Mr (Secretary of State for Foreign
and Commonwealth Affairs): The United Nations
describes the situation in Yemen as the worst humanitarian crisis
in the world. Of a population of less than 30 million people, 24
million depend on aid for their food and medicines. The number of
children treated for malnutrition exceeds 420,000. The number who
have died from starvation is estimated to be in excess of 85,000.
Behind these stark numbers are individual men, women and
children. Their suffering is caused not by natural disaster but
by man-made conflict. I will update the House on my visit to the
region and my judgement about the prospects for the Stockholm
peace process. I want to start by commending the extraordinary
efforts of UN Special Envoy Martin Griffiths, without whom
Stockholm would not have happened.
My message on this trip to all parties was simple: the ceasefire
in Hodeidah, the first sustained ceasefire since the conflict
began four years ago, is in peril. It will not last unless what
was agreed is implemented in full – and time is running out.
On Sunday, I was the first Western foreign minister to visit
Yemen since the war began. I travelled to Aden where I met the
Deputy Prime Minister of the legitimate Government of Yemen,
along with the Foreign Minister and the Interior Minister. Our
talks were in the presidential palace where the scars of battle
were visible. I emphasised how all sides must redeploy their
forces away from the port of Hodeidah. The Stockholm agreement
requires them to hand over control to neutral local security
forces “in accordance with Yemeni law and answering to local
state institutions.”That matters because Hodeidah is the entry
point for about 70 percent of Yemen’s food imports. Over 50,000
metric tonnes of grain from the World Food Programme are stored
in the port. Unless the withdrawal happens they cannot be
distributed to the rest of the country. I ask the House to
reflect on the obscenity of people starving to death in a country
where food is just sitting idly in a port because warring parties
will not allow it to be released. But a ceasefire in Hodeidah was
also meant to be the first step to a nationwide ceasefire. If
trust can be established there, it has the potential to be a
bridge to the lasting political settlement sought by all sides.
But if it cannot, and Stockholm is not implemented rapidly, the
ceasefire will end and the prospects for humanitarian relief
evaporate.
After meeting government of Yemen representatives, I travelled by
helicopter to Aden’s port where a United Nations official
described the unique challenges of distributing aid in a country
torn by conflict.
I also met Mohammed Abdulsalam, spokesman for the Houthis, in
Oman. I listened carefully to their concern but also delivered a
candid message about the need to act quickly to save the
Stockholm agreement. I also requested humanitarian access for UN
helicopters and NGOs, which is currently either impeded or
prevented.
I also travelled to Saudi Arabia where I met President Hadi of
Yemen and his foreign minister as well as my Saudi counterparts,
Adel al-Jubeir and Ibrahim al-Assaf.
Finally, I visited the United Arab Emirates, where I held talks
with my counterpart, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed. I welcomed the
restraint shown by the Saudi-led coalition in Hodeidah since the
Stockholm agreement but also reiterated my judgement that no side
in this conflict can achieve outright military victory. The only
way ahead is a negotiated political settlement. In the meantime,
Britain and our allies are doing everything possible to alleviate
the human suffering. Last month, my RH Friend the Prime Minister
announced another £200 million of British aid for Yemen, enough
to treat 20,000 children for malnutrition and provide food for
3.8 million people for a month.
This year, the UN has asked for over £3.2 billion to cope with
the emergency in Yemen – the largest humanitarian appeal ever.
Saudi Arabia and the UAE have each pledged over £570 million. But
the people of Yemen cannot be left to depend on outside aid
forever. From my meetings in the region, I concluded that all
parties genuinely want Stockholm to succeed, but there is a
profound lack of trust and a deep reluctance to take the
necessary steps in case they are not reciprocated. But in any
successful peace process, all sides must take risks that are
deeply uncomfortable. The government of Yemen are understandably
worried that without military pressure, the Houthis will not
negotiate seriously. The Houthis, meanwhile, do not wish to hand
over Hodeidah to any force that might be under government
control.
I told all sides that the only way to truly build confidence is
for all parties to do precisely what they promised in Sweden,
including not just leaving Hodeidah but also prisoner exchanges,
paying salaries to government employees, and allowing full
humanitarian access to UN agencies. We then need to move rapidly
on to discuss a long term political settlement, including the
creation of a government of national unity in which all sides are
represented. The Stockholm peace process is our best chance yet
to end this war. But the window for implementing it is closing.
In the critical weeks that lie ahead, Britain will use every
diplomatic and humanitarian lever we have to ensure this
opportunity does not slip away.
