Moved by Lord Robathan That the Bill be now read a second time.
Lord Robathan (Con) My Lords, this is a very straightforward Bill
and I trust that it will be uncontroversial. It was introduced in
the other place by my honourable friend for Wellingborough, Peter
Bone, but there was, before that, an excellent debate—which I
commend to anyone who wishes to read it—in Westminster Hall on 22
September last year, which was led by my right honourable friend
for...Request free trial
Moved by
That the Bill be now read a second time.
(Con)
My Lords, this is a very straightforward Bill and I trust that it
will be uncontroversial. It was introduced in the other place by
my honourable friend for Wellingborough, , but there was, before that, an
excellent debate—which I commend to anyone who wishes to read
it—in Westminster Hall on 22 September last year, which was led
by my right honourable friend for Chipping Barnet, , whose speech I will refer
to extensively.
The essence of the Bill is that it removes EU rules that were
created by an ECJ judgment in the Vnuk case. For background, if I
might explain, Mr Vnuk was the victim of an accident involving a
reversing tractor inside a barn in a farmyard in Slovenia. He
took his compensation claim to the European Court of Justice. In
the United Kingdom, an incident of this nature would be covered
by our compulsory employers’ liability insurance regime, but not
all EU member states have such a scheme to protect employees in
the workplace.
In its 2014 judgment, the ECJ therefore shoehorned Mr Vnuk’s
compensation claim into the EU’s motor insurance law. In so
doing, it extended the scope of compulsory motor insurance to
accidents on private land involving a very broad range of
vehicles—essentially, anything with wheels and a motor that does
not run on rails, no matter where it is used or for what purpose.
This is, of course, manifestly different from the compulsory
motor insurance requirements in the Road Traffic Act 1988, which
applies to all vehicles that are permitted to be used on our
streets and roads.
The UK’s approach to compulsory motor insurance has been
consistent since the 1930s. It is proportionate and it works.
However, Vnuk had direct effect in EU law, which means that it
forms part of the retained EU law that we imported on to our
domestic statute book via the European Union (Withdrawal) Act
2018. As a result of cases in the UK courts, such as Lewis v
Tindale, the UK’s compensation fund for people injured by
uninsured drivers will now be obliged to pay out in the
circumstances covered by the Vnuk judgment. For those who are not
aware, the UK compensation fund is covered by the Motor Insurers’
Bureau, to which I am grateful for its advice. Every driver who
takes to our roads funds the scheme through his or her motor
insurance premiums.
The combined effect of the Vnuk and Lewis cases and the 2018 Act
is that the scheme now has to bear very significant costs for
which it was never designed, and motorists are of course left
picking up the bill. Let us be clear: we are talking about
accidents on private land, in private gardens, in farmers’
fields, on golf courses, inside supermarkets, banks and
offices—the list is long. These are places where what has
happened, or even the fact that anything that has occurred at
all, will often be difficult to establish with any clarity, which
gives rise to worrying opportunities for fraud.
Now, if this ruling stands, the Government Actuary’s Department
estimates that the annual costs to the Motor Insurers’
Bureau—and, therefore, to every driver in the country—could rise
to over £2 billion. This equates to £50 on every vehicle
insurance premium. Probably, of course, it would be more on
younger drivers, who are seen as a bad risk.
This situation, and the ruling, have been heavily criticised. The
EU is currently changing the rules—it is in the period of, I
think, two years in which it has to change them—and changing the
law, and the European Parliament’s rapporteur described the
case’s consequences as “absurd overregulation”. It is a huge
irony that we in the UK, having left the EU, are still stuck with
a piece of law that the EU has changed. This is because it is now
part of the retained EU law at the end of the transition period.
It is an unfortunate and probably rather foolish omission on
behalf of the UK Government.
This Bill puts that right. I want to be clear that this current
law—the Vnuk law—covers mobility scooters, golf carts, sit-on
mowers, quad bikes, the lot. I mention the last because a
Conservative MP was fined a decade or so ago for driving his quad
bike 100 yards along a public road, so the law works. He had no
insurance; he was photographed by hunt saboteurs and prosecuted—I
will tell people who it was if they want to ask me later.
I repeat that employers’ liability insurance is compulsory. As a
farmer, for instance, I have third-party liability insurance, as
do almost all farmers and as do golf courses and people like
that. This Bill restores the situation, the status quo ante,
before the Vnuk judgment. Various road traffic accidents will
determine the insurance requirements. If we wish, at some stage,
to determine that change is needed in the future, that will be
achieved by proper legislation properly considered by Parliament.
The Bill was not opposed, nor amended, in the other place. It has
the support of the Government and, as I understand it, of the
Opposition. Indeed, I shall close with the comments of the
honourable Member for Bristol East—Kerry McCarthy, the shadow
Minister for Transport—from 22 September:
“we have operated under the scheme set out in the Road Traffic
Act for many decades. It is proportionate and it
works.”—[Official Report, Commons, 22/9/21; col. 181WH.]
I beg to move.
1.02pm
(Lab)
As the noble Lord, , said, the aim of this
Private Member’s Bill—introduced in the Commons by the
Conservative MP Peter Bone—is to reverse a 2014 decision of the
Court of Justice of the European Union that expanded the types of
vehicles required to have compulsory third-party motor insurance.
It received government support and, indeed, the Minister has
written to me—for which I thank her—confirming the Government’s
support for this Bill in the Lords and encouraging me to support
it likewise.
Judging by the length of the list of speakers, I think that it
could hardly be described as a Bill which has got the pulses
racing in your Lordships’ House. Three speakers are listed and
all three of us are here because we have to be here. This Bill
appears, so far, to have been met with one long yawn in your
Lordships’ House.
The Road Traffic Act 1988 limits compulsory insurance to drivers
of vehicles on roads and in other public places. This legal
position, as has been said, was altered by a decision in 2014 by
the Court of Justice of the European Union which extended the
requirement for compulsory motor insurance to include vehicles
used on private land and to vehicles not constructed for road
use. The ruling continued to have effect after the UK left the EU
as part of retained EU case law.
According to the Government, the ruling would have led to a rise
in motor insurance premiums because claims resulting from the
expanded range of vehicles specified in the ruling are admissible
by the Motor Insurers’ Bureau, the MIB being a statutory body
that operates a compensation scheme for victims who have suffered
injury or loss as a result of uninsured or untraced drivers. The
scheme is funded by a levy on motor insurance companies, with the
costs of the levy ultimately capable of being passed on to
motorists through increases in insurance premiums. The MIB is
also responsible for meeting claims made by victims of accidents
arising from the use of vehicles on private land, hence the
significance of the ruling by the Court of Justice of the
European Union as far as the MIB is concerned. As a result, an
increase in the scope of claims payable by the MIB, such as that
brought about by the ruling we are discussing, could increase
insurance costs for motorists.
In her response, can the Minister clarify whether—and, if so,
from when—the 2014 CJEU ruling has been applied in the UK? If it
has—I am not sure it has—what has its impact been on insurance
costs? If it has not, from when would it have become applicable
had we not left the EU? The Government say that the ruling could
lead to an average increase in premiums of £50 for each
motorist.
In the Commons, the mover of the Bill stated that the CJEU ruling
had led the EU to revise its European directive but that:
“The revisions it has made will fail to protect motorists in the
EU from the associated costs of the compulsory insurance
requirement on private land.”—[Official Report, Commons, 28/1/22;
col. 1209.]
As the Government are supporting the Bill, can the Minister
confirm that the EU’s recent revisions to its European directive
do not affect the Government’s assessment that the ruling could
lead to an average increase in premiums of £50 for each
motorist—in other words, that the £50 figure relates to the EU
directive as now revised and not as it was at the time of the
CJEU ruling?
The Association of British Insurers has stated that the
additional insurance cover brought about by the CJEU ruling was
not necessary in the UK because the claim would already have been
covered by other insurance policies, such as compulsory
employers’ liability and public liability. The Minister’s letter
to me states that the Bill
“provides only positives: savings for motorists without any real
reduction in consumer protection due to existing protections such
as employers’ and public liability”.
What is the significance of saying “any real reduction”, as
opposed to the completely unambiguous “any reduction”?
Would the CJEU ruling have led to greater protection for vehicles
covered by the ruling—that is, vehicles used on private land; and
a potentially greater range of vehicles, including non-roadgoing
vehicles—than is provided at present by compulsory employers’
liability and public liability? In the context of that question,
I refer to paragraph 19 of the impact assessment, which
states:
“Bespoke insurance arrangements exist in the GB (and predate the
Vnuk decision), such as employers’ liability and public liability
insurance policies that cover some of the risks on private land.
However, these do not provide as much cover as the Vnuk decision,
but we consider that these are more appropriate forms of
insurance to cover these risks, rather than motor insurance.”
Maybe I am misinterpreting it, but to me that paragraph suggests
that the CJEU decision would provide greater cover than the
existing arrangements under employers’ liability and public
liability insurance. I would be obliged for a government response
on that point.
This Bill will not reduce insurance premiums for motorists. The
argument is that premiums will not go up as much as would
otherwise have been the case if the CJEU ruling was implemented
and that the additional cover provided by the CJEU ruling is
already covered in this country by other insurance policies. If
that is the case—and I have asked questions on that and on other
points—we are not opposed to the Bill, and that stance is in line
with the position we took when the Bill went through its Commons
stages.
1.10pm
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department for
Transport () (Con)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend for bringing forward this
Bill, which, as he noted, has already had a successful passage
through the other place, and I thank the noble Lord, , for his considered and
thoughtful contribution. There is not much more that could be
said about the Bill, but I am here as the Government and so I
will put our view on record.
This is an important issue, and the Government have been clear
since 2014 that they do not agree with the European Court of
Justice’s ruling in the Vnuk case. That is why the Government
support the Bill. The Vnuk decision created an unnecessary
extension of motor insurance to private land, as well as to a
potentially greater range of vehicles that could include
everything from motorsports to agricultural and light vehicles.
The excessive liabilities that this would place on the insurance
industry and the potential increases to motorist’s insurance
premiums are simply unacceptable and unnecessary. These
liabilities and potential increases are not trivial. As noble
Lords have pointed out, the Government expect that it could cost
the industry about £2 billion a year.
Furthermore, if Vnuk had been implemented in full, it would have
had a catastrophic impact on the motorsports industry. Drivers
would have been likely to be required to purchase motor insurance
to compensate injury caused to other drivers, stewards and
spectators. Motorsports in the UK are safe and highly regulated.
Employers’ liability and public liability already provide a high
level of protection. Adding a motor insurance requirement would
have brought little benefit at a very high cost—some £458 million
per year—had Vnuk been implemented.
Stakeholders have consistently informed us that this would have
been prohibitively expensive for the sector, effectively making
most of the sector unviable. The sector turns over almost £3
billion annually and generates full-time employment for around
38,000 people and part-time work for a further 100,000
people.
This is why we announced in February 2021 that we will remove the
effects of Vnuk from GB law. We said that this would include
removing the associated financial liability imposed on the Motor
Insurers’ Bureau via the decision in the England and Wales Court
of Appeal case of Lewis v Tindale.
I should note that colleagues in Northern Ireland are also
progressing legislation in this area, and the Motor Vehicles
(Compulsory Insurance) Bill completed its legislative passage in
the Assembly earlier in March and is expected to become law by
May this year.
There are other positive elements to the Bill. It will ensure
that there is consistency across GB and, if the Northern Ireland
Bill becomes law, which looks extremely likely, across the UK,
which would be very welcome. It also heads off potentially
enormous enforcement complications. Had we implemented Vnuk, the
police would potentially have been required to monitor newly in
scope vehicles never intended to go anywhere other than someone’s
garden. The difficulty in gaining access to sites of collisions
on private land may have led to the need for additional police
powers and could also have had the practical effect of lowering
the enforcement rate of uninsured vehicles and encouraging
crime.
Implementing Vnuk would have meant that a huge range of newly in
scope vehicles would suddenly have been required to be registered
on the DVLA database, with license plates required—imagine having
to register and stick a license plate on your ride-on
lawnmower.
Turning to the questions from the noble Lord, , I will write to him with
further details because I sense that I probably do not have full
answers to his questions, and they are very good ones. When we
were a member of the EU, the Government continued to work on
implementing the binding Vnuk judgment, which would have required
very complex changes to our law. While the Government have always
been clear about our dislike of Vnuk because of its significant
negative impact, we have been equally clear that we had a legal
obligation to change the law to reflect Vnuk, and we took a
number of steps to respect those obligations. This included a
consultation in 2016, which analysed the implications of the
ruling and explored policy options. In parallel, we negotiated
with the EU over what form the binding Vnuk judgment would take
in its translation into the 2009 EU motor insurance directive. As
soon as the transition period ended, the Government moved quickly
to address this issue, but the pandemic and other challenges have
combined to impose unique pressures on the Government, and
resources have needed to be deployed accordingly. That is why I
am so pleased that this Bill is likely to get the support of your
Lordships’ House today.
On the second area that the noble Lord raised, I am afraid I will
have to go back to Hansard and read his question about the £50
and whether it applies to the previous EU law or the current
proposed EU law. I will write to him with more details.
On the phrase “real reduction”—rather than any reduction—of
course, in any of these circumstances there will always be very
small considerations. You could say, “Ah, but what about this and
what about that?” That is why the Government are very pleased
that we can look at those circumstances, now that we are outside
the EU. We will keep our regulations relating to insurance under
review, because we are always looking to improve the protection
of victims and to improve safety, and will consider what else we
might do should any gaps become clear. But it is the case that
the Vnuk judgment resulted in an overbearing requirement for
insurance in areas and on vehicles that it should not have.
The Bill does not have retrospective effect, and it will come
into force two months following Royal Assent. All the provisions
in the Bill will comprehensively remove the effect of Vnuk and
Lewis from GB law. For these reasons, the Government support the
Bill and welcome the great progress that it has made to date.
1.17pm
(Con)
My Lords, I thank my noble friend the Minister for her detailed
explanation of the Government’s position, which was most useful.
I also thank the noble Lord, , from the Opposition Front
Bench, for what I thought were very sensible questions. I think
it has all been said, so I feel no requirement to detain the
House any further. On that note, I commend the Bill to the
House.
Bill read a second time and committed to a Committee of the Whole
House.
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