Houses in Multiple Occupation: Combined Planning Applications
[David Hanson in the Chair] 4.00 pm Stephen Pound
(Ealing North) (Lab) I beg to move, That this House
has considered houses in multiple occupation and combined planning
applications. I am sure that I will not be the last person
to say what...Request free trial
Houses in Multiple Occupation: Combined Planning Applications
[David Hanson in the Chair]
4.00 pm
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(Ealing North)
(Lab)
I beg to move,
That this House has considered houses in multiple
occupation and combined planning applications.
I am sure that I will not be the last person to say what a
pleasure and delight it is to serve under your
chairmanship, Mr Hanson. I apologise to Westminster Hall
for bringing a planning matter before it. I realise that
many of us who have served in local government dread
planning issues: there seems to be no good news; we seem
always to be trying to balance the perfectly reasonable
requirements of the developers with the protection of our
constituents. However, in relation to the concern about the
cumulative impact of applications for houses in multiple
occupation, I am entirely confident that this is a matter
of such significance that it should be brought to the
attention of the House, for two particular reasons. One is
that a consultation is currently under way on the national
planning policy framework—I was delighted to see on the
Government website that the consultation period ends at
11.45 pm on 10 May 2018. I profoundly hope that the
Minister will be able to carry some of the comments made in
this debate forward into that consultation process.
I realise that the Government issued in July last year a
briefing paper entitled “Houses in Multiple Occupation
(HMOs) England and Wales”, and the Welsh Government
produced an extremely good document in May 2015. However,
those documents refer to houses in multiple occupation from
the point of view of structure, safety and planning
enforcement. I am here because of a group of residents in
my constituency, in Perivale—a part of the world that many
people will breeze by effortlessly as they glide along
Western Avenue, along the A40. They probably do not even
know it is there, but it matters to us and to the people of
Perivale.
My constituents, in Ribchester Avenue and Wyresdale
Crescent, suddenly discovered a couple of months ago that a
group of linked companies—some of them seem to be based in
two continents other than our own—are buying up properties
in those quiet suburban streets. Just to put you in the
picture, Mr Hanson, they are 1930s buildings—the typical
stucco-fronted 1930s suburban buildings that are so close
to my heart. They are semi-detached, by and large. Suddenly
they were being bought up—in some cases with cash—and
converted into houses in multiple occupation.
Under present planning law, houses in multiple occupation
are classified as class C4 if there are between three and
six unrelated individuals living there. The Town and
Country Planning (Use Classes) Order 1987 is pretty clear
on the subject, and I do not argue with it, but what the
legislation does not do is consider the cumulative impact
of a large number of these developments springing up on the
same street. The Minister will doubtless refer to article 4
directions. I can come on to article 4 directions in a
moment and show why that is an utter waste of time—it is a
mere sop. It is a total and utter irrelevance when it comes
to addressing the issue because—
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(Henley) (Con)
I just wonder what the hon. Gentleman’s response will be to
the NPPF consultation, in view of what he has said about
houses in multiple occupation. What will he propose that we
change, and how would he like to see that turn out?
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May I implore the hon. Gentleman to hold his patience for a
moment? If he does, he will hear exactly what I propose. I
propose entirely new legislation—an amendment to article 4
directions. I know that the Minister will seize it and rush
from this building with it clutched in her hand to change
the law immediately, because she is on the side of the
angels on this issue.
One of my constituents found that the house next door—the
semi-detached property—had been bought by a series of
linked companies, and they proceeded to convert it into an
HMO. I have to say that the place burnt down during the
works, which is unfortunate but it has happened. There was
no party wall agreement, which is extremely unfortunate.
More sinisterly, when my constituent went to see the
planning officer, she discovered, as did I, that every
single HMO application in that tight little suburban
backwater is considered individually. There is no
consideration under planning law of the cumulative
impact—what I would call the saturation—in these cases.
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(Stoke-on-Trent
Central) (Lab/Co-op)
My hon. Friend could be describing a situation far from
Ealing, on Birches Head Road in Stoke-on-Trent. The
frustrating thing with all this is that they are considered
as individual applications. Does he agree that when
companies make it known at the outset that they intend to
buy up one, two, three, four or even five properties in
small residential areas, that ought to be taken into
consideration?
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I have never knowingly disagreed with my hon. Friend ever
since I took part in his by-election campaign, which was a
success—that probably had nothing to do with my
involvement. I absolutely agree with him. Let us get one
thing straight: the Mayor of London and most strategic
planning authorities recognise that there is a place and a
role for HMOs, and London councils are quite keen on the
idea. There is a recognition that HMOs can provide low-cost
housing for people, particularly as starter homes. I have
no problem with that. The issue is the fact that there is
no lateral linkage. At the very least, the law should
require companies that are linked—circuitously or
laterally—to declare that they are the same company, and we
should consider the cumulative impact of applications.
Mr Hanson, if you were building a block that would
accommodate 40 or 50 people, you would have to go through
an entirely different planning regime. There would have to
be section 106 provision, a community infrastructure levy,
an impact assessment and consideration of sewerage, light,
water, education, health—all the surrounding issues—and
rightly so, because they would have an impact on the local
community. You would have to look at the local school
provision and health provision. But with multiple HMOs that
is not the case. They can spring up like toadstools after a
spring rain. They can come up all over Perivale and there
is no consideration of what will happen to Selborne Primary
School, Perivale Primary School or St Primary School.
There is no consideration of what will happen to the
Hillview surgery, the medical centre. That cannot be right—
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(Northampton South)
(Con)
rose—
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And I am sure the hon. Gentleman will tell me why it cannot
be right.
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I thank the hon. Gentleman for allowing me to intervene.
The relocation of the University of Northampton has caused
a surge in planning applications for HMOs and a lot of
unease among the residents of Far Cotton. Although
Northampton Borough Council has a policy of restricting HMO
density to 15% within any given area, that has been
complicated by planning appeal decisions and a rise in
unlicensed HMOs in the area. The community accepts that
some change will take place; it is the scale that has
caused the problem, as he has explained. How would his
proposal assist this problem?
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I seem to have struck a nerve. This issue is not unique to
Perivale. Perivale may be unique, but in this matter it is
not, quite clearly. The point is that at the moment local
residents are profoundly disturbed because they see the
character of their area changing and there is nothing that
the planning officers can do. Last Sunday week, Councillor
Tariq Mahmood, a local councillor, and I met the residents
in the street, in Wyresdale Crescent, and to my horror I
discovered that three local residents—families I have known
for years—were selling up and moving out because they could
not stand the character of their street changing from a
quiet residential backwater into a row of houses in
multiple occupation, and of course that then accelerates
the process. Those three sell up, and before we know where
we are we have a constant row of them.
I am not implying for a moment that the people who live in
HMOs have riotous parties all night. This is about the
number of people. There are issues of parking and refuse
collection, as well as the drain and demand on local
services. When Councillor Mahmood and I and the other two
Perivale ward councillors, Councillors Charan Sharma and
Munir Ahmed, went to see the chief planning officer at
Ealing, David Scourfield, he said in effect, “My hands are
tied; there is very little I can do,” and he referred to an
article 4 direction, which I will come on to in a moment.
Despite the fact that it is a total and utter waste of time
and a complete irrelevance, it happens to be statute law
and therefore I shall refer to it.
In the situation that I have described, what recourse is
left for local residents? One of the residents has done an
enormous amount of investigation and discovered that five
of the properties, each one registered with a different
company, are in fact all related to the same company. They
all come back to the same addresses, in two cases outside
the United Kingdom, and even outside the continent of
Europe. Why could it not be a legal requirement for people
to say that when making these multiple applications? If one
company— plc of north Wales, for
example—decided to build 50 HMOs in Perivale, it would have
to declare it. You would also have to declare it to the
House authorities, Mr Hanson, but that is neither here nor
there. However, at the moment companies do not have to
declare that, because each application is considered
individually.
The draft London plan, to which I referred earlier, does
recognise the importance. It says in “(H12) 4.12.7”:
“Houses in multiple occupation (HMOs) are an important part
of London’s housing offer, reducing pressure on other
elements of the housing stock. Their quality can, however,
give rise to concern.”
Here is the issue: quality. Quality is not an issue,
because building enforcement can apply in these cases, but
more importantly, the fire brigade has to certify.
Therefore, there is the certification process and the
licensing process, but that does not solve the problem. Why
does it not solve the problem? It is partly because
planning permission is not required in order to be a
licensed HMO. Even worse, in London there is actually a
numerical limit on the number of HMO licences that a local
authority can give—I cannot speak for Reading, Stoke or
Northampton. That means that once that ceiling is reached,
the pressure of withholding a licence cannot be used by a
council to make a difference. That seems to be an anomalous
situation. I can understand why and how it has come about,
but it is not helping the people of Perivale, and I do not
think it is helping the people of Stoke, Northampton or
Reading either.
The article 4 directions are what are normally flagged up.
They are normally considered to be
“backstop powers to require developers to apply for
planning permission for HMO conversions”.
Councils may use them
“in cases where they have concerns about the impact of a
concentration of HMOs on local objectives in an area.”
Marvellous! That is music to my ears—absolutely delightful.
This is where the council has backstop powers where there
is a concern about the impact of a concentration of HMOs.
Sadly, all is not well. It might appear good, but this is
the curate’s egg. There might be a good bit, but most of it
is completely rotten.
The plan continues:
“A council has to give 12 months’ notice before it can use
an Article 4 Direction”—
meaning that the powers have no use whatsoever
“for reacting swiftly or efficiently”.
It goes on:
“If a council cannot wait 12 months to use an Article 4
Direction because it would risk the best interests of their
residents…they must pay compensation costs.”
I need hardly say that local authorities are under
unprecedented financial pressure and simply to take the
risk of having to pay in these particular cases would be
untenable.
Equally:
“If a council uses an Article 4 direction, it will not
necessarily prohibit the development or change of use.”
What use is it? That is ridiculous. It is as much use as a
chocolate teapot. I see no more purpose in it whatsoever.
It simply means that local people may have an opportunity
to make representations and the elected representatives can
decide on the development’s merits, but after the horse has
bolted.
Article 4 directions must be reduced to get rid of the
12-month notice period and the compensation provisions.
These are handcuffs. These are a ball and chain on local
councils. It is impossible for a serious, sensible and
concerned local council to actually act in the ambit of the
article 4 direction, if 12 months’ notice must be given,
plus the concentration provision. It simply makes no sense
whatsoever. I believe that the Local Government Association
has made representations to the Minister and her Secretary
of State on this matter.
Planning law has to balance the two priorities. In the case
of HMOs, I think we tended to look at it through the prism
of student accommodation, or accommodation in some rundown,
old areas, where it seemed to be a regeneration and
gentrifying tool—in some cases it was; in some cases it was
not. In the case of Perivale, it seems to me that someone
has constructed a financial algorithm that says, “Because
house prices here are lower than in the rest of west
London, for the moment, where you can buy a three-bedroom
suburban house for under £700,000”—that might raise
eyebrows in Stoke but, believe me, it is pretty good value
for money in west London—“if that is split into six units,
you will get about £1,000 a month in rent.” Do the maths,
as they say. It will work out as a very profitable
arrangement. One of the people behind these companies is
based in Brooklyn, New York, which is not normally closely
linked with the London borough of Ealing, let alone
Perivale. That suggests to me that this is a
straightforward financial consideration that someone has
made.
I am in no way opposed to people making a few honest bob.
Good luck to them. I am quite new Labour about this. I
think that people should be able to make money, but not at
the expense of suffering constituents and residents, who
wake up in the morning to find that what was their
home—their parent’s home, in many cases—their neighbourhood
and their area have changed utterly beyond recognition.
What about the people moving in there? The young
professionals or students moving into an HMO in Perivale
are not going to be welcomed, wanted, liked or loved; it is
going to be damn difficult for them.
What worries me most of all, however, is the fact that
people look to their local authority, just as they look to
us as Members of Parliament, to protect and defend their
rights and interests. We must do that. The law should work
for people, not against them. In this case, by tightening
up an article 4 direction and maybe having a look at some
of the other regulations within the use classes order, we
can solve this problem. Now is the right time to solve this
problem, because the national planning policy framework is
subject to consultation at the moment.
I want my hon. Friend the Member for Reading East (Matt
Rodda) to make a brief speech. Mr Hanson. I hope that I
have not been overly emotional, but I cannot stress too
strongly the impact of this sort of development on quiet,
decent, ordinary suburban people, who have not asked for
this, do not want it and cannot endure it much longer. I
look to the Government to come to their rescue.
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(in the Chair)
I will call Mr Rodda to speak, but we must remember that
the debate finishes at 4.30 pm and the Minister has to
respond.
4.17 pm
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(Reading East) (Lab)
Thank you, Mr Hanson, for the opportunity to speak briefly
in the debate. I welcome the work of my hon. Friend the
Member for Ealing North (Stephen Pound) on this important
issue and I congratulate him on securing the debate. I want
to speak briefly in support of the hon. Member for
Northampton South (Andrew Lewer) and also my hon. Friend
the Member for Stoke-on-Trent Central (Gareth Snell), and
make two points.
The first point is about the sheer proliferation of HMOs in
urban Britain today. In my experience as a former
councillor and now as an MP for a town in the country some
way from London, the scale is quite significant and might
not be fully recognised by all colleagues. Some 28% of the
housing in Reading is now privately rented, and a
significant proportion are HMOs. The typical issues that we
face in our town may well be familiar to colleagues
representing similar sorts of towns with similar street
layouts. We have a lot of Victorian and 1920s housing. We
have a limited amount of street space for parking—it is not
like a rural area, with driveways or land at the side of
buildings. One of the big challenges that we face—I suspect
that other hon. Members may face it in their
constituencies—is the sheer volume of cars generated by
HMOs, in what are already densely populated areas.
The second serious and practical problem is the large
number of additional refuse bins that are created. That
might sound like a mundane matter, but as my hon. Friend
the Member for Ealing North pointed out, a sudden change in
the housing ownership on a quiet street can dramatically
alter its appearance. It can be quite disturbing for local
residents to suddenly see large numbers of new bins popping
up in front gardens and large numbers of cars. The other
issue is that many small front gardens become overgrown and
much less attractive. It can be quite a dramatic change for
residents who are used to living in a settled urban
environment—and who are often from a range of age groups,
from young couples and single people to elderly people—to
suddenly have a proliferation of very often temporary
residents who are unable to stay in the area for long and,
as a result, unfortunately unable to put down roots.
I would also like to speak up for the residents in HMOs and
to consider things from their perspective, because part of
the issue is the wider lack of housing supply in the
country, particularly in hotspot areas. I do not know about
Northampton, but I suspect that, like us, it may face a
chronic lack of housing. Part of the problem is that there
is just not enough affordable housing for young people and
people moving into these areas. Although this is not quite
at the rates found in the constituency of my hon. Friend
the Member for Ealing North, I know someone who recently
had to pay £300,000 for a two-bedroom terraced house in
Reading town centre. That is pretty expensive. What we
really need is more affordable housing to buy and more
affordable council housing to rent.
I urge the Government to look into this. The article 4
directions offer some ability for local councils to
intervene, but they are wholly inadequate. If the Minister
can comment on that and suggest ways of enhancing
legislation, I will be extremely grateful.
4.20 pm
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The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Housing,
Communities and Local Government (Mrs Heather Wheeler)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Hanson.
I congratulate the hon. Member for Ealing North (Stephen
Pound) on securing this important debate. I welcome the
wide-ranging discussion and recognise many of the concerns
about the impact of houses in multiple occupation, or HMOs,
in certain areas.
I thought it would be helpful if I set out clearly the wide
range of housing and planning controls that exist to control
both the creation and operation of HMOs. I hope this will
demonstrate that local authorities have an effective array of
tools to ensure that any adverse impacts from HMOs can be
properly addressed. Before discussing those controls in
detail, it is important to acknowledge the wider context: the
pressing national need to increase the supply of all types of
housing.
As we set out in the housing White Paper, the Government are
determined to boost the supply of housing and, over the
longer term, create a more efficient housing market where
outcomes more closely match the needs of all households. Our
actions are already delivering success. Since 2010, we have
delivered more than 357,000 new affordable homes, and around
one quarter of them are in London.
The Prime Minister recently announced an additional £2
billion funding for affordable housing, which will increase
the affordable homes programme budget to over £9 billion. The
new funding will support councils and housing associations to
build more affordable homes where they are needed most—where
families are struggling with rental costs, and some are at
risk of homelessness. But there is more to do.
The Government recently published a revision of the national
planning policy framework for consultation, which implements
around 80 reforms announced last year. It will ensure that
planning remains locally led and that all local communities
get the homes and infrastructure they need. It represents an
ambitious step forward in our aim to tackle the housing
crisis by bringing forward more land for housing in the right
places. The consultation runs until 10 May at 11.45, that is
23.45—
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A quarter to midnight!
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Mrs Wheeler
At 23.45.
Subject to being properly planned, constructed and managed,
the provision of additional HMOs can make a small but
important contribution to housing supply in some areas. That
is particularly true for those entering the market for the
first time.
One final point of introduction: hon. Members will appreciate
that because of the Secretary of State’s role in the planning
process, I cannot comment on specific cases raised today. I
apologise to the hon. Gentleman that my comments will
therefore cover the issues in general. I hope, none the less,
to reassure hon. Members that the Government take proper
control of HMOs seriously.
HMOs play an important role in the private rented sector.
They provide a cheaper alternative to other private rented
accommodation and flexibility. However, they sometimes pose
greater management challenges than single household
accommodation. That is why mandatory licensing of HMOs was
introduced in 2004 for properties with three or more storeys
that are occupied by five or more people. Since its
introduction over a decade ago, it has been successful in
raising standards and enabling local authorities to tackle
overcrowded conditions and poor management practices.
However, significant growth in the private rented sector
means that some smaller properties are being converted for
use as HMOs. Those HMOs do not legally require a licence at
the minute, and there are sometimes problems with standards.
To address that, we are extending mandatory licensing, which
we expect to come into force in October 2018.
I am sure you will be pleased to hear, Mr Hanson, that the
extended scope of mandatory HMO licensing will cover
properties where five or more unrelated tenants share
facilities, regardless of the number of floors in the
building. We are also creating two new mandatory HMO licence
conditions: national minimum sizes for rooms used as sleeping
accommodation, and a requirement to comply with council
refuse schemes.
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As the Minister is outlining things that the Government are
looking to do, would they be willing to consider a saturation
limit? As my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing North (Stephen
Pound) said, the issue is not necessarily the numbers, but
the concentration in certain areas. If the Government were
able to entertain that, I am sure she would find cross-party
support.
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Mrs Wheeler
There is not, in fact, a limit on the number of HMO licences
a local housing authority can issue, so it can deal with it
that way.
Good management of HMOs is important. Before a local housing
authority can issue a licence, it must be satisfied that the
proposed licence holder or landlord is a fit and proper
person. It has to ensure that the landlord has no unspent
convictions, has not carried out unlawful discrimination and
is not in contravention of housing or landlord and tenant
law.
Local authorities have the powers that they need to impose
conditions on how landlords manage these properties, and to
ensure that they do not cause overcrowding. Conditions can
also be included to ensure that landlords maintain the upkeep
of properties. The conditions can also make them responsible
for such things as antisocial behaviour committed by their
tenants. A breach of a licence condition is a criminal
offence and a licence holder can receive a substantial fine
if convicted. Repeated or substantial breaches of a condition
can also result in the licence being revoked. That is a
significant penalty.
Licensing HMO properties strengthens a local authority’s
enforcement capacity. They have strong powers in the Housing
Act 2004 to tackle poor property conditions and overcrowding
in HMOs. They can serve improvement notices requiring
landlords to carry out works to remedy poor conditions or
make prohibition orders to prevent overcrowding. In the most
serious cases, where the health and safety of tenants and
their families is at significant risk, local authorities are
under a duty to take action to combat the problem.
Landlords who fail to comply with an improvement notice or
prohibition order are committing a criminal offence. Indeed,
failure to apply for a licence is also a criminal offence. We
have gone further in tackling rogue landlords by introducing
new powers in the Housing and Planning Act 2016 that mean
that non-compliant landlords can face a civil penalty of up
to £30,000. Furthermore, we have enabled local authorities to
keep the income from such fines to support their enforcement
capacity.
Ealing, specifically, has been proactive in licensing smaller
HMOs by introducing an additional licensing scheme in 2017 to
cover HMOs occupied by four people or more. Ealing has gone
further in using licensing to raise standards in the sector.
It has also introduced selective licensing, which allows it
to license all private rented properties in specific parts
east of the borough. That is with a view to driving
improvements in the quality and management of such
properties. Ealing has also previously been successful in
securing additional financial support under our rogue
landlord funding. Through that, it has carried out more than
1,500 inspections and 30 raids in partnership with the UK
Border Agency.
However, I recognise that HMO accommodation can sometimes
lead to problems for local residents who live in the
vicinity. Many of the problems arise from the intensification
of the use of the property. If there is a concentration of
HMOs, the cumulative impact can affect neighbours’ amenities.
The planning system also has a role to play in controlling
such development. Permitted development rights allow a family
house to be changed to a small house in multiple occupation
for up to six people sharing facilities without a planning
application. Where neighbours have concerns, they can alert
the planning authority. It is then for the planning authority
to determine whether the works are lawful, and if not what,
if any, action to take.
I will get to article 4, but I am concerned about the time
because the hon. Gentleman probably wants to respond.
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indicated dissent.
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Mrs Wheeler
The hon. Gentleman does not? That is really kind; I thank
him.
I will talk more about enforcement. A landlord who
deliberately rents out a house to more than six individuals
would be in breach of planning control if they had not
obtained planning permission from the local planning
authority, so it could take enforcement action.
The Government believe that it is important to tackle
breaches of planning control that would have an unacceptable
impact on the amenity of an area. Local planning authorities
already have a wide range of strong enforcement powers to do
so. However, enforcement action can be taken only when a
breach has occurred. It cannot be taken in anticipation of a
likely breach; although, where a local authority considers
that an unauthorised development is likely to occur, it can
apply for an injunction to prevent that from happening.
Making full and effective use of all the available powers can
also act as a deterrent. Taking action against the unlawful
development of houses in multiple occupation in a targeted
area, combined with licensing and building regulation
enforcement if necessary, can send a strong message to other
rogue developers and landlords that they will not be
tolerated. However, it is up to planning authorities when and
how they use these powers. I am encouraged to learn that the
hon. Gentleman recently met the chief planner of Ealing
London Borough Council to discuss the local issue. It is best
placed to undertake these investigations.
To conclude, I hope that hon. Members are convinced that
there are rigorous powers available to local authorities to
ensure the control and management of HMOs.
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