Antisemitism
(Brigg and Goole) (Con)
2. What recent assessment he has made of trends in the level of
antisemitism.(900432)
The Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities
()
Tragically, we have seen a significant increase in antisemitism
since the events of 7 October. The Community
Security Trust recorded 1,500 antisemitic incidents between
7 October and 22 November, the highest total in a 47-day period
since records began in 1984 .
Despite the first-hand accounts of survivors such as Yoni Saadon
and organisations such as ZAKA—whose members collected the bodies
following the Palestinian terror attack of 7 October, and have
described mutilated genitals and women’s bodies having been so
badly abused that their pelvises were broken—there are some in
the pro-Palestinian movement who continue to deny that these
atrocities took place. Whether we are talking about dead babies
or gender-based violence against Jewish women, it appears that
Jews do not matter. Does the Secretary of State agree that this
risks fuelling further the antisemitism that we have seen in this
country since those attacks?
My hon. Friend is absolutely right; the events of 7 October were
uniquely horrific. It was an exercise in calculated, premeditated
sadism which everyone in the House condemns. However, as my hon.
Friend says, some voices, including some prominent media voices,
have considered it appropriate to cavil, to question and to
prevaricate in the face of this violence. It is vitally important
for us to recognise—even as we recognise that all life is
precious, and even as we recognise that it is vital for us to do
what we can to minimise casualties in this conflict—that the
events of 7 October stand out as the biggest slaughter of Jewish
civilians since the holocaust, and for that reason there can be
no quibbling when we face such a transparent evil.
(Leyton and Wanstead) (Lab)
I agree with everything that was said by the previous questioner.
Could the Secretary of State engage with his opposite number in
the Department for Education and argue for the promotion of
education about the events of the holocaust? I have believed for
a long time that one of the reasons behind the increase in
antisemitism, notwithstanding recent events, is the fact that the
holocaust is now slipping from memory into history, and we need
to perpetuate the analysis and grasp of that particular period of
history.
The hon. Gentleman makes a good point, and it gives me an
opportunity to thank the Holocaust Educational Trust, which
enjoys support across the House. The work done by its chief
executive, Karen Pollock, is exemplary. As the hon. Gentleman
rightly points out, as the voices of survivors fade and the
holocaust moves from memory to history, it is vital that we
ensure that every successive generation appreciates the unique
evil of that event, the origins of antisemitism and the need to
be vigilant against its recrudescence.
Sir (New Forest East) (Con)
I thank the Secretary of State for his robust answer to my hon.
Friend the Member for Brigg and Goole (). Does he agree that the sight
this weekend of bereaved family members from both the Muslim and
Jewish communities joining together in a combined rally against
Islamophobia and antisemitism was an inspiring sight that we
should all hold in our hearts and honour? Does that not serve as
a lesson to those people from one community or the other who
preached hatred against others who are in fact innocent
victims?
My right hon. Friend is absolutely correct. All of us approach
any conflict with a sense of horror and foreboding for what it
may mean for innocent civilians, and it is in that spirit that
the vigil that he mentions was held. It was great to see people
from across communities expressing solidarity. I had the
opportunity last week to talk to leaders from various Muslim
community groups across the United Kingdom, and I pay tribute to
them for their work in challenging extremism of all kinds.
(Westmorland and Lonsdale) (LD)
If we are to tackle the reality of antisemitism in the present,
it is vital that we learn from the past. In the summer of 1945,
300 Jewish children who had survived the death camps in Nazi
Germany made their lives and were rehabilitated on the banks of
Windermere lake at Troutbeck Bridge. They are affectionately and
proudly known by all of us as the Windermere boys. As we work
together to celebrate their legacy, and to use that legacy to
ensure that we fight antisemitism in every part of our country,
will the Secretary of State meet me and the people involved with
the project to discuss how we can build a lasting memorial to the
legacy of those wonderful young children who built a new life in
this country and overcame the horrors of Nazi Germany?
I am really grateful to the hon. Gentleman for reminding us of
that episode in our history, and I would be absolutely delighted
to work with him to ensure that that signal moment in our history
is properly celebrated. It has been a feature of the United
Kingdom that we have always recognised the importance of standing
up against antisemitism and providing refuge to those fleeing
persecution, so I look forward to talking to him in due
course.
Sir (Northampton North) (Con)
The London Borough of Havering has now reversed the appalling
decision it made last week to cancel its Hanukkah festivities for
the Jewish community. It is impossible to imagine any local
authority in the country trying to cancel the annual celebrations
of any other faith group. Does my right hon. Friend agree that
all local authorities should be careful to avoid any such rash
action at this sensitive time, and that they should use
intelligence and common sense in their decisions?
My right hon. and learned Friend is absolutely correct. I
understand that the London Borough of Havering has now reversed
its decision, but it seems to me that it was based on a
misconception, which is that the idea of the celebration of any
faith should be seen as provocative at this time. We know that
there are individual Jewish citizens who feel uncomfortable
wearing the kippah or any outward symbol of their faith, and to
have a London borough saying that the menorah should not be lit
because it would be provocative at this time is wholly wrong.
Freedom of religion—the chance for us all to express our faith—is
fundamental to British values, and he is right to say that other
local authorities should not go down that same route.
Urgent question on
Gaza: Humanitarian Situation
(Wigan) (Lab)
(Urgent Question): To ask the Secretary of State to make a
statement regarding the humanitarian situation in Gaza.
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign,
Commonwealth and Development Affairs ()
A tragedy is unfolding in the middle east. Israel has suffered the
worst terror attack in its history, and Palestinian civilians are
experiencing a devastating and growing humanitarian crisis. As
the Foreign Secretary made clear, last week’s agreement was a
crucial step towards providing relief to the families of the
hostages and addressing the humanitarian emergency in Gaza. This
pause has provided an opportunity to ensure that much greater
volumes of food, fuel and other lifesaving aid can enter
Gaza.
On 24 November, the British Government announced a further £30
million-worth of humanitarian assistance, tripling our existing
aid budget for the Occupied Palestinian Territories this
financial year and bringing it to a total of £60 million. During
the pause, the fourth UK aircraft, carrying 23 tonnes of
humanitarian aid for Gaza, arrived in Egypt, bringing the total
amount of UK humanitarian aid provided by British aircraft to 74
tonnes. That aid is now being dispersed to the United Nations to
support critical food, water, health, shelter and protection
needs in Gaza, and to pre-position emergency supplies in the
region. We are also actively exploring other aid routes,
including by sea.
The pause that ended last week was a crucial step towards
providing relief to the families of the hostages and addressing
the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. We have said repeatedly that we
would like to see an extension. UK humanitarian funding will
continue to support trusted partners to provide humanitarian
assistance, and negotiate humanitarian access, in Gaza. The UK
will continue, in conjunction with our international partners, to
advocate internationally on humanitarian priorities. These
include respect for international humanitarian law, the need for
fuel, humanitarian access, humanitarian pauses and an increase in
the types of assistance. We are urgently exploring all diplomatic
options to increase that, including urging Israel to open other
existing land borders, such as Kerem Shalom.
We welcome the intensive international co-operation, including
efforts from Qatar and the USA, which led to the agreement, and
we thank partners for their continued work. We remain committed
to making progress towards a two-state solution.
Britain’s long-standing position on the middle east peace process
is clear: we support a negotiated settlement leading to a safe
and secure Israel living alongside
a viable and sovereign Palestinian state. The UK will continue to
work with all partners in the region to reach a long-term
political solution that enables both Israelis and Palestinians to
live in peace.
Given recent events, it is surprising and regrettable that
neither the Prime Minister nor the Foreign Secretary is making a
statement today. The reality is that this conflict has sadly
reached another phase, and many more innocent lives will be lost
if we do not act now. We urge the Government to continue to push
for another cessation of hostilities and for all remaining
hostages to be freed. To be clear, Israel must not besiege
or blockade Gaza. It must comply with international law and
protect innocent lives and civilian infrastructure, and ensure
that attempts to address the humanitarian catastrophe are ramped
up quickly.
In the last few days, partners on the ground have become
increasingly concerned about the safe zone at al-Mawasi, with
reports suggesting that aid is not reaching those who are there.
Have the Government held talks with Israel and others to
ensure that it does, and to seek assurances that Palestinians who
fled there not will not be moved further still? The Minister will
know that that is a key concern of Arab states. Shelters are
severely overcrowded, dysentery is spreading, and the risk of
cholera is now significant. That must be mitigated now. Is there
is serious plan to deal with sewage and to distribute medicine
and vaccines? It is winter in Gaza, where nearly 2 million people
are displaced; many are in tents or in the open air. I urge the
Minister again to follow the US’s lead and appoint a humanitarian
co-ordinator to get the trucks moving more quickly, to get fuel
in and to work towards the opening of Karem Shalom.
The UK and partners must redouble efforts towards an enduring
cessation of hostilities and a lasting political
solution. Israel must be assured
that Hamas cannot carry out an attack like 7 October ever again.
But, to build a lasting peace, we must assure a generation of
Palestinians that there is hope: that they, their children and
their grandchildren can expect the security and opportunity that
is their right, with a plan for children both to prevent their
deaths and to prioritise their lives, and a clear message that
there can be no reoccupation or reduction of Gazan territory and
that those displaced have the right to return home.
I urge the Government to play their part in ending the illegal
settlements and settler violence in the west bank and to create a
plan for the reconstruction and renewal of Gaza. We must do more
without delay to deal with the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding
in front of us as we simultaneously work towards a better future.
Many more lives will be lost if we do not act now.
I am grateful for my counterpart’s constructive tone. We are in
agreement: we are pushing for a further pause, which we regard as
imperative. The success, as it were, of the last one showed the
utility of a pause in terms of the increased flow of humanitarian
support, and we continue to strain every sinew in our diplomacy
to aim for that. The Foreign Secretary made that argument to his
various ministerial colleagues last week and will continue to do
that with his counterpart and ministerial counterparts right
across the middle east.
The hon. Member mentioned the safe zone. We continue to monitor
that, and officials in the region are seeing how it unfolds with
regard to the humanitarian impact. She is right to draw the
House’s attention to the grievous humanitarian impact of disease.
We are confident that channelling our funds through the UN
agencies—the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, the Office
for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs and UNICEF—is the
right way to go about that, but the scale of increase of need is
hugely alarming, and we are painfully aware that women and
children often bear the most unfortunate brunt of such impacts. I
assure her that we are redoubling efforts. Clearly, our financial
contribution has tripled, but that goes in hand with our
political efforts, because it is only through a lasting peace,
which she referred to, that this will be resolved.
The humanitarian component is of utmost urgency, but we must not
forget the political component, which runs in tandem. Our stance
on the illegal settlements in the west bank and our long-standing
support for a sustainable solution with Palestinian statehood at
the heart of the region’s future are undiminished. In addition to
our humanitarian efforts, in our political and diplomatic efforts
we will continue to argue for Palestinian statehood as the seed
for a long-term solution in the region.
Madam Deputy Speaker ( )
I call the Father of the House.
(Worthing West) (Con)
The House will welcome the bipartisan support for what the
British Government are trying to do. Most of us know that our
direct power in the area ended more than 70 years ago. I put to
those who want a simple ceasefire that a permanent end to
violence would be helped by people around Israel recognising its
international boundaries, and by Israel ensuring
that it could withdraw to its own boundaries and stop the
aggressive settler activity outside its own areas in the west
bank.
The Father of the House makes a good point. A two-state solution
in which both sides respect the other’s right to exist and in
which there is an end to settler violence is an essential
precondition to any long-term peace in the region.
Madam Deputy Speaker
I call the Scottish National party spokesperson.
Brendan O’Hara (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)
Exactly as it said it would at the end of the humanitarian
pause, Israel has resumed its
offensive in Gaza with full force, including an appalling attack
on the Médecins Sans Frontières aid convoy. Official figures
estimate that 1,000 Palestinians were killed this weekend alone.
A massive cull of innocent civilians is taking place right now.
It is blatantly obvious that all appeals made by the UK
Government and others for Israel to avoid
civilian casualties are being ignored. I wonder just how much
this Government regret giving Netanyahu that blank cheque,
particularly as millions of displaced people are being squeezed
into a wasteland on the Egyptian border and the indiscriminate
bombing continues. At the weekend, the EU’s foreign policy chief,
Josep Borrell, echoed Scotland’s First Minister, saying:
“The solution can only be political”
and “centred on two states.” And he is correct. What is holding
the UK Government back from officially recognising the state of
Palestine, as a fundamental first step to achieving a long-term
solution to this awful crisis?
I am grateful for the hon. Gentleman’s contribution. We are
painfully aware of the tragic and significant human impact of the
miliary operation, especially with regards to civilian
casualties. But the issue should not be simplified to the degree
where we forget that Hamas are a terrorist group that are
prosecuting atrocities. We must see the civilian casualties as a
product of the terrible conflict resulting from Hamas terrorist
atrocity of 7 October. We continue to argue very strongly
to Israel that military
operations must be conducted according to humanitarian law,
avoiding civilian casualties. On the two-state solution, one of
the major obstacles is Hamas—a terrorist group committed to the
destruction of Israel If Hamas were
in charge, there would be no two-state solution. A necessary
prerequisite is the evolution of a better form of Palestinian
leadership in Gaza.
(North West Hampshire) (Con)
If the RAF can fly surveillance planes over the Gaza strip in the
much-needed search for hostages and to help their release, what
is to stop us from flying cargo planes over and parachuting food
and medicines to a starving population?
My right hon. Friend will have heard in my opening statement that
a very significant amount of humanitarian aid—74 tonnes—has been
delivered via UK aircraft. We are redoubling our efforts. Greater
utility lies in assessing whether there can be a maritime route
to increase humanitarian supplies.
Madam Deputy Speaker ( )
I call the Chair of the International Development Committee.
(Rotherham) (Lab)
I welcome the responses the Minister is giving, but I want to
hear the Foreign Secretary’s response. On 16 November, we had a
harrowing session with the humanitarian organisations on the
ground in Gaza. We wrote to the Foreign Secretary, but have not
had a reply. We have not had a reply either about when he will
come in front of our Committee. With such a horrific and
fast-moving situation in Israel and Gaza, when
can this House expect to hear from the Foreign Secretary?
I am sure it will be very soon.
(Brigg and Goole) (Con)
The idea that settlements are the reason there is not a two-state
solution is just complete and utter tosh. The reason there is not
a two-state solution is that Hamas seek the total genocide and
ethnic cleansing of the state of Israel They seek
to murder every single Jew. They used the most awful sexual
violence against women on 7 October, some reports of which we
read in shocking detail in The Times this weekend. There has not
been a word from either Dispatch Box so far about the information
on the abuse of the hostages who have been released, or a
condemnation of the violence. That is why there has not been a
two-state solution. Will the Minister confirm that the Government
will continue to stay strong and support Israel in
all its activities to root out this murderous terrorist cult?
I do not know if my hon. Friend heard my previous answer, in
which I said that a principal blockage to a two-state solution
were Hamas themselves. They are a terrorist group who have
committed the most heinous terrorist acts. We therefore continue
to be supportive of Israel’s defending its people and its
security.
(Exeter) (Lab)
Palestinians have lost all hope of a two-state solution thanks to
the policies of the Netanyahu Government in recent years. Would
it not give them some hope if we followed other countries’ lead
and honoured the vote taken in this House nine years ago to
recognise Palestinian statehood?
Our efforts are focused on a more pragmatic avenue, working with
allies in the region to ensure there is sustainable and more
meaningful support right across the region for a two-state
solution.
Sir (New Forest East) (Con)
If the Government accept that there can be no political solution
unless Hamas are removed from control in Gaza, can the Minister
explain to us who exactly will remove Hamas from that level of
control in Gaza?
The political future of the Palestinians is a matter for
Palestinians.
(Oxford West and Abingdon)
(LD)
I would like to start by agreeing with the hon. Member for Brigg
and Goole (), who spoke about the rightful
condemnation of the genocidal words from Hamas. These are the
extremes of the debate, and on the other side of these extremes
are Ministers in the Israeli Government who are calling for the
dropping of a nuclear bomb on Gaza, and calling the siege of Gaza
and the spread of epidemics a good thing. Those extremes do not
represent where the majority of Palestinians, Israelis and the
population across the world want to be, which is with this
Government on two states. My question is simple: two states is
all very well to say, but in terms of resources what is the
Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office actually doing to
make it happen?
Our considerable resource, by way of humanitarian aid and
political and diplomatic effort, is entirely focused on that. We
bring a considerable diplomatic heft in our relationships across
the region, and we are an important and permanent member of the
UN Security Council, so we must not underestimate our ability to
bring positive political leverage to this situation. That is
something we are resolutely focused on.
Sir (Northampton North) (Con)
Over the weekend, The Times carried chilling testimony of Hamas’s
extreme violence against women on 7 October: gang rape, women
found with bloodied underwear, broken bones from rape, beheading,
and women found with gunshots to their private parts. What
Israeli women hostages held in Hamas captivity have endured, and
may still be enduring now, does not bear thinking about. Will my
hon. Friend join me in condemning those appalling acts of
violence and this aspect of the ongoing humanitarian situation?
Does he acknowledge that Hamas terrorists in custody have spoken
quite openly about their orders to rape and defile women?
I agree with my right hon. and learned Friend that these are
deeply shocking reports. They are sadly, and very painfully,
characteristic of the kind of terrorist violence that we have
come to expect from Hamas, and we deeply condemn them.
(Bethnal Green and Bow)
(Lab)
Last week, I had the opportunity to visit Qatar with a
parliamentary delegation. We met Dr al-Ansari, one of the
official spokespersons, with Egypt, the US, Israel and others,
involved in the negotiations to release hostages and secure the
temporary humanitarian truce. It was clear that this was a
fragile truce that required greater pressure from the
international community on all relevant parties—from middle east
countries such as Qatar on Hamas, and from the US and the UK on
the Israelis—to bring an end to this bloodshed. What are our
Government doing, as a permanent member of the UN Security
Council and a G7 nation, to ensure that work is done to bring an
end to the bloodshed and secure a permanent ceasefire? That is
what people of all backgrounds and communities need. We need a
peacebuilding process; we need our Government to act. What are
our Government doing?
We continue to use all levers at our disposal to argue for
another humanitarian pause. Regrettably, it seems that discussion
of a ceasefire is premature, given that Hamas are committed to
the destruction of the state of Israel We are
resolutely committed to another humanitarian pause, and we are
using all means that are available to us to argue for it.
(Gillingham and Rainham)
(Con)
May I remind the Minister of the Prime Minister’s words at
Mansion House? He said that the UK will
“act to shape the world, not be shaped by it”.
I raise that with the Minister with regard to the loss of life
that we have seen across the board. We have to do everything we
can to preserve human lives. I supported humanitarian pauses to
do that at a very early stage, but the time has come for the UK
to take a lead at the UN as a member of the Security Council.
Lead at the Security Council; call for a ceasefire with
regards—[Interruption.] We all have our own views on this matter.
I have supported humanitarian pauses before, but the time has
come for the UK to work towards a ceasefire, the release of all
the hostages, humanitarian assistance and a political solution in
line with our own Security Council resolution 242 and the 1967
borders. When will we push that at the Security Council and lead
the world on this matter?
We are continuing to shape the outcome, and for us the most
pragmatic and useful outcome at the moment is a further
humanitarian pause, which we are arguing for strongly.
(Rochdale) (Lab)
If every humanitarian pause is simply a prelude to the further
bombing of Gaza by Israel what will be
left other than a refugee camp and a wasteland, and who does the
Minister think will govern that?
The hon. Member makes a good point. Of course, every civilian
death is a tragedy, and the House is painfully aware of the human
cost of the unfolding tragedy. As I said, aside from military
operations, the political future and the way that Palestinians
represent themselves is a question for Palestinians.
(The Wrekin) (Con)
I welcome the Government’s support for the extension of the
humanitarian pauses, so that more aid can get into Gaza and more
lives can be saved. May I ask the Minister about post-conflict
governance in Gaza? Fatah are not Hamas, and Hamas are not Fatah,
clearly—by definition. Fatah are marginally better in the eyes of
some Palestinians, but when they have gone to the ballot box, the
Palestinians have not voted for Fatah; they have voted for
others. I notice that there have been a lot of high-level
diplomatic visits to the senior leadership of Fatah. May I
encourage the Government to perhaps look more widely at who might
form the Government of Gaza in the future, so that the UK does
not repeat the mistakes of the past and Fatah do not return to
office only to be thrown out years later and perhaps replaced by
a new Hamas?
It would be easy for us to prejudge and second-guess political
outcomes in the west bank or indeed in Gaza, but we will not do
that. What we would seek post-conflict is a democratic
renaissance of the ability of Palestinians to represent
themselves and govern themselves responsibly, and we must not
prejudge or second-guess that.
(Edinburgh South West)
(SNP)
Like many other Members, I have constituents who are British
citizens and whose families are trapped in Gaza and desperate for
humanitarian visas. One constituent who wrote to me at the
weekend said that her 79-year-old mother had been displaced nine
times and was now in Rafah. She and her brothers and sisters, who
are British citizens and senior professionals, say that they do
not want state funds because they can support their family, but
surely they can bring their family—my constituent’s 79-year-old
mother, her sister and her sister’s six-month-old baby—to the
United Kingdom in order to look after them. What can I tell these
people about humanitarian visas, and will the Minister lean on
the Home Office to address the question of issuing humanitarian
visas?
I note the hon. and learned Lady’s question with interest. Given
that she has cited a specific case—that of her constituent with
links to Rafah—we can pursue it individually if she furnishes us
with the details.
(Bournemouth East) (Con)
With the humanitarian pause now closed, the nightmare is back for
the remaining hostages and their families, for the Palestinians
in desperate need of aid, and also for all citizens on both sides
who are fearful of what falls from the skies. However, with no
timeline and no clear plan, the next chapter is likely to be
darker and more deadly. Does my hon. Friend agree
that Israel will not, indeed
cannot, resolve the humanitarian, governance and security issues
alone? The international community has a vital role to play, not
least to avoid escalation, so would the UK consider co-hosting an
international summit with the United States and other
stakeholders to begin the discussions that will start to resolve
the bigger issues?
The international dimension is critical, and what is not in doubt
is our ability and our intent to use our international diplomatic
network and our connections across the region—because the
regional approach is hugely important in this context. We will
endeavour to use our connections throughout the Gulf states and
the rest of the middle east, and internationally, to seek a just
and long-term solution.
(Huddersfield)
(Lab/Co-op)
Stop killing children, stop killing civilians: that is what I
want, what my constituents want, and what the whole country
wants. We do not know who is the best person or group of people
to do that, but for God’s sake, someone stop this killing of
children.
The images we have seen of civilian deaths have of course been
acutely painful. We continue to use our relationship
with Israel to ensure that
it is restrained in terms of its application of force, and we are
also forthright in our absolute condemnation of the terrorist
atrocity perpetrated by Hamas and the grotesque effect that it
has had on Israelis of all ages.
(Harrow East) (Con)
Despite the humanitarian pause, the majority—137 hostages—are
still held by the terrorists in Gaza. Of those, two are children,
10 are over 75 and 20 are female, and there are 11 foreign
nationals. Clearly the negotiations with these terrorists broke
down over the weekend, so what action is the FCDO taking to
ensure that the hostages are freed and returned to their
families?
That is at the front and centre of our diplomatic effort
internationally. Obviously there is a complex web of negotiation
effort on which I will not comment in detail, but we are
painfully conscious of the need to exert all our institutional
effort to bring those people home safely.
(Feltham and Heston)
(Lab/Co-op)
The humanitarian crisis in Gaza is unspeakable, with 1.8 million
people now displaced, 33,000 injured—and the number of hospital
beds down to about 1,400 and dropping—and more than 15,000 dead.
My constituent Noura has lost her brother and nephew, who were
blown up in their home after they went back when they thought it
was safe to do so. Her sister-in-law has lost her limbs, and two
other children are in hospital in intensive care.
I need to ask the Minister these questions. What is the plan for
humanitarian visas? What is the plan for safe zones, and how
serious is it? What is the plan for people who have lost their
homes, their family members, and their limbs? What is the plan,
seriously, to work with international allies towards a permanent
ceasefire, the release of hostages, and a proper political
solution?
The hon. Lady makes a good point about the impact on hospitals.
That is why we have tripled our aid. We are focused on
channelling it through the UN agencies that can most effectively
help people in hospitals, whether by the provision of fuel or
other supplies. That is the groundwork that we hope will
eventually unlock the political phase to improve the solution. It
is humanitarian first, with the politics in tandem, which we are
also doing.
(South West Bedfordshire)
(Con)
The sexual violence meted out by Hamas on 7 October was
horrendous. In the second half of last month, a number of Members
on both sides of the House received details passed on by a doctor
in Nasser Hospital in Khan Yunis, who said that three of his
children and three of his grandchildren were among the 45 men,
women and children in his house who had all been destroyed that
afternoon while he was working a hospital shift. We are piling
misery on misery, so as one former infantry soldier to another, I
ask my hon. Friend to make sure that the British Government renew
their plea for the greatest possible precision in pursuit of the
terrorists so that we do not lose more civilian lives in that
way.
My hon. Friend speaks with experience and knowledge, and we are
making exactly those pleas to our Israeli colleagues.
(North Antrim) (DUP)
Eight weeks after the unjustifiable murder of Jewish people
in Israel and the
countless rapes of Israeli and Jewish women, is the Minister
disappointed that the United Nations women’s group made the most
facile and mealy-mouthed statement that did not even use the word
“rape” in describing what had happened? Will he use his and the
Government’s influence to draw to the attention of the United
Nations the importance of getting on side on this issue and
condemning sexual violence against women and the rape of women?
Just because they are Jews does not mean that they do not matter,
and that point should be made to the United Nations over and over
again.
Of course these reports are shocking and we certainly condemn it.
Rape is rape, and we must call it out.
(St Austell and Newquay)
(Con)
The more details we learn of the barbaric attacks of 7 October
and the treatment of the victims, especially the women, the more
horrific it becomes. One can only imagine the sheer anguish that
the families of the victims go through on a daily basis as more
information comes out, so can my hon. Friend tell me what
humanitarian support is being provided to the families of the
victims of Hamas?
That is a terribly good question. A large proportion of our
tripled humanitarian aid budget of £60 million will be channelled
through UNICEF and the other two UN agencies, UNRWA and OCHA, and
a large proportion of it will support women affected by
conflict.
(Wirral South) (Lab)
I am sorry, but I must press the Minister because I do not feel
that he has answered the question on what the Government’s
strategy is, particularly the political strategy. We all feel
this so strongly: no child should ever be the target of a
terrorist or in any conflict, so what is the Government’s
political strategy to protect the lives of children?
Our strategy is to exert all efforts to bring about peace.
Neil O’Brien (Harborough) (Con)
I welcome the Minister’s growing success in getting aid into Gaza
and the tripling of UK aid, but even as he works urgently to get
aid to the neediest civilians of Gaza in the shortest possible
time, will the Government redouble their efforts to bring about a
diplomatic solution, perhaps using a contact group, in order that
we can grow the humanitarian pauses into a just and lasting peace
and a two-state solution?
That is exactly our strategy. It is to use diplomatic efforts in
concert with humanitarian efforts to bring about a situation
whereby diplomacy can take effect and the foundations can be laid
of a long-term peace. We are clearly not there yet, and it will
require a huge amount of diplomatic effort right across the
region and a close relationship with many parties. That is
something to which we can bring a great deal of expertise and
utility.
(Bradford West) (Lab)
What actions have the Government implemented to integrate their
approach to preventing atrocities into the UK’s foreign and
development policy? How have they involved the Office for
Conflict, Stabilisation and Mediation’s mass atrocity prevention
hub in risk assessing Israel’s actions in Gaza?
Those issues are woven into the fabric of our diplomacy, and they
are hugely important in all our work across the middle east, and
nowhere more so than the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
(Orkney and Shetland)
(LD)
The Committee to Protect Journalists has said that 57 Palestinian
journalists have been killed in the Gaza strip since 7 October.
It says this is the worst period for the killing of journalists
since it started keeping records in 1992. Does that not
illustrate the wholly indiscriminate nature of what is being done
by the Israel Defence Forces?
Will the Minister impress upon the Netanyahu Government the
complete unacceptability of this situation?
I do not accept the right hon. Gentleman’s description of it
being “wholly indiscriminate”, but of course I take seriously his
comment about 57 journalists having been killed. That is tragic,
but I take issue with his characterisation of it being “wholly
indiscriminate”. Of course we make representations
to Israel to constrain and
focus its operations, and we will continue to do so.
(Newport West) (Lab)
Like so many Members, I again received hundreds of emails this
weekend from my constituents who are appalled and horrified at
the continuing killing of innocent Palestinian men, women and
children. They want the killing to stop, so will the Minister
condemn the acts of violence and extremism by Israeli settlers in
the west bank and call on the Israeli authorities to prevent
settler violence, to ensure accountability for perpetrators and
to condemn extremist rhetoric?
This Government are on record—I said it in my statement—in
condemning settler violence in the west bank, but we must be very
clear that this military operation is under way in Gaza because
of the terrorist atrocity carried out by Hamas on 7 October. That
is the terrible and tragic truth.
(Hammersmith) (Lab)
Over 15,000 civilians have now been killed in Gaza, and Israel’s
military operations have not abated following the pause in
fighting. What specific requests are the Government making to
their Israeli counterparts to stop the killing? When the Minister
says a ceasefire is “premature”, it sounds like a tacit
acceptance that the disproportionate and indiscriminate
destruction of civilian areas is a legitimate means
of Israel pursuing its war
aims.
A ceasefire would only be possible if Hamas had not stated their
intent to wipe Israel off the map and
to perpetrate another atrocity of the nature of 7 October. We are
arguing for a humanitarian pause to allow de-escalation and the
further flow of humanitarian aid.
(Batley and Spen) (Lab)
I echo the calls for a long-term political solution to this
dreadful conflict, and for an end to the international community,
including this Government, consigning it to the “too difficult”
pile. In the absence of the permanent ceasefire that I am sure we
all want to see, does the Minister recognise, and will he
reinforce, the warnings from the United States and others that
Israel’s actions in Gaza must be proportionate, otherwise they
are in clear breach of international law, as the comprehensive
evidence from multiple agencies working on the ground in Gaza
strongly suggests? I am sure he cares deeply about humanitarian
issues, so will he join me in saying that sending texts or QR
codes to advise people to evacuate a war zone, when there is no
internet and no power to charge phones, is wholly inadequate and
cannot protect civilians and save innocent lives?
We have called and continue to call on Israel to
abide by international humanitarian law—that is not in doubt. Its
military response must be proportionate, and we continue to argue
strongly that it should show constraint in its pursuit of Hamas’s
terrorist operatives embedded in the Gaza strip.
(Poplar and Limehouse)
(Lab)
On Friday, the hopes for a permanent ceasefire turned to despair
with the continuation of the collective punishment and killing of
Palestinian civilians, a large proportion of whom are women and
children, in what the United Nations is calling “unprecedented”
numbers. The Minister has just said that a ceasefire would be
“premature”. Will he clarify whether there is any limit—any limit
at all—on the number of Palestinian civilians that this
Government support killing before calling for a permanent
ceasefire? Will he explain what he understands to be the
long-term plan for Gaza and how that plan is in keeping with
international law?
Regrettably, Hamas do not want a ceasefire. It would be good if
that were the case, but it is not. They are a terrorist group
committed to the destruction of Israel and they
are on record stating their desire to perpetrate another atrocity
on the scale of 7 October. While that is a fact, the inevitable
consequence is an Israeli military response. We support Israel’s
right to protect its sovereignty, but we implore it to show
constraint and avoid civilian casualties. Attendant to that, we
will argue for a further humanitarian pause to allow humanitarian
aid to flow.
(Islington North) (Ind)
Israel is clearly undertaking an act of cleansing of the entire
population of Gaza. It is illegal in international law and in no
way is it a proportionate response to the appalling events of 7
October. What does the Minister think is Israel’s long-term
objective? Is it to expel the entire population of Gaza into
Egypt? What is the role, purpose and military objective of
British military participation in the whole area? Can he assure
us that there are no British soldiers on the ground in Gaza?
It will be no surprise that I do not share the right hon.
Gentleman’s assessment or view of the context. It is clear that
Israel’s objective is to defend itself against the terrorist
group of Hamas.
(Sunderland Central)
(Lab)
In an earlier answer, the Minister said that the British
Government are “forthright” in their condemnation of the
atrocities of 7 October, which everyone agrees with. When will
the British Government be forthright in their condemnation of the
murder of innocent Palestinian children? Some 15,000 people have
died so far. At the start of the conflict, half the Gazan
population were children. When will the British Government call
that out and say enough is enough?
We continue to argue for constraint, restraint and the
application of military power according to humanitarian law.
(Vauxhall)
(Lab/Co-op)
Jason Lee, Save the Children’s country director for the Occupied
Palestinian Territories, has just returned from a five-day trip
to Gaza. He writes:
“A young child might not understand what is happening, but they
see the destruction around them. They see when their homes,
schools and communities are destroyed. They hear everything that
is happening around them, the air strikes, the cries for help.
And they feel the terror, the insecurity and the
helplessness.”
Many right hon. and hon. Members have raised the issue of
innocent children, who have no part in what is going on, being
killed. We cannot watch while that continues. Does the Minister
agree that working towards a definitive ceasefire is the only way
to a sustainable peace in the region?
The hon. Lady makes a painful allusion to the view of Save the
Children; a large proportion of our increased aid budget is going
to UNICEF to support children who have been affected. We would
all like a de-escalation and ceasefire, but while Hamas remain
intent on perpetrating another atrocity, like the one on 7
October, it is hard to see how there can be any other response
than the military response of Israel defending
its sovereignty.
(Glasgow North) (SNP)
The Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court
has issued a call for evidence regarding possible breaches of
international humanitarian law in Israel and
Palestine. Is the UK Government in a position to
contribute—indeed, will it be contributing—to that
investigation?
Not at this stage, but we will continue to take note.
(Bradford East) (Lab)
Blackened by mould, eaten by worms, and mauled by stray dogs.
That was the fate of four premature babies who medical staff were
forced to leave behind after being forced by the Israeli military
to evacuate al-Nasr Hospital in just 30 minutes. What was the
crime of those four vulnerable premature babies, who were left to
an unimaginable fate, and just how does the Minister plan on
telling me that a humanitarian pause helped them when a ceasefire
would have saved them?
The hon. Gentleman talks painfully about the humanitarian impact.
Of course, the tragedy is that Hamas do not want a ceasefire, and
therefore the conflict will surely continue.
(Eltham) (Lab)
I accept that Hamas are a terrorist organisation and their
infrastructure needs to be dismantled so that they cannot commit
any more atrocities, but that does not justify the unrelenting
bombing that we saw return to Gaza over the weekend. Have the
Government satisfied themselves that Israeli bombing is precision
bombing against terrorist targets, and if they have not been able
to satisfy themselves of that, why are they not calling for a
ceasefire?
We have argued, and will continue to argue, for restraint. The
whole House will share the anguish that the hon. Gentleman
expresses about the humanitarian and human impact. We continue to
make the argument to Israel that it must be
restrained and it must follow international humanitarian law.
(Bolton South East)
(Lab)
The UN Secretary-General recently said:
“We are witnessing a killing of civilians that is unparalleled
and unprecedented in any conflict since I have been
Secretary-General.”
Over 16,000 Palestinians are dead, 70% of them women and
children. Hospitals are being flooded by an influx of dead
bodies. Over 41,000 people have been injured, 84,000 have
diarrhoea, and 100,000 have acute respiratory distress syndrome.
Thousands of people are trapped under the rubble, and 80% of the
Gazan population is now internally displaced. There are bombs
everywhere in Gaza. There is no safe place for these people to go
to, so when will the Government ask for a definitive ceasefire
and allow access for humanitarian aid?
The hon. Lady paints a moving picture of the terrible human cost.
That is why we will continue to call, with renewed effort, for a
humanitarian pause so that a greater degree of aid can flow.
(North Down) (Alliance)
I am a strong advocate of a full and proper ceasefire as a
prelude to a wider political process. However, work has to be
done to create the conditions for a ceasefire, including the
potential provision of security guarantees. What plans do the
Government have to discuss with their international partners the
creation of some form of peacekeeping or monitoring presence,
either on the basis of the United Nations or some form of ad hoc
arrangement, including in particular the Arab states, in order to
provide some form of confidence-building measures?
The hon. Gentleman makes an interesting point. We are certainly
using our regional network of diplomacy and diplomatic presence
to discuss regional solutions that may involve other Arab states,
because the political settlement will depend on long-term and
sustainable regional support, whatever the outcome might be.
(Slough) (Lab)
I want to see an end to the violence in Gaza, which is what I
recently voted for, along with Labour colleagues. After the end
of the fragile ceasefire last week, we desperately need the UK
Government to work with international allies and push for peace,
with the release of all hostages and an end to the killing of
thousands of innocent Palestinians. As winter sets in, does the
Minister share my concerns about a potential outbreak of cholera
and other waterborne diseases, and the risk of starvation and
dehydration? What steps are the Government taking to avert that
ongoing crisis?
We are acutely aware of the manifold health risk in Gaza. That is
why we have tripled our aid budget, a lot of which will be
channelled through OCHA, UNICEF and UNRWA to attend to the risk
posed by cholera and other diseases. We continue to push for
peace, and a humanitarian pause would be the first step towards
that.
(Cynon Valley) (Lab)
On 30 October, the IDF’s evacuation order directed Gaza’s
civilians southward, triggering mass internal displacement that
the IDF said was for their own safety. On 1 December, the IDF
ordered people to leave districts in Khan Yunis, where many had
gone for their own safety, saying they were in a “dangerous
combat zone”. Given that the IDF military action now stretches
from Gaza City in the north to Rafah in the south, does the
Minister agree with the UN’s Volker Türk that
“there is no safe place in Gaza”,
and that only a permanent ceasefire can end this collective
punishment of the Palestinians?
The hon. Lady makes a good point, but tragically the reason is
that Hamas have often sought to embed themselves among civilian
infrastructure, and as long as that is the case, tragedy will
ensue. The solution is a de-escalation, the defeat of Hamas and,
in the first instance, a humanitarian pause to improve
humanitarian access.
(St Helens South and Whiston)
(Lab)
Allegations of breaches of international humanitarian law should
always be treated with the utmost seriousness. Assessing specific
allegations is the proper task of lawyers in competent
international courts. Does the Minister recognise, with Labour,
that the International Criminal Court’s jurisdiction must address
the conduct of all parties in Gaza?
We have long been on record as calling for all parties to abide
by international humanitarian law.
(Bedford) (Lab)
As the Israeli authorities are now bombing south Gaza—the very
area they asked civilians to reach in order to be safe—does the
Minister agree that the supply of arms to the Israeli Government
must be suspended, given that serious violations amounting to
crimes under international law are being committed?
We support, and are on record as supporting, Israel’s right to
defend itself, and our relationship with Israel is
in accordance with that. That does not mean that we do not at the
same time argue for a de-escalation, a humanitarian pause and a
return to peace.
(Arfon) (PC)
The United Nations Children’s Fund says that Gaza is the most
dangerous place in the world to be a child. France has offered
places in its hospitals to treat the most severely injured
children. Will the Minister now make a similar offer to the
injured children of Gaza?
We need to be supporting children; that is why a significant
portion of our humanitarian aid, which we have tripled to £60
billion, will be channelled through UNICEF to attend to the needs
of children affected.
(Battersea) (Lab)
We know that more than 15,000 Palestinians have been killed, 70%
of whom are women and children, and there are still thousands
unaccounted for under the rubble. The events of the last two days
demonstrate that a pause in fighting was never going to be
sufficient. I ask the Minister what on earth it will take for his
Government to call for a permanent ceasefire on all sides in
order to prevent the bombardment of Gaza’s civilian
infrastructure, including not only its hospitals and schools—or
what is left of them—but its water facilities.
The hon. Lady is correct that the pause was not sufficient to
meet all the humanitarian needs. That does not stop us arguing
for a further pause, because of course that is the first step to
a more sustainable path towards peace.
(Leeds East) (Lab)
I must say that the Minister comes across as a passive observer
while the further horror unfolds. I wish he would use his agency
and his role, because 1.8 million people in Gaza have been
forcibly displaced. People were told to go south to avoid the
bombing, but now Israel is
indiscriminately bombing areas there. The UN says that
“there is no safe place in Gaza.”
Above all, this is a war on children. How many more children have
to die before the Government add their name to the growing list
of countries around the world calling for an immediate and
sustained ceasefire?
I would say gently to the hon. Gentleman that in actuality this
is a war on Hamas.
(Oldham East and
Saddleworth) (Lab)
Surely the events of the weekend have shown that a temporary
pause or cessation of hostilities is just not enough, and that
what we need is a permanent ceasefire, which is what many people,
including the British public as a whole, want to see. They want
to see the release of hostages and a sustainable, credible
political process so that we have a safe and secure Palestinian
state alongside a safe and secure Israeli state, but it has come
across in the statement that the Government have absolutely no
plan. How many UK citizens and UK visa holders are still awaiting
evacuation from Gaza?
The hon. Lady says that one humanitarian pause is not enough. Of
course it is not enough; that is why we are arguing for another.
That is an important part of our sense of there being a long-term
obligation on us all to argue for a sustainable and long-term
two-state solution.
(Manchester, Withington)
(Lab)
Without a ceasefire or truce in place, there is no safe zone in
Gaza. I have expressed concerns before about the inadequacy of
Al-Mawasi as a safe zone without any infrastructure or ability to
get aid to innocent civilians. Given that there seems to be no
place for people to go and no hope for innocent civilians, does
the Minister share my worry that the constant bombardment will
drive the besieged people of Gaza into the arms of extremists,
and what representations are the Government making to the Israeli
Government to express those concerns?
Frankly, the solution would be for Hamas to come out of their
tunnels and surrender so that Gaza can return to normality. That
is what we hope might happen.
(Lewisham East) (Lab)
I accept that Hamas are a terrorist organisation, but children,
journalists, aid workers and innocent civilians have died and
continue to be under threat in Gaza. There is now a potential
outbreak of airborne and waterborne diseases. Surely it is now
time for the UK Government to finally call for a ceasefire as
they work towards the release of all hostages and a political
peace process.
The hon. Lady makes a good point about disease. It is why a large
portion of the tripled humanitarian fund of £60 million,
channelled through the three UN agencies, will be focused on the
prevention of contagious diseases.
(Ellesmere Port and Neston)
(Lab)
We all want the killing to stop, and if we get to a point where
there is an end to the violence on a long-term basis, what
guarantees can we obtain from the UK Government that the many
people who have been displaced will be allowed to return and that
there will be sufficient infrastructure in place to ensure that
they have something to return to?
The hon. Gentleman makes a good point about post-war
reconstruction and the return of civilians. Of course, the UK
will be at the heart of the international response that will
attend to that.
(Coventry South) (Lab)
Madam Deputy Speaker:
“A night of utterly relentless bombardments”—
the worst of the war so far. Those are the words of a UNICEF
spokesperson this morning in Khan Yunis in the south of Gaza,
where 1.8 million Palestinians are now trapped as Israeli bombs
rain down on them. They were ordered to flee the north, and they
are now being slaughtered in the south. Nowhere is safe in Gaza.
As even UN experts warn of the grave risk of genocide, the UK
Government continue to give their full support to Israel calling for
pauses in the slaughter but not a permanent ceasefire and an end
to the slaughter. Is the Minister happy to be part of a
Government so deeply complicit in the horrors being inflicted on
the Palestinian people?
We continue to be forthright in our support for the absolute
right of Israel to defend its
people and its sovereignty. The tragedy that has unfolded
following the Hamas terrorist abomination on 7 October of course
brings pain to all sides, but we will continue to be forthright
in our commitment to Israel’s security and, ultimately, I hope,
to Palestinian statehood, in a long-term and sustainable peace in
the middle east.
(Chesterfield) (Lab)
Many of us absolutely recognise Israel’s right to defend itself,
and that Hamas and their approach are a barrier to a lasting
peace solution, but we also absolutely despair that the
Government’s calls for restraint are being so ignored by the
Israeli Government. Does the Minister agree that the
international community needs to make it absolutely clear to
every combatant in the conflict that the International Criminal
Court is watching and people will be held to account for their
conduct? His saying, “We call for humanitarian law to be
followed” is simply not enough. People will be held to account
for their conduct in this war.
The hon. Gentleman is stating the fact of the matter:
international humanitarian law, which we expect all sides to
follow, is there to be upheld.
(York Central)
(Lab/Co-op)
The humanitarian situation is escalating; the disease burden is
rising at such a pace that, without intervention, this will end
up as a real humanitarian catastrophe. What discussions is the
Minister having with the World Health Organisation and the UN to
put in place what the aid agencies are calling for—a ceasefire—so
that they can get on top on the disease burden across Gaza?
The hon. Lady makes a good point about the disease burden. We are
arguing for an increased flow of humanitarian support and medical
supplies, not just via land but maybe via a seaborne route, and
we will continue to do so.
(Luton South) (Lab)
So many of my constituents continue to ask me to press the
Government regarding their actions towards securing a ceasefire
and to help the suffering of innocent civilians in Gaza. To that
end, what recent discussions has the Foreign Secretary held to
urge Israel not to besiege
or blockade Gaza, and to comply with international law and
protect innocent lives?
The Foreign Secretary has been hugely active, engaging with many
different nations. He was in Israel just some
10 days ago, making the point that we must ensure that the
humanitarian impact of this conflict is constrained and
limited.
(Ealing North) (Lab/Co-op)
In Gaza, innocent Palestinians are facing an unimaginable
nightmare—a humanitarian catastrophe, with thousands of
civilians, including children, being killed. Further to his
response to my hon. Friend the Member for Luton South (), can the Minister provide
more detail about what the UK Government are doing to
urge Israel not to besiege
or blockade Gaza, and to comply with international law and
protect innocent lives?
We are pointing out that all sides must abide by international
humanitarian law, and that ultimately there cannot be a military
solution to political problems in the middle east. Clearly, we
hope that the terrorist group Hamas will not have a political
role representing the Palestinian people, but de-escalation and
peace must come first.
