The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office
(Mr Andrew Mitchell) With permission, I will update the House on
the situation in Israel and Gaza. Last week, my noble
Friend the Foreign Secretary visited the region as part of
sustained British efforts to end the fighting and build towards a
lasting solution. This statement will also cover the International
Court of Justice’s decision on provisional measures, and the
appalling allegations...Request free
trial
The Minister of State, Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Office ( )
With permission, I will update the House on the situation
in Israel and Gaza.
Last week, my noble Friend the Foreign Secretary visited the
region as part of sustained British efforts to end the fighting
and build towards a lasting solution. This statement will also
cover the International Court of Justice’s decision on
provisional measures, and the appalling allegations against the
United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees. As
we debate these events, I know the whole House shares my horror
at the heart-wrenching impact of this conflict.
One hundred and fourteen days on from Hamas’s barbaric attacks,
they still hold more than 130 hostages. Innocent Palestinians are
suffering, with over 25,000 people having died, and hunger and
disease spreading. The Government’s end goal is clear: Israelis
should be able to live without fear of Hamas terrorism, and
Gazans should be able to rebuild their lives.
My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has led our engagement in
the region and with partners to achieve that goal. Last week, he
spoke to President Biden and met families of hostages, while my
noble friend Lord Ahmad joined a Security Council debate in New
York. The Foreign Secretary visited Israel
the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Qatar and Turkey, meeting
leaders, Ministers, and other hostage families. The Foreign
Secretary called for an immediate pause to get more aid in and to
get hostages out, and for that pause to turn into a sustainable,
permanent ceasefire, without a return to fighting.
The British Government have identified five vital steps for that
to happen: a political horizon that provides a credible and
irreversible pathway towards a two-state solution; forming a new
Palestinian Government for the west bank and Gaza, accompanied by
an international support package; removing Hamas’s capacity to
launch attacks against Israel the release of
all Israeli hostages; and key Hamas leaders agreeing to leave
Gaza. All those things are intricately linked, and we cannot
secure one without all the others. There are also many other
elements to consider, such as Arab-Israeli normalisation,
security guarantees, and financing the rebuilding of Gaza, but we
need to generate momentum now towards a permanent peace. That is
why pushing for a pause now is so important, and why we need a
Contact Group meeting, bringing together the key players as soon
as possible.
I will now turn to the desperate humanitarian situation. The
Government are focused on practical solutions to get aid into
Gaza. We have trebled our aid to the Occupied Palestinian
Territories since 7 October, committing £60 million this
financial year. In Israel the Foreign
Secretary pressed for changes to allow unhindered humanitarian
access, such as opening more crossing points for longer and
permitting deliveries via Ashdod port. He announced work with
Qatar to get more aid into Gaza, with our joint consignment
containing 17 tonnes of family-sized tents being flown last
Thursday. Earlier this month, Royal Fleet Auxiliary Lyme Bay
delivered 87 tonnes of aid into Port Said. Crucially, we are
supporting the United Nations World Food Programme to deliver a
new humanitarian land corridor from Jordan into Gaza, which has
already delivered over 1,000 tonnes of aid into Gaza. We know the
desperate plight of civilians caught up in this and the suffering
they are going through, and we will continue to do all we can
with our partners to save lives.
I turn to the ICJ ruling and allegations against UNRWA. Right
hon. and hon. Members will know that we had considerable concerns
about South Africa’s decision to bring this case. Israel has the right to
defend itself against Hamas, and we do not believe that Israel’s
actions in Gaza can be described as a genocide. Of course, we
respect the role and independence of the ICJ, and the Court has
now reached a decision on provisional measures. It called for
increased aid into Gaza, and measures to ensure basic services,
as we have been calling for. It has ordered Israel to preserve
evidence relating to allegations of genocide, reporting to the
Court on progress within one month. It has also ordered the
immediate release of all hostages, and reminded all parties to
the conflict that they are bound by international humanitarian
law. Those are points that we have been pressing consistently,
and we will continue to press them after the Court’s decision.
For our part, Britain continues to engage closely with the
Israeli Government on the conduct of their military campaign in
Gaza. We have said that they must take greater care to avoid
harming civilians and civilian infrastructure.
Finally, I turn to the very serious allegations about UNRWA first
publicised last week, with further media reporting over the
weekend. The agency is critical to delivering humanitarian
assistance into Gaza and across the region. It plays a
stabilising role at a time when we need focus on de-escalating
tensions. The UK is a long-standing donor to UNRWA, as are our
closest partners, notably the United States. Since 7 October, we
have allocated a further £16 million to it as part of our
response to the crisis. UNRWA’s 13,000 staff in Gaza continue
their working at great personal risk in the most dangerous
circumstances: 152 UNRWA staff members have lost their lives.
The UK is however appalled by allegations that any agency staff
were involved in the 7 October atrocities. We welcome the swift
action that UNRWA has taken to terminate contracts while it
launches an immediate investigation. We and several partners are
temporarily pausing future funding until we have reviewed these
investigations. We continue to fund vital aid delivery through
multiple other partners, including other UN agencies and
international and British non-governmental organisations.
This week, the Government’s engagement continues. The Foreign
Secretary and Lord Ahmad will again travel to the region. I am
travelling to Qatar next week. We will continue to drive progress
towards a lasting solution. As the Government have said, it is
only when the prize of peace is more attractive than the
potential benefit of continued conflict that there will be the
chance of a better future. The time to start is now.
Mr Speaker
I call the shadow Foreign Secretary.4.21pm
(Tottenham) (Lab)
I thank the Minister for advance sight of his statement. Last
week, the International Court of Justice made an interim ruling
under the genocide convention on the situation in Gaza. It was
profoundly serious. The ICJ’s interim ruling does not give a
verdict on the case, but it sets out urgent provisional
measures.
Labour has been clear that Israel must comply with
the orders in the ruling in full, and Hamas terrorists must
release all the hostages immediately, but I note that the missing
Foreign Secretary made no statement. The only response that
appeared was from a nameless spokesperson the day after the
judgment. It claimed that the Government respect the role and
independence of the ICJ, but stated that they had
“considerable concerns about this case”.
Will the Minister give me a clear answer? Do the Government
accept the Court’s authority or not? Do they believe that the
ruling should be implemented in full? If not, which orders do
they disagree with?
While the Government prevaricate, Labour is clear that
international law must be upheld, the independence of
international courts must be respected and all sides must be
accountable for their actions. That is why we will press for all
the orders to be implemented alongside an immediate humanitarian
truce and a sustainable ceasefire. The dire situation in Gaza
must not continue. Will the Minister update the House on the
progress of negotiations to secure a truce that will lead to
civilians being protected, the immediate release of all hostages
and a humanitarian surge in Gaza?
I repeat that aid getting into Gaza must surge, not stop. The
allegations that a number of UNRWA employees were involved in the
appalling 7 October terror attacks appalled the whole House.
Anyone involved should be held to account by the force of the
law. It is right that UNRWA has responded quickly by terminating
contracts of staff allegedly involved and launching an
investigation. Meanwhile, though, the humanitarian emergency in
Gaza cannot wait. Twenty-five thousand people are dead, including
thousands of women and children, 85% of the population are
displaced and millions face the risk of famine. Will the Minister
confirm that existing UK aid will continue to flow into Gaza so
that current operations can continue? Will he outline a clear and
fast path for future funding to return? We cannot let innocent
Palestinians lose lifesaving aid because of Hamas terrorists.
Meanwhile, there continues to be a dangerous escalation across
the middle east. We totally deplore the attacks on US soldiers.
We offer our deep sympathies for those who have lost their lives
or have been injured in the attack, as well as to their families.
We stand with our US allies at this time of grief. The attacks
are totally unjustifiable and raise tensions at an already
dangerous time in the region. Iran must cease these attacks and
de-escalate immediately. Labour has long recognised the dangers
posed by Iran and its proxies. We have supported sanctions
against Iran and have said for more than a year that, in
government, Labour would proscribe the Islamic Revolutionary
Guard Corps, either through existing processes or a new mechanism
to tackle hostile state actors. What will it take for the
Government to finally act?
On behalf of our brave military families who sacrifice so much
every day to keep us safe, will the Minister outline what his
Government are doing to boost protection for the 2,500 troops
stationed across the middle east? I welcome the Government’s
efforts towards a permanent peace. The situation in the middle
east cannot be more serious. I must note that the Development
Minister—as capable as he is—is not the main decision maker in
the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. When will the
Foreign Secretary finally come to this House to answer questions
at this most dangerous of times?
Mr Mitchell
I thank the shadow Foreign Secretary for his comments, and I will
try to address them all. Let me start by thanking him for his
comment about British troops who are deployed in the region,
particularly our naval personnel who have been on the frontline
in recent days and weeks. I agree that their safety is a
paramount duty of the Government, and he may rest assured that we
take that extremely seriously.
Secondly, the right hon. Gentleman asked about my noble friend
the Foreign Secretary. He will have seen that over the past week
the Foreign Secretary has taken a leading international role in
the region to try to move many agendas forward. In my statement I
set out what the Foreign Secretary was doing. He has made it
clear that he will be ever present and able to answer questions
from Members of this House, and the right hon. Gentleman may rest
upon that.
Thirdly, the right hon. Gentleman mentioned the rising tensions
in the region and the importance of de-escalating. He asked me,
once again, about the IRGC. His points are noted, but I cannot
comment on that on the Floor of the House, as he will understand.
He talked about the importance of getting aid back into Gaza. All
our efforts are set on that. He talked about the role of UNWRA; I
talked to Philippe Lazzarini, the head of UNWRA, about two hours
ago, to check its critical assets in Gaza—whether warehouses,
vehicles or stores—without which no aid can get in. We all
understand that they are essential for aid delivery, but the
right hon. Gentleman will equally reflect that, given the very
serious nature of the allegations, it is essential that the
Government pause to ensure that they cannot happen again.
Finally, on the ICJ, we welcome the Court’s call for the
immediate release of hostages and the need to get more aid into
Gaza. We are clear that an immediate pause is necessary to get
the aid in and the hostages out. On the wider issue that the
right hon. Gentleman raised, we regularly call on Israel to uphold its
obligations under international humanitarian law, and we will
continue to do so.
Mr Speaker
I call the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.
(Rutland and Melton)
(Con)
I welcome the update from the deputy Foreign Secretary about the
Contact Group and progress being made. However, I am concerned
that on 18 January in Al-Mawasi, a supposed safe zone in Gaza,
the UK charity Medical Aid for Palestinians and the International
Rescue Committee had their compound bombed by an airstrike from
an F-16 jet. Thankfully, the four British doctors living there
were only injured, although that itself is a cause for concern. A
month before that, on 22 December, it was confirmed via UK
defence channels that the IDF had logged the co-ordinates of the
humanitarian base and de-conflicted it, marking it as a protected
sensitive and humanitarian site. I am gravely concerned that the
airstrike still took place. Will my right hon. Friend please
share with the House what investigation is being conducted, what
the IDF’s response has been and whether His Majesty’s Government
have seen the targeting permissions for that airstrike?
I raised with UNRWA the concerns of many colleagues back in
November about whether it was doing enough security checks on
staff. Is the goal of pausing aid essentially to force it to get
its house in order? Is that what we are trying to achieve?
The ICJ’s ruling was quite clear: Israel does have
a right to self-defence, but it is not limitless. What are the
Government doing to ensure that we are fully in line with the
ruling and the six conditions placed on Israel by
the ICJ?
Mr Mitchell
I thank the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee for her
comments. On the latter point, as I have said, we continually
remind the Israeli Government of their duties under international
humanitarian law. The bombing of the compound is an extremely
serious matter, which, as she rightly said, needed to be raised
at the highest level. It was raised by the Foreign Secretary in
his meetings in Israel last week and,
as soon as was practical after the details got out, our
ambassador in Tel Aviv raised it as well.
On UNRWA, my hon. Friend rightly refers to the fact that the
assets it had, which I described in my response to the shadow
Foreign Secretary, are vital for the delivery of aid. The inquiry
would normally have been carried out by UNRWA, but it will
instead be carried out by the UN Office of Internal Oversight
Services, which will conduct an immediate inquiry and report to
the Secretary-General. We will obviously look very carefully at
what it says.
Mr Speaker
I call the SNP spokesperson.
Brendan O’Hara (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
I thank the Minister for prior sight of his statement. On Friday,
despite concerted efforts to dismiss, ridicule and undermine
South Africa’s case, the International Court of Justice delivered
a damning provisional ruling that ordered Israel to take all
measures to prevent acts of genocide in Gaza. The ruling has left
the UK Government with nowhere to hide, as they now have a legal
obligation to protect Palestinian civilians—an obligation that
should, at the very least, mean an immediate arms embargo
on Israel However, we all
know that the best way to protect civilian lives, stop the
killings and secure the release of the hostages is an immediate
ceasefire.
The ICJ ruling also demanded that effective humanitarian
assistance be provided to address the adverse conditions of life
faced by Palestinians in Gaza. Instead, the UK Government
immediately chose to cut funding for UNRWA —one of the few
organisations that stand between the people of Gaza and mass
starvation—on the basis of 12 of its 13,000 employees having been
accused of taking part in the atrocities of 7 October. If those
accusations are true, it is absolutely right that action is taken
against them and that they be held to account. However, by
deciding to cut funding to UNRWA, the UK Government have imposed
their own collective punishment on an already beleaguered and
desperate civilian population, knowing with absolute certainty
that that decision will result in the deaths of thousands of
Palestinian civilians.
Can the Minister explain the thought process that led the Foreign
Office to that decision? What cognisance did it take of the ICJ
ruling, and why did it choose to ignore it? What assessment has
the Department made of the numbers of Palestinian children who
will die as a direct result of that decision? Finally, does he
not see that, by continuing to arm the IDF, this Government place
themselves on the wrong side of history, and that history will
judge them accordingly?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman made four points, I think, which I would like
to address. The first point was the importance of a ceasefire. He
should be very clear that the Government want to see an immediate
humanitarian pause so that we can get the hostages out and
humanitarian support in, leading then to a sustainable ceasefire.
I have explained our position. It relates to his fourth point,
about how we ensure that this suffering ends and manage to get
the necessary humanitarian supplies into Gaza.
The hon. Gentleman asked about the ICJ. As I set out in my
statement, we respect the role and independence of the ICJ. I
pointed out that the Court has called for increased aid into Gaza
and measures to ensure basic services, ordered the immediate
release of all hostages and reminded all parties to the conflict
that they are bound by international humanitarian law. We agree
with that. It is extremely important that those points are
respected.
The hon. Gentleman asked about the cutting of UNRWA funding. We
are not cutting funding to UNRWA; we are pausing any future
funding. We have made the funding available and there is no
funding due for the rest of this financial year. Clearly, future
funding will depend on the result of the inquiries now in
process.
Sir (Northampton North) (Con)
The ICJ has rightly dismissed South Africa’s obscene demand
for Israel to stop
defending its people and instructed Israel not to stop, but
only to prevent genocide, which of course it is already doing.
Meanwhile, Hamas have been ordered to release the hostages, which
they have not done. South Africa, whose crime rate is totally out
of control, has meanwhile banned David Teeger, the young captain
of South Africa’s under-19 cricket team, because he is Jewish. Is
my right hon. Friend concerned about the safety of Jews in South
Africa in these circumstances, and will he consider changing
Foreign Office advice on travel to South Africa?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. and learned Friend points—absolutely rightly, I
believe—to the hideous nature of the charge against Israel of genocide, and
I agree with him on that. On the release of hostages, which
everyone has been asking for, I have read the reports of the
meetings that took place in France over the weekend. It is still
not clear whether significant progress has been made, but we all
very much hope that it has.
(Birmingham, Perry Barr)
(Lab)
The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the interim measures set out
by the ICJ but refused to answer the question from my right hon.
Friend the shadow Foreign Secretary. Does the Minister believe
that Israel has a legal
obligation to comply with the measures set out by the ICJ?
Mr Mitchell
The answer to that has been set out in the House on a number of
occasions. Israel plans to act in
accordance with international humanitarian law and has the
ability to do so. That is what the British Government continually
press upon the Israeli Government.
(Epsom and Ewell) (Con)
We all share the abhorrence of what happened in October, and this
House has stood behind Israel in its right to
defend itself, but this conflict, which has lasted for far too
many decades, will only be solved with a two-state solution and a
proper humanitarian response, led by the Israeli Government. Does
my right hon. Friend have confidence that that will happen? If
not, what else can we do to put pressure on our friends the
Israelis and say, “This is the only way forward for you”?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. Friend makes an extremely good point. We and our
allies and friends, and virtually everyone in the region, believe
that the only answer is a two-state solution, with Palestinians
living behind safe borders and Israelis living behind safe
borders as well. That is the policy of the Government, this House
and the Opposition. We are pursuing it vigorously, as showed in his many meetings
last week.
(Hammersmith) (Lab)
The Minister said that the Government did not support the
reference to the ICJ, but that they support the outcome that
justifies that reference. Given those mixed messages, what
confidence can we have that he is communicating to his Israeli
counterpart that the legally binding orders of the Court must be
complied with?
Mr Mitchell
I have already set out the Government’s response to what the
Court said, but in response specifically to the hon. Gentleman’s
question, he may rest assured that those points were made by the
Foreign Secretary throughout his extensive trip to the region
last week.
(Chelmsford) (Con)
A pause in fighting, humanitarian aid and a long-lasting peace:
all are needed to stop people dying now and in the future. I
thank my right hon. Friend for setting out the five-point plan
towards that long-lasting peace. I find it so frustrating that
people who may be pro-Israel say to me, “There is no point
talking about a two-state solution, because the Palestinian
people will never agree to it,” and people who may be a bit more
pro-Palestine say, “There is no point talking about a two-state
solution, because the Israeli Government will never agree to it.”
Does he agree that everyone should stop second-guessing what
others will not agree to, and start working on what they will
agree to and how we get there?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. Friend makes an extremely good point, and she will
have noted that those are exactly the tactics that the British
Government are employing. We are quite clear about the importance
of the two-state solution, and we hope that when the political
track is able to recommence—a moment that cannot come too
soon—everyone will bend their sinews to deliver that result.
(Edinburgh South West)
(SNP)
No one is disputing the fact that Israel has the
right to defend itself, but it must do so within the law, and
that is what the ICJ has said. When the ICJ ordered provisional
measures in the case against Myanmar, the UK Government welcomed
the decision and asserted that Myanmar must do more “to protect
the Rohingya.” In a statement, a Minister said:
“We encourage the government of Myanmar to comply with the
provisional measures, which are legally-binding”.
Is this Minister prepared to stand at the Dispatch Box and say
the same of Israel Does he
encourage the Government of Israel
“to comply with the provisional measures”,
and does he accept that they are legally binding?
Mr Mitchell
As we have made clear, we always emphasise the importance of
abiding by international humanitarian law. At the start of her
question, the hon. and learned Lady set out the two key points
that were made by the ICJ, about the importance of international
humanitarian law and the release of the hostages, and the
Government strongly approve of them.
(Brigg and Goole) (Con)
When we talk of collective punishment, let us remember that it is
Hamas who subjected the people of Gaza to collective punishment
when they decided to steal aid and fuel meant for civilians, when
they decided to embed their military capability in schools and
hospitals in civilian areas, and when they made it clear that
they intended to continue to attack Israel in
the way in which they did on 7 October. Those are the people who
have subjected Gazans to what is happening now.
As for UNRWA, according to today’s edition of The Wall Street
Journal, intelligence suggests that 1,200 UNRWA staff are actual
operatives of Hamas or other Palestinian terror groups, 23% of
UNRWA’s male employees have taken part in Hamas’s military or
political framework, and 49% of all UNRWA employees have family
members or other relatives who belong to Hamas or other
Gaza-based terrorist groups. Is that what the money from the
taxpayers of Brigg and Goole should be used for: funding groups
who wish to murder not just all Jews in Israel
but all Jews in this country?
Mr Mitchell
That is why the Government have paused future payments. However,
I should also make it clear that during my discussion this
morning with Philippe Lazzarini, who runs UNRWA, I specifically
welcomed the news that he will commission a totally independent
review so that its conclusions will be unimpeachable. That means
discussions with the US State Department, including US
congressional interests, with the European Union and with the
United Kingdom, and the engagement of respected individuals who
might assist. It is that quality of investigation that is now
required to satisfy not only my hon. Friend, but many others on
both sides of the House who are extremely concerned about
this.
(Bethnal Green and Bow)
(Lab)
Can the Minister explain what impact the review, and the time it
will take, will have on the aid that is provided to people? I
recognise what he has said about what will happen in the future,
but it is important for us to understand what the humanitarian
impact of this change will be while the investigations happen.
Given his great record of campaigning against genocide and for
genocide prevention, can he also address the point about how the
UK Government will speak to our Israeli counterparts to ensure
that Israel follows the
prevention order that is so desperately needed, as has been
highlighted by the ICJ case?
Mr Mitchell
For many years, the hon. Lady and I have shared a deep concern
about the question of aid getting through. I can tell her that
while we are temporarily pausing any future funding of UNRWA
while we review these appalling allegations, we are absolutely
committed to ensuring that humanitarian aid gets into Gaza for
the people who need it so desperately. We do, of course, work
with other organisations: the British Red Cross, UNICEF and the
World Food Programme, which has been essential in bringing vital
supplies from Jordan into Gaza. However, as I said in response to
the shadow Foreign Secretary, the infrastructure that UNRWA has
inside Gaza will always be fundamental to getting humanitarian
relief to the people who need it.
(Bournemouth East) (Con)
I very much welcome the five-point plan, the call for an
immediate pause in fighting and the contact group bringing
together stakeholders. The allegations directed at UNRWA are
indeed serious, and we should all welcome the investigation
ordered by the UN chief António Guterres. I understand why
countries including the UK have paused funding, but given that
UNRWA is the primary humanitarian agency in Gaza, does the
Minister agree that holding back funds for too long could see the
humanitarian situation degrade further and lead to more Gazans
joining the ranks of Hamas?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. Friend, the former Chair of the Defence Committee,
is right to focus on that issue. I also spoke this morning to
Sigrid Kaag, the humanitarian reconstruction co-ordinator for
Gaza, and she made it clear to me that while we have zero
tolerance of these dreadful things that are alleged to have been
done, we cannot operate at zero risks. The politics of logistics
and distribution are a nightmare in Gaza, as my right hon. Friend
knows. We will look carefully at these reports, and we will
suspend any future funding until we have them, but we recognise
that the UNRWA assets are essential to delivering in Gaza.
(Birmingham, Hodge Hill)
(Lab)
The ICJ ruling is incredibly serious for all sides. Can the
Minister tell us today whether it is His Majesty’s Government’s
analysis that Israel is operating
within the measures that have been set out and, crucially, what
consequences there will be if there is no observance of the ICJ’s
ruling? The Minister has told us for nearly 100 days now that we
have been pressing for proportionate action in Gaza, but we have
not got proportionate action in Gaza, so the question for the
Minister must be: what are we now going to do differently to
change behaviour on the ground?
Mr Mitchell
I do not agree with the right hon. Gentleman that we need to do
things differently. We have been pressing very hard for these
changes to be made. When he was in the region, my noble Friend
tried to advance the various
issues epitomised in the five-point plan, which we are trying to
drive forward. The right hon. Gentleman asks me specifically
about the judgment on international humanitarian law. As I have
said to the House before, we know that Israel plans to act in
accordance with international humanitarian law and has the
ability to do so. Clearly, these things are looked at all the
time, but the judgments that we have made, which I have set out
to the House in the past, remain current today.
(Gainsborough) (Con)
Israel is much more than Prime Minister Netanyahu. What more are
we in the US and the UK doing to encourage the moderate voices
in Israel who argue for a
definite democratic future for Gaza and the west bank? Above all,
is there any more progress we can make to convince the Israeli
Government that it is not in their interests to have any more
settlements or expansions of existing settlements? It is the
sense of helplessness among the Palestinian people that is
fuelling this whole conflict, so what more pressure can we put on
the Israeli Government?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. Friend accurately says that there is a plurality of
opinion in Israel We strongly
support, and say within Israel what we think
is the right way forward, which above all is a two-state
solution. During the course of my right hon. Friend the Foreign
Secretary’s visits, he was able to engage with President Abbas
and the Palestinian Authority and assure them that there is a
plan to push forward at the point where certain changes are made
in the way that the Palestinian Authority is run, and that
Britain will be there at their shoulder to assist when that
moment comes.
(Islington North) (Ind)
The ICJ ruling is highly significant all around the world,
despite the Government’s opposition to South Africa even taking
its case there. A few days later, when news comes out of the
issues facing UNRWA, the UK Government, the US Government and
others announce that they are withdrawing funding from it. I
understand that the British Government’s payments are not due
until April. Presumably, the US Government have suspended
payments immediately. The immediate effect on the most desperate
people in the world—that is, the 1 million people around Rafah
who are trying to get something to eat, water to drink and
medicines to be cured with—is that they are not getting the
support that they desperately need. Have this Government been in
touch with the Israeli Government to demand that they adhere to
the ICJ ruling? Will the Minister also tell us that, in light of
the ICJ ruling, all British military aid to Israel has been
suspended until such time as they abide by the ruling?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Gentleman will have seen the reports of the
Foreign Secretary’s meetings, including with Prime Minister
Netanyahu, during his series of regional visits last week.
On the right hon. Gentleman’s penultimate point, the Prime
Minister spoke to President Biden on 22 January. They discussed
the UK and America’s shared deep concern about the terrible
suffering and loss of civilian life. I have nothing to add to
what I have already said about the ICJ’s ruling, but the right
hon. Gentleman may rest assured that we are very focused on the
extraordinary degree of suffering that is taking place in the
area around Rafah, where so many people are effectively kettled
without either shelter or food.
(New Forest West) (Con)
What circumstances would change the Government’s policy
towards Israel which is
currently determined to oppose a two-state solution?
Mr Mitchell
My right hon. Friend reflects one strand of opinion
in Israel but he does not
reflect the fact that there are many others. There is, not only
inside Israel but across the
region, internationally and at the UN, a very clear understanding
that a two-state solution is the right answer. People may
disagree about how we get there, but most accept that that is the
destination.
(Bradford East) (Lab)
Let the House be in no doubt that article 1 of the genocide
convention makes it absolutely clear that the UK has a legal
obligation, not just a moral duty, to act to prevent genocide.
While the Government are rightly fulfilling those obligations, in
part, in Burma, they have allowed arms sales to the Israeli
military to continue, despite the concerns of the Foreign
Office’s own legal advisers that the Israeli military’s actions
in Gaza are unlawful. Now that the ICJ’s interim ruling agrees
that it is legally plausible, under international law, that
genocide is being committed in Gaza, possibly using arms sold by
the UK, will the Government immediately suspend the sale of arms
to the Israeli military?
Mr Mitchell
I make it clear to the hon. Gentleman that his interpretation of
what the ICJ is saying is not the Government’s interpretation, or
indeed the interpretation of many Members of the House. I
reiterate that throwing accusations of genocide across the
Chamber, in respect of Israel’s activities in Gaza, is
extraordinarily offensive and, in my view, totally wrong.
(Meon Valley) (Con)
The Foreign Secretary, writing in The Mail on Sunday on 28
January, said how important it is to
“allow vital aid to get in to Gaza, where people are starving and
disease is spreading.”
Indeed, the provision of aid has been a key cornerstone of the
UK’s response to the current crisis in Gaza, as the Minister
outlined, with £60 million of aid donated since 7 October. In the
light of the recent decision to freeze funding to UNRWA, how will
this aid be delivered? Following the review, what action is the
UK expecting UNRWA to take to see the funding resumed?
Mr Mitchell
The action that UNRWA needs to take is pretty clear: it needs to
make sure that nothing like this can ever happen again. I
emphasise that we are not cutting humanitarian supplies to UNRWA
at this time. We have paid up the money required for UNRWA to
continue, and there is nothing planned until April—even before
these terrible events, there was nothing planned until April—but
we will review future funding in the light of the inquiry, which
the Secretary-General will be receiving as swiftly as
possible.
(Feltham and Heston)
(Lab/Co-op)
I echo and support the words of my right hon. Friend the Member
for Tottenham (Mr Lammy). International law must be upheld and
the ICJ’s ruling must be implemented in full.
UNRWA has done vital work since 1950, and it supports refugees on
the west bank and in Jordan, as well as in Gaza. UNRWA educates
half a million children. The Minister mentioned the stabilising
effect of its work in a very conflict-driven region. Following
the suspension of 12 UNRWA staff, out of 13,000, and the rightful
condemnation of their actions, will the Minister clarify the
assurance that UNRWA operations will continue while
investigations take place, and that ordinary Gazans will still be
able to access that vital aid?
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Lady’s final point, UNRWA humanitarian operations,
getting aid to people who need it, will not be fettered in any
way by the British decision. She will be well aware that there
are very significant logistical problems outside that, but the
effect of the decision that we have made about suspending future
payments does not affect the payments we have made already. I
recognise the importance she attaches to getting more aid and
humanitarian support into Gaza, and that is the absolute
intention of the British Government.
(Inverness, Nairn, Badenoch
and Strathspey) (SNP)
The Minister is right to reference the desperate plight of
civilians in Gaza. One of my constituents, Dr Salim Ghayyada, is
an NHS surgeon of 20 years and a UK citizen. He is terrified for
his family, who are trapped in Gaza. Unlike other Governments,
the UK Government are offering no help to UK citizens who have
family stuck in Gaza. Will the Government consider a scheme for
non-citizens, such as the Ukraine scheme, to help with this
desperate situation—this plight for citizens in Gaza?
Mr Mitchell
We have been working with partners to secure passage for all
those who wish to leave, including British nationals and their
families. We have helped to facilitate over 300 British nationals
leaving Gaza. We are working with Egyptian and Israeli
authorities to ensure that any remaining British nationals who
want to leave but have not been able to do so previously can do
so.
Several hon. Members rose—
Madam Deputy Speaker ( )
I do apologise; I will now call two from the Government Benches.
First, I call .
(Hendon) (Con)
In November, a report by the Institute for Monitoring Peace and
Cultural Tolerance in School Education found that half of Gaza’s
500,000 school pupils attended UNRWA-operated education
institutions and that the Palestinian Authority curriculum taught
in those schools is replete with antisemitism and encourages
violence. The Minister says that he is going to suspend future
payments, but the damage has already been done by decades of UK
funding.
Mr Mitchell
I can tell my hon. Friend that, when I was previously in
government, I heard these allegations back in 2010, 2011, 2012. I
asked to see and have translated these school books, and I have
in the past year raised the same point again. I have not seen any
evidence of what he is describing. If he would like to give the
Government evidence, we will of course follow it up, but I must
make it clear to him that both 10 years ago and in the past year
no such evidence has been forthcoming.
(Harrow East) (Con)
Many of us have had concerns about the activities of UNRWA and
the people who work for it. The excellent question from my hon.
Friend the Member for Brigg and Goole () exposed the number of UNRWA
employees who are directly linked to terrorist organisations, so
what confidence can we now have that the aid we are providing
actually gets to the people who need it, rather than being
diverted by the terrorists that exist in Gaza? If all these
people from UNRWA are actually involved with the terrorist
organisations, perhaps they could actually do something about
assisting with getting the hostages out of captivity.
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend is right to make it clear that getting the
hostages out is absolutely essential. He refers to the 12 people
who have been identified, out of a workforce of 13,000. I can
tell him that the head of UNRWA told me this morning that of the
12, two are dead and one is mismatched, so we are talking about
nine people. Nevertheless, my hon. Friend makes the right point
about the fact that this is completely intolerable. Inquiries
have been set up, within UNRWA and the more widely held one that
I described in my opening remarks, and we will wait to see what
comes out of those inquiries and make our plans accordingly.
(Birmingham, Yardley)
(Lab)
In his answer to the hon. Member for Rutland and Melton () and in a number of other
answers he has given, the Minister has said, “We have raised this
with Israel , as if that
were enough. What does Israel say in response
to the question raised by the hon. Member for Rutland and Melton
about a known humanitarian base being bombed? What will the
Government do to insist that Israel abides by
the ICJ’s ruling that it must investigate and
“punish the direct and public incitement to genocide”?
Will we just “raise” that?
Mr Mitchell
Because Britain is a close ally and friend of many in the region
and of Israel in particular,
we are able to have difficult conversations. It is perfectly
clear that both the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister have
done so with the President and Prime Minister of Israel and with a
large number of members of their Cabinet. Those discussions have
sought to persuade them to accept the need for a vast increase in
the humanitarian support getting into Gaza, and to move forward
towards the political track. Those are the ambitions and views of
the British Government. Through our close relationship, we are
able to press all levels of Israeli society.
(Buckingham) (Con)
I welcome the move to pause UNRWA funding, but the scale of the
problem is much more significant than if it had involved only a
handful of people, given the reports that 10% of UNRWA’s 12,000
workers in Gaza are somehow linked to Hamas and other terror
groups. A few weeks ago, it was revealed that a Telegram group
used by 3,000 UNRWA teachers celebrated the 7 October massacre.
Given those appalling earlier revelations, why did the Government
not rethink our relationship with UNRWA before?
Mr Mitchell
As my hon. Friend makes clear, those allegations are abhorrent.
We have always been aware that there are dangers in operating in
the environment of Gaza. That is why this is one of the most
inspected and scrubbed development and aid programmes that
Britain has anywhere in the world. I hope he will be reassured by
what I said in response to my hon. Friend the Member for Brigg
and Goole () about the independence of the
inquiry that is taking place, and the fact that the inquiry team
will add to their number respected, independent people who will,
hopefully, be able to give a useful judgment, and engage in the
EU, the UK, and on the hill in America to ensure that we move to
a better position.
(Hayes and Harlington)
(Lab)
Has the Minister seen the reaction to the ICJ judgment
in Israel There were
reports at the weekend of a number of rallies at which Netanyahu
Cabinet members said, “The ICJ makes judgments, but we make
settlements.” There is now a call for settlements in Gaza, both
in Khan Yunis and in Rafah. At the same time, Netanyahu is
attacking the Qataris, even though, from most aspects, they have
been playing a significant role in securing the release of
hostages. He has also been refusing to engage in a discussion
about the Egyptian peace programme. In reality, the UK Government
have virtually no influence over Netanyahu; we should admit that.
He will listen only to the Americans, so what discussions are we
having with the Biden Administration to ensure that they maximise
the pressure to bring about a ceasefire discussion and the
release of the hostages and prisoners?
Mr Mitchell
The right hon. Gentleman will know that the Government condemn
the building of such settlements. He will have heard what I and
others have said about the complete condemnation of settler
violence, and the demand that the Israeli Government hold to
account those responsible for it, put them before the courts and
punish them. I will be in Qatar at the end of next week. I pay
tribute to the work Qatar has done, particularly in trying to
assist with getting the hostages out. On authoritative voices
in Israel I point him to
the meetings that the Foreign Secretary, , has had with Netanyahu. They
have known each other for many years, and the Foreign Secretary
was able to deliver some tough messages, which I believe will be
heard.
(Rother Valley)
(Con)
Reports of UNRWA staff potentially being involved in the 7
October massacre—one of the worst pogroms against Jewish people
since the holocaust—bring horror to many people, especially now
that we are learning that up to 10% of UNRWA employees have some
links with Hamas. I know that the Minister has said that there
will be an independent review of UNRWA. Can he assure me that it
will be independent, and that the UK Government will have input
into it to make sure that the UN is not marking its own homework?
If these allegations are true, what will we do about UNRWA? We
cannot continue spending taxpayers’ money on funding antisemitic
terror attacks.
Mr Mitchell
The review will not be a case of UNRWA marking its own homework.
It has specifically accepted that it must be a different part of
the United Nations, far away from UNRWA, that makes these
judgments. We will look very carefully at what inquiries reveal.
I am completely with my hon. Friend on ensuring that nothing like
this can happen again. I hope that the independence that is being
injected into these inquiries will give him some confidence that
we are moving to a different place.
(Halifax) (Lab)
As others have said, the ICJ’s interim ruling could not be more
serious, and it sets out urgent provisional measures that must be
taken. I am sorry, but the Minister has not yet been clear on
this point, so I will ask him again: do the Government agree
that Israel has a legal
obligation to comply with those measures? What role will the
Government play in ensuring that within one month of the
ruling, Israel submits a report
to the Court on the steps that it has taken to comply with the
orders, as it is required to?
Mr Mitchell
I think I have answered the point that the hon. Lady makes about
the ICJ. Let me reiterate once again that we regularly call
on Israel to uphold its
obligations under international humanitarian law, and we will
continue to do so in all circumstances.
(North East Bedfordshire)
(Con)
The allegations against employees of the United Nations Relief
and Works Agency were appalling, but UNRWA remains a vital source
of food and support for the Palestinian people. I can already
hear voices from the Conservative Back Benches that seem to be
calling for us to throttle funding for UNRWA for the long term.
Can my right hon. Friend advise us on what will happen between
now and April, as regards his representations to the Chancellor
on the Budget and contingency funding for this organisation after
April?
Mr Mitchell
We will make our plans for funding known to the House in the
usual way, but we cannot do so until we have seen the report and
are clear that what has been revealed cannot happen again. Let me
emphasise to my hon. Friends that the UNRWA infrastructure assets
inside Gaza—the warehouses, the vehicles, the stores, and UNRWA’s
ID system, which is used by the Israeli Government—will have to
be used, regardless of who uses them.
(Poplar and Limehouse)
(Lab)
What steps are the Government taking, in line with their
obligations under international law, to ensure the full and
immediate implementation of provisional measures ordered by the
ICJ regarding the protection of Palestinians from genocide, and
the immediate provision of humanitarian aid and other vital
services? Can the Minister confirm whether the UK will now end
arms sales to Israel due to the risk
that they could be used unlawfully to kill women and
children?
Mr Mitchell
We keep all arms exports under review. The hon. Lady will know
that we have one of the tightest regimes in the world. Clearly,
we will consider any impact from the Court’s ruling. In respect
of the other points that she made, she will have heard what I
said about the ICJ ruling, and indeed what I said about throwing
around allegations of genocide across the House.
(St Austell and Newquay)
(Con)
I thank my right hon. Friend for updating the House, following a
number of very significant and concerning developments in recent
days. We should not forget that, in the midst of all this, dozens
and dozens of families continue to live every day with the
anguish of knowing that one of their loved ones is being held
hostage in unknown conditions. They do not know their
whereabouts, or about their wellbeing or the conditions in which
they are being held. Should not the immediate and unconditional
release of all hostages held by Hamas be the one thing that every
Member of this House calls for, following the ICJ report?
Mr Mitchell
My hon. Friend is absolutely correct. He sets out the
Government’s position on the release of hostages. My right hon.
and learned Friend the Member for Northampton North (Sir ) and I had the deeply moving
task of attending a meeting at which we heard at first hand about
the awful plight of the hostages. My hon. Friend may rest assured
that the British Government, working with partners, will do
everything that they can to secure their release as swiftly as
possible.
(Easington) (Lab)
The hon. Member for Rutland and Melton () raised the dreadful,
appalling issue of the targeted Israeli airstrike on the MAP
compound—the compound of a British charity—in Gaza. On behalf of
the National Union of Journalists and the International
Federation of Journalists, I would like to raise with the deputy
Foreign Secretary the fact that almost 100 journalists have been
killed in Gaza since 7 October. Their bravery has kept the world
informed and exposed some of the appalling atrocities that we see
daily. What does he plan to do to stop the deliberate targeting
of journalists? I remind him that the ICJ ruling particularly
says that we must, as part of its provisional measures, continue
collecting evidence of breaches.
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman will know that the Government, in particular
through the work of the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development
Office, have done their best to stand up for journalistic
integrity, and the right of journalists to report on such
circumstances; I strongly agree with what he said about that. On
the bombing to which he referred, I draw his attention to what I
said earlier: it has been raised by the British Government, and
was raised as soon as practical by the ambassador in Tel
Aviv.
(Walthamstow) (Lab/Co-op)
The Minister has spoken at length about this country’s
relationship with Israel and the
powerful networks of advocacy that could work towards the noble
cause of securing a ceasefire, a safe Israel and a free
Palestine. Let us see whether he will use them today. Will he be
clear that the Government, in their next conversations with the
Israeli Government, will condemn the far-right Israeli Ministers
who attended the conference this weekend in Jerusalem about the
resettlement of Gaza? Members of Likud, including the National
Security Minister, said that Israelis need to find a legal way to
voluntarily emigrate Palestinians. Will the Minister of State
also confirm that the UK will support the reported brokered deal
by Israel the US, Egypt
and Qatar on the immediate release of the remaining Hamas
hostages? How will the Government use our voice?
Mr Mitchell
On the final point, of course we are working very closely with
the Qataris and the Administration of the United States to effect
the release of the hostages. Although I cannot give a running
commentary to the House, the hon. Lady may rest assured that we
are intimately engaged in that. She talked about our effect and
reach within Israel It is not just
within Israel it is in the
whole region. The British diplomatic service has unparalleled
reach, in terms of talking about the way ahead and the political
track, and we are exercising it. On the rallies that took place
over the weekend and the reports that she mentioned, the policies
mentioned are not those of the British Government.
(Dundee West) (SNP)
Given the mounting reports of evidence of war crimes and crimes
against humanity committed by Israel and now
serious recognition by the ICJ of the real risk of genocide, do
the UK Government accept that the provision of weapons may lead
to complicity in such a crime, and will they therefore
immediately cease licensing arms and security equipment
to Israel
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman will know that Britain has one of the most
effective and tough arms sale regulation authorities in the
world. He may rest assured that its provisions do not change when
it is dealing with Israel—or any other country.
(Leeds East) (Lab)
The International Court of Justice is the world’s top court and a
leading body of the United Nations, and its orders are binding.
It has called on Israel to take all
measures within its power to prevent the killing of, or causing
of serious harm to, people in Gaza, yet hundreds more people in
Gaza have been killed since Friday’s ruling. As a signatory to
the ICJ, do the Government not have a legal as well as a moral
duty to uphold, and not undermine, the ICJ’s rulings, and to do
much more to stop Israel’s actions in Gaza? Should that not
include suspending arms sales to Israel
Mr Mitchell
On the hon. Gentleman’s final point, I have set out the position
on arms sales and the regime that the British Government set up
and support. I think I have also set out the Government’s
position on the ICJ very clearly, and I have nothing to add to
what I have said.
(Oldham East and
Saddleworth) (Lab)
I am increasingly worried about the trend in this Government
towards the casual acceptance of international law and
international courts when it suits. That really is not good
enough.
The ICJ interim ruling stated that article II of the genocide
convention must be upheld, including ensuring the provision of
humanitarian assistance to civilians in Gaza. Given what the
Minister has said about UNRWA, and the fact that it is the
largest humanitarian agency in Gaza, if the UK and other donors
decide not just to pause their support, but to cease it
completely and permanently, how are the Government and other
international donors going to ensure the same capacity of
humanitarian relief—and if they do not, are they in contempt of
the ICJ ruling?
Mr Mitchell
I am not a lawyer, so I am not able to answer any of the hon.
Lady’s legal points—nor should I, across the House—but I can
assure her that we are committed to making sure that
international relief and humanitarian supplies get into Gaza.
That is the burden of much of the discussion and comments that
the British Government are engaged in. I discussed it with Jamie
McGoldrick and Martin Griffiths, the head of the Office for the
Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, over the weekend. We are
doing everything we can to expand the ability to get aid into
Gaza. On UNRWA, the hon. Lady will know that, while we have made
it clear that we will not be making any further payments until
the inquiries are completed to our satisfaction, nevertheless the
funding we have already given to UNRWA is having an effect on the
ground. We just want to make sure that it reaches the people for
whom it was intended.
(Bedford) (Lab)
Earlier the Minister failed to answer the question put to him by
my hon. Friend the Member for Bradford East (), so I will ask a similar
question and give him another opportunity. Given the ICJ’s
interim ruling that the risk of genocide in Gaza is plausible,
will the Minister suspend UK arms sales to Israel to ensure that
UK weapons are not used to kill innocent Palestinians?
Mr Mitchell
On the subject of both arms sales and the ICJ, I have set out for
the hon. Gentleman the Government’s position. I am afraid that,
just because he asks the same question again, it does not mean he
is going to get a different answer.
(Arfon) (PC)
Two months ago, I asked the Government whether they would
consider providing specialist treatment for the wounded children
of Gaza in UK hospitals, as is often done when there is a natural
disaster or a cruel war abroad. The Minister responded at the
time by saying that the choice was to increase in-country aid,
and he referred to the increase of £16 million in his statement.
Given the destruction of hospitals in Gaza and the dire state of
medical facilities, will he reconsider that stance?
Mr Mitchell
We are considering whether we should join with the United Arab
Emirates, which is lifting people out of Gaza, particularly
children, and giving them support in the UAE. The hon. Gentleman
will also know that we have deployed an emergency medical team
who are looking at the situation there, and we would, if it was
appropriate, deploy a field hospital—indeed, we would deploy it
into Gaza, if that was practical and appropriate. On the critical
subject of trying to ensure that we help all those who are hurt
and wounded, particularly children, he may rest assured that we
are looking at all aspects of that.
(Denton and Reddish)
(Lab)
We talk about statistics as though they are not human lives:
26,000 men, women and children killed, 1.9 million people
displaced, and a human catastrophe engulfing the people of Gaza.
The five-point plan is great. We know what needs to be done. The
fighting has to stop, the aid has to get in, the hostages need to
be released, and we need to rebuild both the civilian
infrastructure and hope for the Palestinians. However, there is
one roadblock to a Palestinian state, and that is Prime Minister
Netanyahu and the allies around him in government. They do not
want Judea and Samaria to be handed over to the Palestinians for
their state; they want the resettlement of Gaza. During his visit
to see the Prime Minister of Israel did the
Foreign Secretary tell Mr Netanyahu that his views on the
creation of a state of Palestine and on a second Nakba are not
just unacceptable and wrong but abhorrent?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Gentleman made the point about numbers as statistics,
but those numbers speak for themselves—there will be no one in
the House who does not reflect upon the catastrophe that has
engulfed Gaza. He went on to set out a very eloquent road map for
moving forward and for progress. He asks about the Foreign
Secretary’s discussion with Prime Minister Netanyahu. I think
that that is a matter for either Prime Minister Netanyahu or the
Foreign Secretary to reveal, but I can assure him that the
Foreign Secretary would have been his usual robust self in
setting out the position of the British Government. In respect of
Prime Minister Netanyahu being the blockage, as the hon.
Gentleman put it, to the ceasefire and to progress, I would point
out to him that Hamas have made it clear that they are not
interested in a ceasefire; what they want is a repeat of the
appalling events that took place on 7 October.
(Leicester East) (Ind)
According to Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, in just two days
since the International Court of Justice ruling, at least 373
Palestinians have been killed by Israeli bombings and airstrikes,
including 345 civilians, and 643 others have been seriously
injured. Israel is already in
breach of the order. What action are the Government taking to
prevent the killing of Palestinians in Gaza? Will they now stop
arming Israel call for an
immediate ceasefire and stop allowing Israel to
act with impunity? Will the Minister tell the House what legal
advice the Government have received in relation to ensuring that
the UK is not complicit in acts of genocide?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady sets out with great eloquence the jeopardy and
difficulties facing the people of Gaza at this time. I hope that
it is of reassurance and comfort to her that the Government also
recognise how difficult the situation is and are doing everything
we possibly can to help move on to a political track and end the
great difficulties that she sets out.
(Dulwich and West Norwood)
(Lab)
The ICJ’s ruling is clear and specific, and respect for the
international Court is of the utmost importance, yet in response
the Minister seems to be saying simply that it is business as
usual. May I press him again on what steps the Government are
taking to ensure that the provisional measures ordered by the ICJ
are complied with in full? What does he believe should be done to
ensure accountability?
Mr Mitchell
I believe it essential that there is an immediate humanitarian
pause to get aid in and hostages out, that Hamas must agree to
the release of all hostages, that Hamas can no longer be in
charge of Gaza, and that an agreement must be in place for the
Palestinian authorities to return to Gaza to provide governance,
services and security. That is the way in which we make progress,
and that is the commitment and policy of the British
Government.
(Manchester, Withington)
(Lab)
The Minister referred earlier to the extraordinary degree of
suffering in Gaza. We need an immediate ceasefire to stop that
humanitarian disaster and get the aid in now, but such has been
the level of destruction in Gaza that the need for aid work will
continue for many months and years. When the Minister spoke to
him earlier, did Philippe Lazzarini indicate, first, how long his
inquiry is likely to take, and secondly, when the pause in
funding will start to impact on the agency’s humanitarian aid
work?
Mr Mitchell
Philippe Lazzarini did not indicate a specific timeline, but I
would be very surprised if it could not be completed within the
next two months. It is essential that it is, because we and
others need to make our plans to fund humanitarian relief, and in
making those plans, we will need to decide what we are going to
do about UNRWA.
(Richmond Park) (LD)
It is reported that the heads of the CIA, of Mossad and of
Egyptian intelligence and the Qatari Prime Minister have agreed
on a new hostage deal framework to put to Hamas. That deal would
reportedly include the release of the remaining American and
Israeli hostages in phases, starting with women and children, in
exchange for Palestinian prisoners. Can the Minister inform the
House whether the UK was involved at all in negotiating that
framework, and whether the Government are using their diplomatic
position to press for the release of all the hostages as soon as
possible?
Mr Mitchell
The British Government are very strongly in support of the
process that the hon. Lady has described, which took place in
France over the weekend. I have heard the reports in the media
about this matter, but at this point, I am not in a position to
update the House authoritatively on its results.
(Slough) (Lab)
I am sure the Minister will have seen the harrowing ITV News
interview and subsequent video of an innocent Palestinian
civilian brandishing a white flag in a so-called Gaza safe zone
as he was shot dead in cold blood by the Israeli army. Does the
Minister think that that constitutes a war crime, and what
representations have the UK Government made to the Israeli
Government about it?
Mr Mitchell
I have seen many videos of that sort, and my reaction is the same
as the hon. Gentleman’s. In terms of what the British Government
are doing, as I have set out throughout this statement, we are
intent on helping to ensure that the situation is brought to a
conclusion as rapidly as possible and, in the meantime, that we
get aid and humanitarian support into Gaza to help those who are
suffering so grievously there.
(Coventry South) (Lab)
The International Court of Justice ruling that it is plausible
that Israel is committing a
genocide in Gaza should have been the moment that this Government
suspended arms sales to Israel and finally
called for an immediate end to Israel’s bombardment of Gaza.
Instead, they are stopping their funding for the UN aid agency
that millions of Palestinians rely on. The recent allegations
must be investigated, but the Government’s decision collectively
punishes the Palestinian people and will lead to more starvation.
In light of the ICJ ruling, what legal advice has the Minister
received that says that continuing to arm Israel while stopping
funding for Gaza’s primary aid agency is consistent with the
Government’s obligations under the genocide convention?
Mr Mitchell
First of all, we are not stopping funding UNRWA; we are not
committing any future funds. Britain has been funding UNRWA and
is funding it today, but in the circumstances, until the
inquiries have been completed, we are not willing to pledge any
additional funds to UNRWA at this time. In respect of the hon.
Lady’s interpretation of the ICJ ruling, I must reiterate what I
have said: that understanding is not the understanding of the
British Government.
(Glasgow South West)
(SNP)
The Minister’s statement is silent on the west bank. He will be
aware of reports of increased settler violence, shepherds being
forced from their land, the confiscation of livestock, the
imposition of fuel blockades, and the arrest of Palestinian
civilians who have been placed under administrative
detention—that is, indefinite detention without charge. What
assessments and representations is the Minister making regarding
those serious reports that keep coming out of the west bank?
Mr Mitchell
As the hon. Gentleman will have seen, the British Government have
condemned without qualification settler violence and illegal acts
that have taken place on the west bank, and have made it
absolutely clear that when such acts take place, those who commit
them must be held to account, put before the courts and punished.
In respect of the overall situation on the west bank, was there last week and had
some extremely good meetings—not just with President Abbas, but
with others in the Palestinian Authority—where he sketched out a
way in which Britain can be by their side and helping them when a
political track is possible, and said that they should make the
necessary reforms first, before that political track becomes
available, so that they are ready to go when it does.
(Cynon Valley) (Lab)
On Friday, the ICJ determined that there may be plausible grounds
that Israel is committing
genocide against the Palestinians in Gaza. With that in mind, and
with the case ongoing, will the Minister confirm that we will
take the only serious options available to separate ourselves
from the risk of complicity, which is to demand an immediate
ceasefire, immediately ban all sales of arms to Israel —including
ending assistance in the transfer of any arms to Israel such as via the
Akrotiri base in Cyprus —and ensure that sufficient funding is
provided so that humanitarian aid reaches those people in
desperate need?
Mr Mitchell
The hon. Lady will understand that the issue is not with
providing aid, but getting it in. There is plenty of aid ready to
go into Gaza; it is getting it in that is most important. She
will have heard what I have said about Britain’s arms regime. On
the demand for a ceasefire, the British Government have set out
very clearly that we want to see a humanitarian pause, the
hostages freed and aid getting into Gaza, and then we want to see
a sustained ceasefire. However, I draw her attention to my
earlier comment that that is not something Hamas want to see.
This is the policy the British Government will pursue—the pause,
getting the hostages back and a sustainable ceasefire—with every
sinew that we can bring to bear.
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