UNRWA, we have said that we are considering the
Colonna report and we are waiting for the Office of Internal
Oversight Services report. In due course, we will come to the
House to tell it the decision we have made, but it is important
to recognise that at the current time Britain is fully paid up in
respect of UNRWA's money and work.
(Inverness, Nairn, Badenoch
and Strathspey) (SNP)
More than 14,500 children have been killed in Gaza. Is the
Minister proud that the UK continues to sell arms for use in this
action?
Mr Mitchell
I am proud that Britain is doing everything it can and that the
Government are bending every sinew to try to resolve this
desperate situation and to make sure that we get aid into
Gaza—“flood” Gaza with aid, as the Israeli Government have
promised—but also get out the hostages, whose families have
suffered so much since the appalling pogrom on 7 October.
(Halifax) (Lab)
The Deputy Foreign Secretary has said that he is still waiting to
see the military plans from Israel in
relation to Rafah, but we are all watching the consequences of
the execution of those plans, which is already under way. Part of
what we have seen overnight has been the very deliberate
destruction of any signage that describes the territory as Gaza,
and the taking down of Palestinian flags and replacing them with
Israeli flags. That is not necessary in any way to neutralise any
security threat. Has he asked Israel what it is
doing and why it has done that, and can he give me one example of
a consequence now that this red line has been crossed?
Mr Mitchell
We continue to make it clear to Israel that it
should not in these circumstances be conducting military
operations in Rafah until there is a proper plan that ensures it
stands by its duties and responsibilities under international
humanitarian law.
(Enfield North) (Lab)
Thousands of children killed, hostages not
released, Israel accused of war
crimes, global outrage at Israel's conduct and Hamas very much in
being—this is how not to fight a war. Even war has rules, so
given the number of civilians sheltering in Rafah, can the
Minister make it clear that the UK Government do not support the
Rafah offensive?
Mr Mitchell
I have made it crystal clear where the Government stand on the
issue of any Rafah offensive, and we will continue to do
everything we can—as I have clearly, I hope, set out to the
House—to bring about an urgent resolution of this extraordinarily
difficult and catastrophic situation.
Mr (Orkney and Shetland)
(LD)
In recent months, Israeli forces in Gaza have been responsible
for the killing of aid workers, medics and journalists, including
British citizens among them, and they have been responsible for
the targeting of civilian infrastructure. In these circumstances,
what possible basis can there be in law for continuing to supply
weapons to Israel
Mr Mitchell
The decisions on weapons licences are not made across the Floor
of the House, nor are they made on the basis of emotion. They are
made on the basis of the rules clearly set down. They are
governed by the advice that we receive from lawyers, and we act
in accordance with that advice.
(Denton and Reddish)
(Lab)
The 1.4 million displaced people kettled in the south of the Gaza
strip, precisely where they were told to go, are now facing mass
starvation—a humanitarian catastrophe unfolding before our eyes.
The Rafah offensive cannot and must not be allowed to happen. The
Deputy Foreign Secretary says that he is yet to see a plan,
credible or not. But a plan clearly exists if the Israeli
authorities are asking 100,000 people to move. Given that he has
not been clear to the House on consequences or advice from
officials, if there is a breach of international law, at which
point are the British Government also complicit?
Mr Mitchell
The Government have made it clear that all countries,
and Israel in this
conflict, must abide by international humanitarian law. The hon.
Member will be well aware that there are consequences for not
abiding by international humanitarian law. Britain stands by its
own international commitments in that respect, and expects others
to do likewise.
(Paisley and Renfrewshire
North) (SNP)
The Minister said that we have not seen a credible plan to
protect civilians. That has been the case since the shameful
atrocities of 7 October. Seven months on and 35,000 deaths on, we
get the same lip service and the same drivel about
urging Israel to follow
international law, all while those on the Labour Front Bench gave
them political cover. The UK shamefully continues to send arms
to Israel so if this is
found to be a genocide, as I think it will be, and Netanyahu
therefore a war criminal, this Government and therefore this
country will be complicit, will they not?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Member uses lurid language, and he should recognise what
the Government are seeking to do, together with our allies in the
region and internationally, and support the Government in that
endeavour.
(Nottingham East) (Lab)
I want the Deputy Foreign Secretary to imagine that he was in
Rafah. If bombs were being dropped on his family and there was no
safe place for them to go, I am sure that he would want
Governments such as ours to use every available lever to stop the
attacks and that he would rightly expect to receive protection.
So why is it different for Palestinians? What will it take for
this Government to call for an immediate ceasefire, stop arms
sales to Israel and hold
Netanyahu to account for his war crimes?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Member is right to set out the jeopardy of the families
that she describes in Rafah. That is why, on so many different
fronts, the Government, along with their allies, are trying to
bring about a resolution to these matters. The fact that so far
we have not been fully successful in that endeavour should not
deter us from continuing to try to do the right thing in those
respects.
(Walthamstow) (Lab/Co-op)
The Minister raises concerns about misrepresentation, so let us
be clear: those protesting in Israel in support
of the hostages were protesting against Netanyahu and his
approach in Rafah. That was not the impression that the Minister
gave. Those protesters and hostage families recognise, as does
this House, that military action in Rafah, the man-made famine,
and the displacement of 100,000 people to a place where they are
trying to put tents up in rubble, is not going to lead to the
release of hostages or to the two-state solution. It will
probably lead to further war crimes. The UK cannot sit this out,
so will the Minister at least be honest? He will not tell us why
he will not suspend arms sales. Will he tell us whether our
intelligence shows that to date British-made weapons and
technology have been used in Rafah—yes or no?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Member asks me at the beginning of her question about
the extensive demonstrations that have been seen in Israel She is right
about that, which is why I said in an earlier answer that there
was a plurality of views in Israel many of
which do not coincide with the views of Prime Minister
Netanyahu.
(Dulwich and West Norwood)
(Lab)
There is nowhere safe for people in Rafah. There is no relief for
people in northern Gaza who are starving as aid is being choked
off again. The situation in Gaza is intolerable and there are
clear breaches of international law. None of that serves the
cause of peace or hastens the release of the hostages. So I ask
the Deputy Foreign Secretary, who has been short on detail today:
where is the accountability and, specifically, what actions is he
taking to ensure the implementation of the UN Security Council
resolution requiring a ceasefire and the ICJ interim
judgment?
Mr Mitchell
I have clarified one aspect of the ICJ interim judgment, which I
hope is helpful to the House. In respect of the details that the
hon. Member says are lacking today, I put to her and the House
that we have been very open and clear about what we expect to
happen. We have argued, and we have used our money and our
influence diplomatically to make progress in this matter, and we
will continue to do so.
(Oldham West and Royton)
(Lab/Co-op)
The Deputy Foreign Secretary knows that international law applies
to all, or it matters to none. He speaks of the right of
self-defence, and the House would agree with that, but what we
have seen is far beyond self-defence. Outside of all the noise
around that day, on 21 February, this House set out its position
and said in black and white—no ifs, no buts—that we do not
support the offensive into Rafah. That is the position of this
House as we stand here today. Given what he has said, it is clear
that he does not believe that an offensive into Rafah would be
within international law, so is he in that circumstance content
with UK-supplied arms being used in that offensive? If not, what
will he do about it?
Mr Mitchell
I have made clear where the Government stand in respect of arms
sales. There is a strong precedent for how we handle these
issues, which certainly was pursued by the Opposition when they
were in government. We will continue to operate in precisely the
way I have set out to the House in the future.
(Newcastle upon Tyne Central) (Lab)
The consequences of Israel's Rafah offensive for the Palestinians
are absolutely clear: death, destruction, starvation and disease
on a scale even greater than the horrors we have already
witnessed. It beggars belief that the Deputy Foreign Secretary
comes to this House and cannot set out any consequences
for Israel from that
offensive. We are here because our constituents hold us to
account for what is happening in Gaza. Why does he refuse to
hold Israel to account for
what is happening there?
Mr Mitchell
I do not recognise the hon. Member's description on the question
of accountability. We have been very clear on accountability in
this House to all sides in this appalling conflict, and we will
continue to be so.
(Putney) (Lab)
The first thing that aid workers returning from Gaza talk about
is the smell, because there are rivers of sewage in Gaza at the
moment. The assault on Rafah means displacing people from a place
with very poor sanitation to a place with no sanitation and
catastrophic health outcomes. Only UNWRA can provide the
sanitation needs at scale to solve this. The EU, Australia,
Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Iceland, Japan and Sweden have
all restored funding to UNWRA. The Deputy Foreign Secretary has
talked about the zero sum with UNWRA, but funding needs to be
fully restored and increased to stop this health and sanitation
catastrophe. Why will the Government not increase funding to
UNWRA?
Mr Mitchell
I have made clear the process that the Government are going
through in respect of our future commitments to UNWRA. I have
also made clear that, as far as the current situation is
concerned, we have fully funded and met our commitments to UNWRA,
and we will make decisions when we have completed our review of
the Colonna inquiry and the Office of Internal Oversight Services
report from the United Nations.
(Middlesbrough) (Lab)
The earlier comment that Israel should get on
and finish the job sent a chill through this Chamber and through
the homes of millions of people in our country, because they know
what that means: increased numbers of children being massacred in
Rafah, and I would like the Deputy Foreign Secretary to distance
himself from that comment. Given the evidence in the High Court
that says that the UK Government have not received any legal
advice on potential violations of international humanitarian law
in Gaza since 29 February, can he say what confidence he has that
the £13 million-worth of aerial targeting equipment licensed for
sale to Israel at the end of
2022, or the £10 million-worth of military support vehicle sales
approved in May last year, will not result in the death of
civilians in Rafah?
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Gentleman's first point, any Member of the House who
asks a question is responsible for what they say and how they say
it. From the Dispatch Box, I have given an answer to all the
questions that have been asked, whether he approves of them or
not. On his second point, where, with great skill, he seeks to
flush out a different answer, I have nothing to add to what I
have already said on the subject of arms sales.
(Glasgow North) (SNP)
At a recent event in Glasgow, I heard the parish priest of Gaza
describe the situation as almost like hell on earth. If an
individual were to escape that hell in Gaza and make their way to
the UK by irregular means, because there is no humanitarian visa
and no safe and legal route, is it the Government's position that
such a person should be deported to Rwanda?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman asks me a hypothetical question. When he comes
up with a specific case where there is a need for a response, I
will of course give it to him.
(Oldham East and
Saddleworth) (Lab)
Like most people here, I want to see an immediate ceasefire, the
release of all hostages and access to humanitarian aid, but quite
frankly I have been absolutely gobsmacked by the Deputy Foreign
Secretary's response. I see no levers that the Government are
using to influence the Israeli Government's behaviour, and I see
the playing with words around what our obligations are under
international law in relation to our arms licensing process. As I
am reading it here from the UN, if there is a “plausible risk of
genocide” we should not be supplying arms to any country. The ICJ
has already ruled that there is a plausible risk of genocide, so
will the Deputy Foreign Secretary stop dancing on the head of a
pin and do something about this?
Mr Mitchell
At the heart of the hon. Lady's question is throwing the word
“genocide” across the Chamber, which I do not think is helpful.
If she heard what I said earlier, I was, I hope, specifically
helpful to the House, in showing why what she said about the ICJ
and genocide was totally inaccurate, by quoting the former
president of the ICJ.
(Ealing North) (Lab/Co-op)
We need an immediate ceasefire, the release of all hostages and a
massive surge of aid going to all parts of Gaza. As we have
warned for months, an Israeli offensive in Rafah would be
catastrophic and it must not go ahead. What are the UK Government
doing to ensure there is maximum international pressure to stop
the offensive from happening and to urgently secure an agreement
that includes an immediate ceasefire?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman makes the point that everyone wants to see a
pause in the fighting, a sustainable ceasefire, aid getting in in
very significant volumes and the hostages getting out. That is
the policy of the British Government. We are doing everything we
can, together with our allies, to achieve those aims and we will
continue to do so.
(Strangford) (DUP)
Israel has a right to defend its people, a right to have the 135
hostages released, and a right to destroy the four Hamas
battalions still operating, whose goal is to murder everyone who
is of Israeli or Jewish origin. Following the devastating
breakdown of ceasefire talks, will the Minister outline how the
Government can continue to work with Israel to
see the hostages released and the end to hostilities, bearing in
mind that families on both sides of the Gaza conflict are
grieving and want an end to bloodshed, and want a future for all
their children?
Mr Mitchell
As ever, my hon. Friend accurately, in his first three points,
sets out the situation. On his final point, we will continue to
work with everyone to try to achieve a resolution to these issues
in the way I have set out today.
(Warwick and Leamington)
(Lab)
Having promised that Rafah would provide safe sanctuary, they now
demand that the Palestinians must leave. Having frustrated
humanitarian aid, they have now seized and closed the Rafah and
Kerem Shalom crossings. Having killed 100 journalists, they have
now seized and closed down al-Jazeera in Gaza. On Israel's
Government, the former US middle east envoy, Dennis Ross, stated
today:
“At a certain point, Netanyahu needs to choose Biden over
Ben-Gvir, he needs to choose the hostages over Smotrich.”
Do the Government agree with him that we are at that moment?
Mr Mitchell
We listen to everyone who comments on these matters, and we have
been at a number of critical points throughout these appalling
circumstances, but the hon. Gentleman said at the beginning of
his question that getting aid through entry points which are
currently shut was vital, and we completely agree. We supported
the maritime and air initiatives for that reason, but opening up
those entry points remains the most important and most effective
way of getting aid and humanitarian relief to desperate
people.
(Newport West) (Lab)
Everyone in the House knows that the trickling of aid into Gaza
has been a stop-start affair, but it is a critical lifeline to
support Palestinian civilians none the less. Today that lifeline
has been cut off yet again. May I ask whether this represents a
failure of the Government's policy, may I ask whether it amounts
to a breach of international humanitarian law, and may I also
ask, like everyone else, what the consequences will be?
Mr Mitchell
The Government are always in favour of people being held to
account for their actions. The hon. Lady will have gathered from
what I have said at this Dispatch Box, today and on other
occasions, that when there is a need for a transparent inquiry
the Government always stand up for it. She said that aid had
trickled into Gaza. She will know that as part of the
Government's intensive efforts, we have tried to ensure that the
volume of aid is increased, and she will have heard what the
Israeli Government said about flooding Gaza with aid. We are
doing everything we can to increase the flow and hold the Israeli
Government to account for what they have committed themselves to
doing in respect of aid entering Gaza.
(Wirral West) (Lab)
We all want to see an immediate ceasefire on the part of all
parties, and the release of all hostages. The United Nations
reports:
“Cases of acute malnourishment among children continue to rise
due to the unprecedented food crisis, deteriorating health, water
and sanitation services, and widespread fear and stress
undermining the ability of mothers to breastfeed their
babies.”
Aid through Rafah has been very limited, and now that route has
been cut off. Does the Minister consider the cutting off of aid
routes to the civilian population to be a breach of the ICJ's
interim report?
Mr Mitchell
We are trying to ensure that we get aid into Gaza in a number of
different ways. The hon. Lady will have heard me set out those
ways, and I think we have taken advantage of all the
opportunities we can find to increase the amount of aid getting
in. We will continue to do everything we can to intensify that
approach.
(Glenrothes) (SNP)
The remit of the International Criminal Court does not extend
only to war criminals in the Israeli Government and in Hamas; it
extends to any Government who have failed to take reasonable
steps to prevent these atrocities. The Minister may be happy to
hide behind the defence of “My lawyers said it was OK,” but does
he respect the right of UK civil servants to take their own
independent legal advice on these matters, and will he give an
assurance that no British civil servants will be put under any
pressure to do anything if they honestly believe that it would
contribute to crimes against humanity or war crimes in Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
The roles and rights of British civil servants in these matters
are very clearly codified, and the Government respect that
absolutely.
Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr )
I thank the Deputy Foreign Secretary for coming here today and
responding to the urgent question for a few minutes short of an
hour and a half.
Sir (Northampton North) (Con)
On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker; it is on this topic.
On Friday Sir Robert Chote, the chair of the UK Statistics
Authority, published a letter pointing out the uncertainties and
bias relating to the casualty statistics produced by the
Hamas-run Gaza Ministry of Health. Many academic statisticians
have also pointed out that the Hamas figures are metronomically
linear and obviously fabricated. Members on all sides have used
these terrorist figures, some with careless abandon, but Sir
Robert said that
“it would be desirable for Ministers, Shadow Ministers and other
Parliamentarians to state the source of any estimates they use in
the public domain and to recognise”
their limitations. Will you, Mr Deputy Speaker, advise Members to
heed the urging of the UK Statistics Authority and to be highly
cautious about using Hamas casualty statistics?
Mr Deputy Speaker
I thank the right hon. and learned Member for his point of order
and for giving notice of it. As he knows, comments made by
Members in the Chamber are not the responsibility of the Chair,
but he has successfully put his own view on the record.
Private Notice Question
(Lords) on Israel and Gaza
Asked by
The Lord
To ask His Majesty's Government (1) what representations they are
making to the Government of Israel in light
of a potential new offensive by Israeli forces, and (2) what
humanitarian aid and support of essential services they plan to
provide to the region.
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Office () (Con)
My Lords, we want an end to the fighting as soon as possible.
Well over six months since Hamas's terror attack
against Israel it is appalling
that hostages are still being held. Too many civilians are also
dying in Gaza, and this weekend Hamas rockets killed four IDF
soldiers and injured others. As we have said, the fastest way to
end the conflict is to secure a deal which gets the hostages out
and allows for a pause in the fighting in Gaza. It is then that
we must turn that pause into a sustainable, permanent
ceasefire.
Regarding the situation in Rafah, our position has been
consistent. We are deeply concerned about the prospect of a
military incursion, given the number of civilians sheltering
there and its importance for delivering aid. It and other
crossing points, including Kerem Shalom, must be reopened quickly
to allow essential aid in. Israel must facilitate
immediate, uninterrupted humanitarian access in the south,
including for the entry of fuel, and ensure the protection of
civilians and safe passage for those who wish to leave Rafah. As
yet, we have not seen a credible plan to protect civilians.
We are following closely the latest developments around hostage
talks and, at this stage, while events are still shifting
quickly, we will not provide a detailed running commentary. As
the Foreign Secretary has said, we want a deal agreed that will
ensure the release of hostages and a pause in fighting. A
generous offer was on the table last week, proposed by Egypt and
accepted by Israel We need now to
see Hamas also accept the viable deal so that we can start
building the momentum towards a permanent, sustained ceasefire.
In parallel, we will continue to push as hard as we can to get
much-needed aid into Gaza via vital land routes alongside sea and
air to alleviate the suffering. Israel has now
committed to significant steps to increase the amount of aid
getting into Gaza. We now need to see this turned into action to
ensure that aid actually gets over the border and is safely and
properly distributed. I—
(Lab)
This is supposed to be a PNQ.
The Lord
I thank the Minister for his reply. My concern is with the
immediate humanitarian crisis facing civilians in the Gaza Strip,
with Israeli forces now in control of the southern border
crossing. What representations have His Majesty's Government made
about getting more fuel, food supplies and medicines in? Are
there any other avenues by which we can get aid into the country
to alleviate the immediate suffering?
(Con)
My Lords, I seek the House's indulgence. The reason my Answer was
slightly more lengthy is that it has been a very long working
weekend on this and I wanted to give details. In answer directly
to the right reverend Prelate, I say that we are
imploring Israel to ensure that
the crossings that were shut are opened immediately, including in
Rafah. Noble Lords will know that the southern border on the
Palestinian side is currently controlled by the IDF. My noble
friend had a conversation with the
President of Israel this morning,
and just a little while ago I also had a conversation with the
chief negotiator of Qatar.
(Lab)
My Lords, the Minister has made the case: there should have been
a government Statement today on this subject and we should have
had more time to discuss it.
I ask two basic questions. Does the Minister not think that an
attack on Rafah presents a clear risk of a serious breach of
international humanitarian law? Can he confirm whether he or the
Foreign Secretary have received any assessment—not legal advice,
but any assessment or policy advice—from FCDO officials that the
threshold has already been met? We need a clear view on that.
This changes things dramatically. Also, as the right reverend
Prelate said, aid is surely important. When will the Government
resume funding to UNRWA? There is an immediate and urgent need
for it.
(Con)
On the noble Lord's second point, there were two reports set up
by the Secretary-General. One—the Colonna report—has reported
back; the other oversight report is being reported shortly. As
the Prime Minister said, those will be reviewed. I accept the
principle, as I have said repeatedly, of the important role UNRWA
plays, particularly in Gaza. On the earlier point, of course this
is evolving. We are receiving regular information. I have already
made the point about the importance of the escalation into Rafah
on a number of occasions. It needs to be immediately resolved,
because there are now 600,000 children in Rafah—almost 50% of
those in Rafah are children. We need to ensure their safety and
security and at the moment, as I said earlier, we have not been
reassured at all about any detailed plans on where these people
will move. Mawasi is pretty barren land, but that is being
suggested as a place where they may shelter.
(LD)
My Lords, does the Minister agree that the Israeli Defense Forces
advising 100,000 civilians, the majority of whom will be women
and children, to move to a so-called humanitarian zone where
there will be no support for food, shelter, medicine or security
is a breach of international humanitarian law? Further, does he
agree that, given the fact that the World Food Programme's
executive director said on Sunday that there is now famine north
of Gaza, for the IDF to refuse entry of UNRWA staff to provide
life-saving assistance is also a breach of international
humanitarian law? Has the Foreign Secretary communicated that to
the Israeli Government? What actions will the UK Government take,
as it is a fact that there is no justification for the UK to
replenish licences for military equipment and arms to the Israeli
Government, given the situation? What are the consequences for
the warnings that have been provided by Ministers, including that
of the Foreign Secretary to me on 12 March? There is very little
point in having a conversation if there are no consequences for
actions.
(Con)
My Lords, on the issue of consequences for actions, we have
raised a number of concerns directly with the Israeli Government.
I am sure the noble Lord saw, for example, on the issue of
settler violence, that specific sanctions were issued on Friday,
including against key settler organisations. These were a direct
response. As the Foreign Secretary has said, we are making
representations. Israel is a friend but,
at the same time, the candid nature of our friendship means that
we will not desist from action, as we have demonstrated. On the
noble Lord's earlier points, of course we are keeping all
elements of our policy under review. What is really important, as
I tried to get across earlier, is that we should be unrelenting
in ensuring that aid reaches where it should and that there is a
cessation in the fighting immediately. There is a deal on the
table and I assure all noble Lords that we are working
strenuously on the UK side in diplomacy to make sure that it
becomes something that can last and be sustainable.
(CB)
My Lords, as the Minister has recognised, it is vital to remember
the hostages. Does he share my disgust that, after seven months,
Hamas is still holding 133 hostages—some of them elderly, some of
them children, all of them detained no doubt in appalling
conditions—and using them as a bargaining chip in flagrant breach
of international law? Will the Government redouble their efforts
to do all they can to secure the release of these unfortunate
people?
(Con)
My Lords, I give the noble Lord that assurance. I have on a
number of occasions, as have the Prime Minister and my noble
friend the Foreign Secretary, met directly with hostage
families—sadly, I would rather I did not have to meet with them
on a weekly or fortnightly basis. We give that added assurance,
and have seen the real emotion gripping the streets of Tel Aviv
and elsewhere. It is time to bring the hostages home, get the aid
in and stop the fighting.
Lord Clarke of Nottingham (Con)
My Lords, we are very near to the prospect of aid being delivered
by sea once the Americans have finished the construction of the
quay that they are undertaking. Have the Government made any
progress in reassuring us about the orderly and safe distribution
of aid by that route when the quay is ready? What is their
present position on direct British involvement, including the use
of British troops if necessary, to work on proper distribution of
that aid to the people we hope will be able to receive it?
(Con)
My noble friend is right to raise the maritime route, and I
assure him that we are involved in all elements of that process.
We were involved in the initial call for that route, and there
are developments under way. On the issue of safe distribution
within Gaza—that is the key component of this—we want to ensure
that we do not see the tragedies repeated against those agencies
working on the ground that we saw with World Central Kitchen and
other UN agencies, where workers were directly in the line of
fire and were killed. They have the expertise. We are looking at
all the dynamics on the best way to support the British operation
in this international effort. As details evolve, I will share
them with your Lordships' House.
(LD)
My Lords, the Government repeatedly said that the invasion of
Rafah should not happen and that it was a red line, as did the
Americans. That invasion has already started, with casualties
resulting from families constantly being bombed. As my noble
friend pointed out, the place where the Israeli Government say
they will evacuate 100,000 people—mostly children—to is not fit
for human habitation. I know that the Minister is working
extremely hard on this—I have enormous sympathy for the work he
is doing and pay tribute to him—but conversations do not seem to
be enough. What other action can the British Government take?
They have been very silent over the weekend; I did not hear or
read any statements from the Foreign Secretary.
Furthermore, do the Government support the work of the ICC, the
ICJ and the chief prosecutor, who is a British subject and is
facing threats to himself and his family from Republican
senators? I am glad that international law has been cited on this
Question because the ICC is trying to uphold international law.
Are we expressing our support for international law at any of the
international courts?
(Con)
On the noble Baroness's earlier point, I have spoken proactively
about the deep concerns. I know the lay of the land on Mawasi
regarding the proposal to move. There are 1.4 million people in
Rafah—the size of Westminster or thereabouts—and how to move
quickly when almost 50% of them are children is why we have
called for compliance. IHL has been mentioned and that is part
and parcel of this.
On the noble Baroness's latter point, the United Kingdom is a
long-standing supporter of international courts. They act
independently, and their role in the application of the rule of
law is important.
of Tredegar (Con)
My Lords, does my noble friend agree with me that the quickest
way to get aid in is to get the hostages out, the quickest way to
get the hostages out is to have a sustainable ceasefire, and the
quickest way to have a sustainable ceasefire is for Hamas to
agree to the generous terms which Egypt has proposed and
which Israel has already
agreed to?
(Con)
My noble friend has articulated the Government's approach
extremely well. That is exactly what I assure all noble Lords
that the Foreign Secretary and I are working on.
(CB)
My Lords, on the topic of international law, will the Minister
remind Egypt of its obligations under the refugee convention to
accept such refugees as make their way across the border, rather
than beating them back? Will he also set aside the misguided,
misinformed statement by—shamefully—some former members of the
Supreme Court that it was plausible that Israel was committing
genocide? That allegation must be put to rest.
(Con)
My Lords, on the second point, the Government's position is well
known: genocide determination is a matter for the courts. We
remind all sides, including partners, friends and allies in the
region, of the importance of adhering to international
humanitarian law obligations.
(Con)
My noble friend the Foreign Secretary set out five
objectives—which I fully agree with—one of which was the
elimination of Hamas from Gaza. I went to Kerem Shalom twice,
once before 7 October and once after. Many of the people we met
before 7 October who were delivering aid to Gaza have been killed
by Hamas. The people who were left told us that one of their
biggest problems was distributing aid because it was being taken
by Hamas before it could be distributed. Do His Majesty's
Government still have the objective of the elimination of Hamas
from Gaza?
(Con)
My Lords, the Government's position has always been that we need
all sides who come to the negotiating table to recognise the
other side's right to exist. Therefore, we have been very clear
as part of my noble friend the Foreign Secretary's conditions,
and as my noble friend Lord Leigh has laid out, that Hamas can no
longer be in control in Gaza.
(LD)
My Lords, have the UK Government seen any evidence that the
Israeli authorities have put in place serious provisions to
ensure that the Palestinian refugees in Gaza are being protected?
If they do not see any such serious evidence—the Minister
mentioned that he looked for it—what action will they take?
(Con)
I have already answered the first question; we have seen no
credible plan as to where people would go. I assure the noble
Baroness that we are pressing the Israeli authorities to ensure
that their obligations in this regard are fulfilled if the
full-scale Rafah operation goes ahead.
