Moved by Lord Kamall That the Grand Committee do consider the Food
(Promotion and Placement) (England) Regulations 2021. Relevant
document: 12th Report from the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny
Committee The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of
Health and Social Care (Lord Kamall) (Con) My Lords, obesity is
seen as one of the biggest health problems this country faces. The
latest national child measurement programme data from 2020-21
showed that...Request free trial
Moved by
That the Grand Committee do consider the Food (Promotion and
Placement) (England) Regulations 2021.
Relevant document: 12th Report from the Secondary Legislation
Scrutiny Committee
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Department of Health
and Social Care () (Con)
My Lords, obesity is seen as one of the biggest health problems
this country faces. The latest national child measurement
programme data from 2020-21 showed that around 40% of children
leaving primary school were overweight or obese, with one in four
living with obesity. Regular overconsumption of food and drink
high in calories or the consumption of sugar and fat can lead to
weight gain and, over time, obesity, which in turn has a
significant impact on health and well-being and increases the
risk of certain related diseases.
The Covid-19 pandemic has highlighted the impact that obesity can
have on people’s health. Evidence from a University of Liverpool
study shows that those who are overweight or living with obesity
and who contract Covid-19 are more likely to be admitted to
hospital and suffer worse complications. This measure is part of
the Government’s healthy weight strategy, which we hope will
contribute towards achieving the ambition of halving childhood
obesity by 2030.
The instrument we are discussing today concerns the introduction
of restrictions on promotions of less healthy products by volume
price and location for retailers in England with 50 or more
employees. Location restrictions will apply to store entrances,
the ends of aisles, checkouts and their online equivalents—for
example, home pages and payment pages. Volume price restrictions
will prohibit retailers from offering promotions such as buy one,
get one free or three-for-two offers on less healthy
products.
18:30:00
Less healthy products are defined as those that are of most
concern to childhood obesity. It is a two-step process to
determine whether a product is considered less healthy, which
allows the healthiest products within categories to be excluded.
First, products will be subject to the restrictions only if they
are in the specified categories listed in Schedule 1 to the
regulations.
If a product falls into one of these categories, the second stage
is to apply the technical guidance to the 2004-05 nutrient
profiling model, or NPM. If a food product scores 4 or above, or
a drink product scores 1 or above, it will be considered less
healthy and cannot be promoted. Healthier products within
categories in scope of the restrictions will be excluded and
therefore can be promoted.
The requirement applies to food sold in England only. We have
engaged with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland throughout the
consultation process. Subject to Parliament’s approval, the
regulations will come into force from 1 October 2022.
The aim of this policy is to restrict the promotion of products
considered to be less healthy in favour of healthier options. We
hope that this will help to improve children’s diets and to
reduce the overconsumption of food and drink high in calories,
sugar, salt and fat that contributes to children being overweight
and obese. We hope that this will shift the balance of promotions
towards healthier options and maximise the availability of
healthier products on promotion, making it easier for parents to
make healthier choices when shopping for their families.
Data from previous Public Health England reports show that we buy
almost 20% more as a direct result of promotions, while less than
1% of food and drink products promoted in high-profile locations
are fruit or vegetables. Price promotions increase the amount of
food and drink that people buy by around one-fifth and account
for around 40% of all expenditure on food and drinks consumed at
home. The location of products within stores also significantly
affects what shoppers buy, with end-of-aisle displays increasing
sales of soft drinks by over 50%.
Data from Public Health England’s sugar reduction evidence report
suggests that promotions increase consumer spending by
encouraging people to buy more than they intended, increasing
their consumption of less healthy products. Research from a study
conducted by Curtin University in Australia shows that children
are uniquely vulnerable to the techniques used to promote
sales.
Some supermarkets have already made voluntary commitments to
reducing such promotions, which the Government welcome. However,
these measures are not always implemented consistently or as
recommended, so the Government intend to introduce legislation
across the market to create—noble Lords have heard this phrase
before—a level playing field within the retail sector.
Obesity has significant costs for society. Public Health England
has estimated that the indirect cost to the UK economy from
obesity-related conditions to be approximately £27 billion per
year. The Government hope that this policy will deliver
significant health benefits. The Government’s own impact
assessment estimates that the policy will have a net benefit to
society of around £7 billion over the next 25 years.
Micro and small businesses will not be impacted by these
regulations, since the Government recognise that they are likely
to find the restrictions more challenging to implement. The
Government will continue to work closely with the food and drink
industry and local authorities to provide the support needed
before implementation of the regulations in October 2022.
Guidance is being developed to support these regulations.
The Government want to make the healthier choice the easier one
and to support people to lead healthier lives. Together with food
companies, supermarkets and health professionals, the Government
hope to create an environment to empower consumers to make better
choices and to live longer lives in better health. I beg to
move.
The Deputy Chairman of Committees ( of Hudnall) (Lab)
My Lords, the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton, will contribute
virtually as the Liberal Democrat Front-Bencher at the
appropriate point in the debate.
(Lab)
My Lords, I am grateful to the Minister and the Government for
the initiative, which I would describe as making tentative moves
to try to reduce the growth of obesity. I declare an interest as
vice-chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Obesity, and I
am grateful to the Obesity Health Alliance, which has recently
produced a very wide-ranging and thorough examination of the
problem. I am grateful to it for the briefing.
It is worth remembering that the last serious attempt to tackle
this was after the coalition Government came into power in
2010-11, when an alcohol strategy was drawn up and there was an
engagement between government and the private sector, and the
many representatives of the health business, if I can describe it
like that, who were anxious to see changes effected. We had the
creation of the responsibility deal, which ran from 2011 through
to 2015, when it collapsed. The health officials were unhappy
about the way in which the agenda was being run, and in 2013 many
of them withdrew because they felt that the private sector—the
manufacturers and retailers—were controlling the agenda and that
public health was rather lower down the line than profits. So it
went in 2015, and since then we have had very little change,
apart from a growth in obesity.
On the alcohol front, on which we have spoken from time to time,
apart from with youngsters there continues to be a problem there,
with more and more people going into hospital and more and more
people dying from liver problems. The real concern here has been
with the growth in obesity among youngsters. We have been at this
since 2006, when the Labour Government first kicked it off with
the national measurement scheme. Initially, the idea was that we
would engage over a very wide area, but because of the continuing
cuts that have taken place in public expenditure at local level,
it has not really made a great deal of headway. We have had a
fallow period, with many of us complaining over the years, but it
would be churlish not to say that I welcome this move, although
that is not to say that I am going overboard over what the
Government are proposing.
I have a number of questions. It has taken us six years—seven
years, really, since it will be 2022 by the time we finish the
consultation with the parties involved and this is put into
effect—but the document talks about waiting another five years to
do a review. Unless I have misunderstood, it will be five years
before it is fully reviewed again. Could you correct me if I am
wrong or, if I am right, explain why we have to wait another five
years, which means that we will have run from 2010 to 2027 before
we really look at some of the serious proposals made by the
Government?
Secondly, I would like to know who is covered by the square
footage provision. Obviously, hypermarkets and supermarkets are
covered, but I would like to know whether convenience stores are
also covered. I live in Battersea, near the bridge, and next to
us we have a local co-op that does extraordinarily good business.
Would it qualify to be covered by the changes that are proposed?
I cannot remember the figure, but it may be 1,200 square feet. I
would be grateful if the Minister could say whether convenience
stores fall into it, because they are major retailers in this
context as they sell nearly half as much as the supermarkets do.
If they are not covered, it will be a major omission and
something that we would want to return to.
Thirdly, I listen carefully to everything the Minister says as he
finds his way with his new brief. At his first Questions, he
talked about unintended consequences and said that it is very
important when we are making changes that we try to foresee them.
I am particularly interested in seeing how retailers effectively
drive a coach and horses through so many areas of legislation
with their ability to place their goods in a position which sells
them best for them but on the other hand brings them to the
attention of children, in particular.
Again, I mention my local Co-op. No longer can people see
cigarettes. They are hidden. It took years to get that changed,
but it is a worthy development that was put through by the
Government. When I go in, I am now surrounded by alcohol. We have
all this about advertising, thresholds and the rest of it, yet
when children stand in the queue to buy their Mars bars in the
Co-op, they are surrounded by alcohol and, on the other side, by
doughnuts and a host of sweeties which are attractive to them and
which, as we know, are at the heart of the growth of obesity. I
wonder whether the Government have thought through what will go
in place of the movement of some of these articles which are
presently being sold, which have been identified as being very
risky from a health point of view. If they do not cover it, I
suspect we will find, for example, that alcohol goes there, which
is what has happened previously. I know that is not about child
obesity, but none the less it relates to obesity, as 10% of all
obesity comes from the sugar in alcohol. So we are continuing
with the same problem, especially given that we still do not have
any indication on alcohol. You queue there, and there is no
indication of the sugar content or the calorific effects in the
drinks. Perhaps the Minister might say what the Government are
intending to do about that. I know it is not in this document,
but it is all interrelated with obesity, and we cannot separate
it too much.
In another initiative, trying to be as positive as I can be with
the Committee, Sir Keith Mills, who was responsible for Air Miles
and Nectar points, has been doing a special piece of work for the
Prime Minister and has come up with a number of trials. Is there
a correlation between the work that will be put in place in this
document and what he is endeavouring to do in incentivisation? I
may sound negative, but I believe in incentives to encourage
people to eat and drink better and I believe in trying to find
incentives in which the private sector, particularly retailers,
will not to try to take advantage but will work together so that
we will see positive incentives offered to them to effect changes
in the formulation of food and the way in which they present
drink and food in retailing terms. Is there a link between the
activities he is undertaking?
Finally, can we see more experimentation? I am very pleased that
Sir Keith Mills is doing that. Wherever we can try to engage with
those who are interested in the private sector, we should try to
get joint working taking place where, if the Government see it
works yet the private sector does not want it, they will do what
they are doing today. I hope they will stick to their guns,
legislate and make the changes stick rather than change their
mind and run away under pressure from the industry.
(Con)
My Lords, I congratulate the Minister on his clear and succinct
explanation of these regulations and of the risks of obesity,
which we have witnessed a great deal during the Covid crisis. The
noble Lord, , then spoke
about the APPG’s work on obesity.
I probably should register an interest. Although I no longer have
direct food sector interests, I have shares in Tesco. In fact, I
recall that it moved early in banning sweets from checkouts, but
obviously it will incur costs from these regulations. I also have
shares in Amazon, which, I suspect, could benefit from a shift
online as a result of the regulations, which probably bear less
heavily on online.
Forgive me for a brief diversion, but I was absolutely delighted
to see that the regulations were made under the Food Safety Act.
The passage of that Act was one of my proudest achievements as a
civil servant. In fact, I supported the late , whom I miss so much;
she even gave me a toy pig for my baby, which has now been passed
on to the next generation.
18:45:00
I have three points to make. First, I am glad that my noble
friend the Minister and his department have produced an impact
assessment. Such impact assessments are always a concern of mine,
as he will discover. They really help one to understand the
problem. However, I need some help in understanding the one
before us today. Perhaps I should make it clear that it is
attached to the back of the SI. The first page seems to say that
the cost to business is £53.5 million of the package a year. That
seems very low, given all that is happening. The industry
estimates that I have seen suggest that the regulations will cost
each small shop £13,000 per site and each supermarket between
£50,000 and £100,000 per site. I do not know how many stores will
be affected because we need an answer to the question asked by
the noble Lord, Lord Brooke, about scope. That page also says
that there is a net present social value of £2,916 million; that
sounds like nearly £3 billion, if I have my commas in the right
place. I am interested as to how that relates to the business net
present value of minus £148 million in the second column.
Page 4 summarises option 2, which I think has been the chosen
one; that seems to be what the impact assessment is telling us.
It seems to say that the benefit will be over 25 years, so we are
looking at this quite big figure over 25 years. However, it gives
a slightly different total of £2,038 million. So I do not
understand how the costs and the benefits stack up. Where are
they coming from and what discount rate has been used? That will
be key in the final figure you come to. Can my noble friend the
Minister enlighten us?
My second question relates to a briefing that I received from the
Association of Convenience Stores—it represents smaller stores so
it must have some concerns—the British Retail Consortium and the
FDF. I forwarded the briefing to the Minister so that he could
have a look at it. While reiterating their commitment to tackling
obesity, the organisations criticised the drafting of these
lengthy regulations, saying that there are many unanswered
questions. They attached a list of the 25 most important ones,
which include everything from the scope of businesses covered,
which we have already identified as an important area, to the
products affected, the location of placement restrictions in
stores, the way in which online delivery is affected and whether
Trading Standards or Environmental Health officers will implement
the new regulations. The Minister will not be able to answer
these questions today, but I wonder whether he will undertake to
answer them and place the reply in the Libraries of both Houses
in, say, the next month. Businesses must know what they are being
asked to do. I remember that we were very strong on that point in
relation to the Consumer Rights Act 2015, which I worked on
constructively across the party divide when I was the responsible
Minister. Chaos ensues if you do not know what the rules will
be.
These are not Covid regulations. We must give business proper
notice. We are asking for a major shift, especially in store
practice and behaviour. I thought the points made by the noble
Lord, Lord Brooke, about substitution effects and incentives were
very interesting.
My final, brief third question is this. How will whoever is going
to enforce these regulations, whether it is trading standards or
environmental health officers, be resourced to enforce these
complicated and important new laws?
(LD) [V]
My Lords, I declare an interest as a vice-president of the Local
Government Association. I thank the Minister for his introduction
to these regulations. The comments of the noble Lord, , as chair of the
APPG on obesity, were particularly helpful.
These regulations sit behind recently revealed alarming figures
showing that nearly a quarter of children are overweight or obese
when they start primary school. That figure has risen to a third
by the time they leave at 11. The Government are right to be
concerned about the overconsumption of food and drink high in
calories, sugar and fat, which leads to obesity and associated
obesity illnesses. I will come on to the regulations shortly, but
from these Benches we want to make two other comments.
First, the Conservatives in government have consistently cut
public health budgets to local authorities over the last six
years. The King’s Fund says that, on a like-for-like basis, the
2019-20 budget is 15% less than that of 2013-14, including a more
than 5% cut to obesity services. In addition, the reduction in
school nurses as well as health visitors over the last decade has
meant that some of the vital early face-to-face advice on
nutrition to parents of young children has gone.
Worse, some of the excellent work done by chefs such as Jamie
Oliver and by the campaign of Henry Dimbleby—both of whom over
the years encouraged much healthier eating in schools—has been
reduced if not lost. In fact, recent reports say that high-fat,
high-carbohydrate foods such as the dreaded turkey twizzler are
re-emerging on to school menus.
The second issue from these Benches is the decline in fitness of
our primary school children. This has been a long-standing
problem, but the sale of playing fields and focus in the
curriculum on core subjects have all led to a reduction of time
when children can exercise, take up sports and essentially get
the habit early, which will also impact on their weight. This
January, Sport England noted that children’s activity levels were
down in 2019-20—pre pandemic—with only 44% of children and young
people meeting the Chief Medical Officer’s guidelines on taking
part in sport and physical activity for an average of 60 minutes
a day. Now is the perfect time, as restrictions have been
relaxed, to increase the time that young children can undertake
sports and exercise. Can the Minister say what influence the
Department of Health and Social Care has with the Secretary of
State for Education in remedying this matter and what plans there
are to fund more opportunities for young children to participate
in sport and exercise?
Turning to the regulations, I note that this follows a decade of
trying to encourage large supermarkets to reduce salt and sugar
in their own direct products, as well as encouraging their
suppliers to reformulate. However, not all of them have achieved
enough, nor have they changed their attitudes towards
promotions.
If the Grand Committee will permit me an anecdote, one of my
adult children used to work as a buyer for a major supermarket,
and its department had been asked to go back to suppliers to ask
them to reduce sugar, salt and fat. My son was responsible for,
among other things, dairy products. Most products and many
suppliers were happy to work with the supermarket to achieve
reductions, but both sides were completely stumped by one
product: brandy butter. It has not just sugar and fat, but
alcohol too. On this occasion, it was agreed there was very
little they could achieve, other than to highlight its very red
traffic light and recognise that it was a truly seasonal product
that was not part of people’s everyday habits. But it is good
they were thinking about it.
While the public health responsibility deal has improved matters
a little bit, it is not nearly enough. One key area remains
obvious. That is the influence of promotions targeted at children
and their parents, both in store and on television. Other
speakers have referred to multibuys, end-of-carousel promotions
and queuing eye-catchers—far too often, junk food and sweets.
While the public health responsibility deal has helped a bit in
those larger supermarkets, it is certainly not enough, and it is
good that healthier choices will be much more visible in shops
and that buy one, get one free and three-for-two offers on high
fat, sugar and salt products will be restricted.
On food scope, it was worrying to read in the past few days that
a high level of juice in baby and toddler food, which has a very
high fructose content, is not labelled as high sugar because the
juice is natural and not added, processed sugar. Most parents of
babies and small children believe that such products are not high
in sugar. Surely, this needs to be added to the formulation list
for HFSS products. Is the department looking at this?
It is right that environmental health food authorities should be
responsible for enforcing this in localities, but I ask, as
others have, whether there will be extra funding for
environmental health to be able to carry this out. We need to
remember that members of environmental health have many other
responsibilities too, including the vital role during the
pandemic of test and trace, working with local resilience forums.
The Government cannot keep loading extra responsibilities on to
beleaguered local authorities without funding them properly. Will
there be funding for this for the enforcement bodies?
From these Benches, we regret that the food sector has not
responded well enough to remove the need for this regulation, but
we believe that the long-term health implications for our
children are being damaged by current custom and practice. But
this cannot be done without other actions too: funding more sport
and exercise opportunities and funding enforcement are just two
critical elements. The minimum of another five years to
implementation, as outlined by the noble Lord, , is too slow.
Can the Minister please ensure that these changes are speeded
up?
(Lab)
My Lords, I appreciate the intent behind these regulations and
thank the Minister for his introduction to them. I want to
comment on the current situation and raise a number of questions
following on from those that we have already heard, because I
feel that it is the detail of the regulations that is wanting
rather than what they are about.
To emphasise the points that have already been made in this
debate and have been heard in your Lordships’ House on many
occasions, the UK has among the highest childhood obesity rates
in western Europe. One in four children is overweight or obese
when starting primary school, and the number is one in three by
the time a young person gets to secondary school. These children
are obviously more likely to become obese adults—let us remind
ourselves that, at present, one in four adults is obese—and
therefore at greater risk of conditions such as diabetes, heart
disease, fatty liver disease, cancers and mental ill-health. As
we know, the situation is worse in poorer communities. Indeed,
one in three adults in the most deprived areas is obese, compared
with one in five in the least deprived—a clear inequality if ever
we saw one. The discrepancy among children is even more alarming:
more than twice as many children are obese in the most deprived
communities as in the least, and that gap has nearly doubled
under this Government.
There is no doubt that in-store promotions are incredibly
effective in influencing what we buy. Research shows that we buy
20% more than we intended when faced by promotions. Cancer
Research UK has shown that greater volumes of high fat, sugar and
salt are likely to be purchased by those who are already
overweight or living with obesity, so we see a correlation
between promotions and obesity, and it is right that these
regulations seek to tackle that. So, yes, it is right to take
action to address this situation, not by limiting people’s
freedom of choice but instead by supporting them to make
healthier choices.
However, these regulations alone will not be enough, and it is
this point that I want to emphasise to the Minister. We need a
radical obesity strategy that goes much further, ensures that
families are able to access healthy food and supported local
leisure facilities, and ensures that poverty can be tackled.
Without that, there will be no levelling up. All we will see is a
continuing widening of the already considerable gap between those
who have the means to manage their weight and those who do
not.
19:00:00
There are some specific angles that I would like to draw to the
attention of the Minister with regard to these regulations. Can
he advise why this policy is being introduced by secondary
legislation when MPs were given the opportunity to debate and,
crucially, to amend related obesity policies on junk food
advertising just last night? Why could this not have been done in
the Health and Social Care Bill? Does he accept that that would
have allowed for rather more scrutiny and would have allowed your
Lordships’ House to vote on additional safeguards, rather than
the procedure afforded to us here, which could be described as
the “take it or leave it” procedure? What is the Minister’s view
on the Secondary Legislation Scrutiny Committee’s comment that
these regulations should contain a sunset clause to allow the
policy to be evaluated effectively after a period of time?
Looking to enforcement, as we know, these regulations will be
enforced by local authorities. Their budgets have been
systematically cut over the past 11 years. What assessment has
been made of the capacity of local authority trading standards to
enforce any of this? Will additional funding and resources be
provided in respect of this new and more intense role? Otherwise,
we are passing regulations with all the right intent but without
the means to deliver.
With regard to exemptions on promotions, can the Minister explain
why the new rules on promotions apply only to medium and large
businesses, and why corner shops are exempt from these
regulations? This was raised and illustrated by my noble friend
Lord Brooke. We understand the placement exemption because we all
understand that it would be impossible for small retailers where
every shelf is near an exit, an entrance or a till, but why does
it apply to promotions? Why is it more onerous for small
businesses than for medium-sized businesses or franchises not to
provide a three-for-two or a buy one, get one free? It would be
helpful if the Minister could advise us why smaller businesses
have not been fully taken into account.
On timing—this was referred to by the noble Baroness, Lady
Neville-Rolfe—businesses have had to grapple with the need to
reconfigure space for social distancing to make them Covid-secure
for staff and customers. Now, they must undergo a further
configuration, still within Covid-secure measures, and perhaps
another reconfiguration when Covid-secure policies are no longer
needed. Can the Minister say what consideration has been given to
this when discussing and deciding the timeline for implementing
the placement regulations with the industry? Can he advise the
Committee of when the guidance will finally be published?
With regard to the scoring system on high fat, sugar and salt,
some experts have raised concerns that the food classification
system used is outdated and that foods that are higher in fat get
disproportionately penalised compared with those that are packed
with sugar, which are less satiating and where evidence suggests
the real obesity problem lies. Can the Minister advise what
consideration the Government have given to this and what plans
there are to review the impact of this policy on obesity,
specifically with regard to the classification system for high
fat, sugar and salt?
The Minister will be aware of existing concerns that some brands
have deliberately marketed products as healthy despite what they
really are. Indeed, some refined sugar-free bars contain more
sugar than a chocolate bar. Research from Bite Back 2030 found
that 57% of “health halo” foods surveyed would receive a
colour-coded nutritional information label. Can the Minister
confirm whether these will be captured by the regulations? What
steps are the Government taking to help consumers to navigate
packaging information and to clamp down on deliberate and
dishonest marketing tactics used to encourage people to consume
faux-healthy junk food products?
I note that the retail food and drink sector has committed to
delivering the proposals, but that sector needs to be a partner
in tackling obesity. It is disappointing that there are so many
questions about the drafting of the regulations, which do not
appear to enable this. I hope that the Minister will reflect on
that and do what he can to put it right.
(Con)
I start by thanking noble Lords for their contributions to
today’s debate. I shall try to turn to some of the questions from
noble Lords and to answer as many as possible in the next three
hours, if noble Lords will be patient with me. [Laughter.]
Seriously, if I do not touch on a particular question, please
write to me to follow up, particularly on some of the more
technical questions.
I start with some of the questions from the noble Lord, Lord
Brooke. He asked about the scope. Stores smaller than 185.8
square metres or 2,000 square feet—if you are wondering why such
an unround number was chosen in metric—and specialist retailers
that sell one type of food product category, such as chocolatiers
or sweet shops, will be exempt from location restrictions but
will need to adhere to the volume price restrictions. The policy
will come into force in October 2022. The noble Lord referred to
issues that I am always interested in, which are the evidence, as
well as the impact, and how we look at the unintended
consequences of any such moves. There will be a review within
three—
19:07:00
Sitting suspended for a Division in the House.
19:10:00
(Con)
The policy will be reviewed within three to five years of it
coming into force. I reassure the noble Lord that the intention
is that the policy will come into force in October 2022. However,
as the noble Lord and I have discussed in the past, I am always
concerned about unintended consequences and evidence to see what
has worked and what has not. In many ways, I am a fan of the
discovery process. We do not have complete knowledge—in fact we
have incomplete knowledge—and all we can do is trial and see what
works and use the best evidence that we can to assess.
Part of this review of the regulatory framework provisions of the
restrictions will consider whether penalties under the Regulatory
and Enforcement Sanctions Act 2008 have been implemented
effectively and achieve their ambitions. We will continue to keep
the policy under review to ensure that it is both impactful and
proportionate. I am sure noble Lords will agree that it is not
sufficient just to pass a piece of legislation and hope it does
its job. In fact, as I think many noble Lords would acknowledge,
this in itself is not enough to tackle obesity. It has to be a
multi-angled view with many different approaches. Some will work,
some will not, but we have to learn from what works and make sure
that we are not driving consumers into unintended consequences
and leading them to worse health outcomes.
We hope that this strategy that we published in 2020 will be
world leading. I think the noble Lord, Lord Brooke, mentioned Sir
Keith Mills and his programme. This shows that it is not just
this piece of legislation; it is a multichannel approach, if you
like, including incentivising people to have healthier lifestyles
—monitoring their steps and other exercise functions. Anyone who
has looked at successful and unsuccessful diets will recognise
the fact that it is not just about reducing what you take in; it
is also about burning off those calories. We have to get the
right balance. Each individual will have different BMIs and
different physiologies and different strategies will work for
different individuals.
In terms of the businesses that these regulations will impact,
the location and volume restrictions apply only to medium and
large businesses in England and around 24% of stores are in scope
of the volume price restrictions. Given the size threshold for
stores subject to location restrictions, these apply to
approximately 16% of stores in England. Some 94% of estimated
food retail revenue falls under the volume restrictions, while
84% falls under location restrictions. This means that these
restrictions offer considerable potential, if done correctly,
while ensuring that small businesses are not disproportionately
impacted by the changes. I acknowledge that many noble Lords were
concerned about the cost for both large and small businesses.
The original timescale was to be April 2022, but having
considered feedback from the industry, we have made the decision
to extend the implementation to October 2022. I am well aware
that some in the industry are asking for a further extension and,
as noble Lords can recognise from the tone of the debate today,
some are in favour and some are against and the Government are
trying to get the right balance. The Government want to bring in
these measures so we can start analysing whether they work. We
are also very mindful of the fact that it falls on industry to
implement them.
The other issue raised was about smaller stores and what are
called symbol groups, which, as noble Lords may understand, are
smaller retailers that come under a wider brand. If we excluded
symbol groups in their entirety, that would take away some of the
health benefits of the policy. Franchises and symbol groups make
up about 60% of those in scope of the volume price promotions and
14% of the location restrictions. Approximately only 12% of
symbol group stores are over 2,000 square feet, therefore the
vast majority of these stores will be exempt from the location
restrictions. I hope noble Lords understand the point about the
cost falling particularly disproportionately on smaller
stores.
19:15:00
I thank my noble friend Lady Neville-Rolfe for forwarding to me
the list of 25 priority questions compiled by the Food and Drink
Federation, the British Retail Consortium and the Association of
Convenience Stores. It is a priority to finalise the guidance for
businesses as soon as possible and make sure that it supports
industry as far as possible to get the right balance. Officials
are concentrating on completing the exercise and, as part of
this, are considering the feedback that the authors of these
questions have offered. Our intention is to provide a point of
clarification to industry in the final published guidance, which
we are working to publish as soon as possible after these
parliamentary debates. So, watch this space and do challenge me
if it does not happen imminently.
(Con)
It would be very helpful if, in responding to those questions and
proposing the guidance, my noble friend the Minister could make a
copy available, perhaps in the Library, to those of us who are
interested in understanding because I do not think that this is
the end of the era on this issue; I think we will revisit it
again and again in various different ways.
(Con)
My noble friend makes a very reasonable demand that is difficult
for me to refuse. Let me put it this way: I hope that I have not
caused any shock waves, as it were.
There has been an impact assessment, which shows that the
location restrictions over the 25-year appraisal period are
expected to bring health benefits of more than £57 billion and
provide NHS savings of more than £4 billion. The volume price
restrictions are expected to accrue health benefits of more than
£2 billion and provide NHS savings of £180 million. We recognise
that there will be costs to businesses; once again, this is all
part of that difficult balance and debate. A phrase I have often
heard is, “Do not let perfection be the enemy of progress”. We
want to try as hard as possible to get this right. From the
consultation that has been going on, we are very aware that this
will have an impact on a number of businesses but, at the same
time, there is lots of pressure, as noble Lords will have heard
today, just to get on with it.
(Con)
I am sorry to interrupt again, but £57 billion is a much bigger
figure than I have seen anywhere; £3 billion, perhaps separately,
I could understand. It is really helpful to have the impact
assessment but it is difficult to understand what the benefits
and costs are, which we need to understand to give my noble
friend the Minister the full support that he requires.
(Con)
Once again, I thank my noble friend for making that request. I
always make it clear that it is important that we publish as much
evidence as possible and let it be challenged; that is part of a
healthy debate. If things do not work as intended, we should see
what works and what does not. I am always very sensitive when
someone says, “the evidence suggests”. We need to have that
challenge but also make sure that we know what works. At the end
of the day, we all want to see less obesity across our country,
so surely it is important that we make sure that the evidence is
there. Where something does not work, we will just have to try
other ways.
On compliance, it is for local authorities to decide how best to
enforce the requirements. Where an enforcement officer suspects
that HFSS food or drinks may be inappropriately promoted, they
should request further information to verify. If the product is
in scope and has been promoted contrary to the law, an
enforcement officer will consider what action should be
taken.
(Lab)
I thank the Minister; it is generous of him to give way. I would
be very interested in how he sees the greater responsibility on
local authorities. Picking up my question again, does he feel
that local authorities are resourced suitably? Can they expect
some recognition of this new and extremely important role,
because the regulations require their co-operation too?
(Con)
I thank the noble Baroness for that question. The Government are
committed to ensuring that enforcement is proportionate and fair,
and we intend to support local authorities and the judicial
system on additional costs incurred as a result of enforcing the
policy. Up front, I cannot say what those costs will be, but we
want to understand what they will be to help enforcement.
I was asked whether we had watered down the policies for some
products. We have excluded some products that are not among the
highest sugar or calorie contributors to children’s diets or are
not heavily promoted, but we will continue to keep the policy
under review.
The noble Baroness, Lady Brinton, asked about weight management
and other ways of tackling weight issues, including exercise. In
March 2021, we announced an extra £100 million for healthy weight
programmes to support children, adults and families in achieving
and maintaining a healthy weight.
On infant foods, we will shortly consult on proposals to improve
the marketing and labelling of commercial food and drink products
for infants and young children. I acknowledge many of the
concerns expressed by the noble Baroness, Lady Brinton.
The noble Baroness, Lady Merron, asked why we are using secondary
legislation. The different legislative approaches being pursued
reflect the current legislative framework and implementation
routes available to the Government. For the promotion
restrictions, we used existing powers in the Food Safety Act 1990
to lay secondary legislation before Parliament in July 2021. The
statutory instrument has been subject to the affirmative
parliamentary procedure.
On how we look at issues of inequality, noble Lords made a very
fair point. Perhaps I may be so bold as to suggest that one issue
for people I talk to in many of the communities that we are
supposed to be reaching out to is that, for far too long, the
public health industry has been dominated by white middle-class
people who feel they know better than immigrant and working-class
communities. It is really important that we understand those
communities. As someone who comes one of the communities that
have been patronised, I recognise that we have to make sure that
we work with them and do not just sit in a place like this and
assume that we know better. It is important that we really
understand them. What is really good about the Office for Health
Improvement and Disparities is that “disparities” are on the
label, on the tin, which means that we have to look at how we
address them.
There were some questions about why smaller businesses are
exempt. I hope that I have answered them.
On people not being able to afford to eat a healthy diet, anyone
who has watched daytime TV will know that some of those
programmes can show you how to cook a meal very quickly and much
more cheaply than is the case with many of the convenience foods
that you can buy. The problem is how we translate that from the
TV and entertainment to people’s lives in reality. In many ways,
it means understanding families, where the decisions are made and
what they have access to in many of their communities. Anyone who
has been to many of the immigrant communities, for example, will
know that there are plenty of shops that sell and openly display
fresh food, but how do we make sure that we translate that into
healthy diets?
On their own, these regulations will not be enough. We also have
to look at how we translate all this into understanding people’s
lives right at the family and the community level. It is our goal
to improve children’s health and to reduce obesity. The shopping
environment plays a vital role in the way products are marketed
to us—for example, the pumping out of the smell of fresh bread
from bakeries. We know that marketing people are experts in
understanding consumer behaviours, with factors such as the
location of products at the end of aisles affecting what we buy.
The Government are committed to getting the right balance between
stopping bad practice and working constructively with industry.
We also want to evaluate the evidence of the restrictions once
the policy is implemented.
We believe that retailers can play a vital role in creating a
healthier food environment that does not promote the
overconsumption of less healthy products. The Government hope
that these regulations will enable us to achieve a healthier food
environment and make progress to halving childhood obesity by
2030, and allow us all to live longer lives in good health. I
commend the regulations to the Committee.
Motion agreed.
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